Academic literature on the topic 'Arizona Superintendency'

Golf course superintendents in the southwestern United States (Tucson, Ariz.; Phoenix, Ariz.; Las Vegas, Nev.; Orange County, Calif.) were surveyed to assess attitudes toward using reuse water for irrigation. Eighty-nine golf course personnel returned the survey, with 28% indicating that they irrigate with municipal water, 36% with well water, and 27% with reuse water. The reason for switching to reuse water varied by state, with 40% of respondents switching in Arizona because of mandates, 47% switching in Nevada because of cost incentives, and 47% switching in California because it was considered a more reliable source of water. Less than 20% of the respondents rated the use of reuse water on golf courses and parks to have a negative impact on cost, the environment and health. However, respondents indicated that using reuse water does have a negative impact on the operations of the golf course, with pond maintenance and irrigation maintenance having the highest negative impact (∼80%). Multiple regression analysis revealed that among those who indicated that using reuse water would have a negative impact on golf course management, a higher percentage were individuals who had a greater number of years of experience irrigating with reuse water (P = 0.01) and individuals who have taken classes on how to use reuse water (P = 0.05). Respondents who currently irrigate with reuse water indicated they had changed a wide range of landscape and turfgrass management practices as a result of using reuse water. Based on the results of this survey, it was concluded that golf course personnel in the southwestern U.S. do not oppose the transition to reuse water for irrigation. However, it was also clear they recognize using such water negatively impacts their golf courses' operations.

A disease resembling brown ring (Waitea) patch was observed on a ‘Dominant Extreme’ creeping bentgrass (Agrostis stolonifera) green on a golf course in Maricopa County, Arizona in February 2010. The green was 17 months old and built with 95% sand and 5% peat moss. The superintendent reported seeing yellow rings, 12 to 16 cm in diameter, on several greens as early as 3 months postinstallation; the yellow rings developed into brown, necrotic rings. Symptoms started in the cool, cloudy, and moist conditions of December (5.0 to 6.7°C) and became persistent into the spring. Symptoms on the samples appeared to be yellowing of leaves and stems with the development of a dark, water-soaked appearance of the whole plant on older affected portions. The samples were incubated in a moist chamber at 22 to 25°C for 24 h. Foliar mycelium developed on the symptomatic leaves, and upon microscopic examination, the mycelium appeared to have the characteristics of Rhizoctonia spp.; i.e., a right-angled branching pattern, constriction of the hyphal branch near its point of origin, and the presence of a septum near the point of origin. The pathogen was recovered from chlorotic tissue by plating the symptomatic tissue on one-quarter-strength acidified potato dextrose agar (9.90 g of PDA and 11.26 g of granulated agar [Fisher, Lenexa, KS] and 600 ml of lactic acid [Sigma, St. Louis, MO] per liter of water) and incubating at ~27°C in light. A Rhizoctonia-like pathogen emerged from the tissue within 48 h and was tentatively identified as Waitea circinata var. circinata based on colony and bulbil morphology after 10 days of incubation (3). The recovered isolate was used for DNA extraction and subsequent amplification and sequencing of the rDNA internally transcribed spacer (ITS) region using ITS1F and ITS4 primers (2). The recovered sequence (HM807352) was compared with the National Center for Biotechnology Information (NCBI) nucleic acid database and was found to show 100% similarity to W. circinata var. circinata (FJ755879). To confirm pathogenicity, the isolate was used to fulfill Koch's postulates. The isolate was grown on autoclaved sand and corn meal (250 g of sand and 50 g of corn meal) for 4 weeks to produce inoculum. Eight grams of colonized sand and corn meal was broadcast on 4-week-old creeping bentgrass seedlings (‘Penncross’) planted in a 90:10 peat moss/sand mixture in 10-cm-diameter pots. There were three replications and the experiment was repeated twice. Negative controls consisted of plants inoculated with sand and corn meal only. Pots were maintained at 28 to 33°C in the greenhouse with ambient light. Within 4 days of inoculation, the plants showed chlorosis and necrosis, while noninoculated plants showed no symptoms. The pathogen was successfully reisolated from several plants from each replication using the method described above. This pathogen has been known to cause disease on annual and rough bluegrass (1,2) in the United States, but not confirmed as a pathogen on creeping bentgrass here. To our knowledge, this is the first report of brown ring patch on creeping bentgrass in Arizona. References: (1) C. M. Chen et al. Plant Dis. 91:1687, 2007. (2) K. de la Cerda et al. Plant Dis. 91:791, 2007. (3) T. Toda et al. Plant Dis. 89:536, 2005.

This article presents the results of the Arizona Statewide Superintendents’ Survey regarding theevaluation of school principals. Arizona Revised Statute 15-353 delineates the responsibilities ofprincipals, which include providing leadership for the school, implementing the goals and the strategicplan of the school, serving as the administrator of the school, and distributing a parental satisfactionsurvey to the parent of every child enrolled at the school. There are state performance standards, theArizona Standards for School Administrators (ADE, 2010). Arizona law clearly defines the principal’sresponsibilities and each governing board is required to establish systems for the evaluation of theperformance of principals, but no uniform system is mandated and the evaluation of the performance ofprincipals is ill defined.

“No tratar de encontrar demasiado deprisa una definición de la ciudad; es un asunto demasiado vasto y hay muchas posibilidades de equivocarse.” (Perec, 2003: 97) Lo que George Perec, en Especies de espacios, plantea para la ciudad, en este número lo tomamos para hablar en particular del territorio. Así más que ir siguiendo la huella de la definición del territorio trazamos un camino que nos permitiera materializar en una revista – soporte escrito - procesos de intervención que propusieran y tensionaran formas de entender y construir el territorio. Por esta razón, invitamos a profesionales, académicos e investigadores a presentar trabajos sobre la cartografía social, y en especial, de construcción participativa de los territorios. En el camino nos fuimos encontrando con los puntos y líneas que conforman este número. El trabajo de Ximena Arizaga, Juan Carraha y Roberto Moris nos propone, en el contexto de una investigación aplicada post – desastre de la provincia de Chañaral, reflexiones acerca del instrumento del mapeo, no solo como una forma de resolución de conflictos, sino que también como una opción de dibujar el territorio deseado por parte de los diferentes actores. Por su parte, Christian Quinteros trabajó en torno al Plan Regulador Comunal de la comuna de Melipilla, mostrando cómo dicho instrumento de planificación resultó ser un espacio privilegiado para reflexionar sobre la gobernanza territorial desde procesos de negociación político – técnicos asimétricos. Después, Bárbara Foster y Andrea Peroni analizan de manera crítica la gestión municipal que pone al centro la participación ciudadana de diferentes actores en San Luis de Macul (Peñalolén, Santiago), evidenciando cómo el territorio es abrazado y llenado de contenido también desde algunos “defectos” de la gestión política. Finalmente, Valentina Cortínez discute de qué modo las dinámicas territoriales y sus especificidades inciden en la equidad entre géneros, y a su vez cómo dicha (in)equidad impacta en las posibilidades que el desarrollo territorial nos propone. De esta forma los artículos van armando un mapa que nos muestra al territorio construido en base a deseos y proyectos de sus habitantes; como un espacio asimétrico a ser gobernado, pero que también aparece como el resultado intencionado de prácticas semi-clientelares que ocultan los conflictos y disensos; y que finalmente construye y se deja construir desde la (in)equidad de género. A estos artículos se suman dos entrevistas. La primera fue realizada a Marcela Fernández del Colectivo de Geografía Critica Gladys Armijo. Nos muestra, a partir del trabajo desarrollado por este colectivo, cómo el trabajo sobre lo espacial y de elaboración de mapas colectivos permite devolverle a la comunidad el protagonismo en la construcción y administración del territorio que habitan, generando con esto estrategias de acción y transformación de su entorno. Por último, María Isabel Leal, encargada del área de Calidad de Vida Laboral y Capacitación, de la Superintendencia de Servicios Sanitarios, nos habla de cómo el mapeo colectivo, a través del uso de herramientas visuales, íconos y cartografía, permite la rememoración, intercambio y priorización de temas y conflictos a trabajar con la comunidad. De esta manera, las entrevistas nos van mostrando un mapa del territorio que va de ida y de vuelta con las comunidades y habitantes con los que se ha trabajado. Por un lado, nos muestra que la construcción de mapas colectivos va dando herramientas a la comunidad para mejorar su gestión e intervención en el territorio que habitan, y por otro lado, que este ejercicio no sólo permite una mejor gestión sino que además da herramientas para que la comunidad entienda su territorio en vinculación con otros territorios, de menos o mayor envergadura, y de esta forma, sentirse parte de problemas y recursos colectivos. Todo el material encontrado en este camino y que da vida a este número, nos permite pensar el territorio como un proceso de ida y vuelta, constituído al menos desde tres aristas. En primer lugar, como aquel espacio donde ocurre la intervención, que la contiene, pero que además la llena de contenido en base a sus tradiciones e identidad. En segundo lugar, que el territorio es un lugar nombrado desde la cristalización de proyectos y deseos de la comunidad que habita en él, así como desde los proyectos políticos de sus autoridades. Finalmente, que el territorio, construido a través de ejercicios colectivos, permite vincular territorios y procesos de transformación social a diferentes escalas. El territorio es para la intervención social una suerte de lazo de unión, un nudo, es la manera como los actores, personas, cosas y procesos se sujetan y se mantienen en su lugar – sin perder su singularidad - dentro de lo que otra forma sería, parafraseando a Tim Ingold1, un flujo amorfo e inconcluso, Como dijimos inicialmente, este número trazó un camino para reflexionar sobre la construcción del territorio desde la intervención, y como cualquier recorrido, va abriendo posibilidades con cada uno de los artículos y entrevistas incluidas. La ruta seguida nos permitió mostrar un camino para pensar el territorio, pero a su vez nos muestra huellas de las rutas no seguidas, los destinos desechados o los próximos caminos a relevar. Estas últimas opciones serán los llamados de otros números de revistas, el contenido de otros proyectos, de otras intervenciones sociales o artísticas, para los cuales esperamos que lo materializado en estas páginas sirva como una voz a contestar, para continuar así con la conversación y reflexión en torno al territorio y sus manifestaciones en procesos de intervención y transformación social. 1Tim Ingold, La vida de las líneas. Ediciones Alberto Hurtado.Santiago, 2018.

To be successful, future leaders of the school, district, or other levels will require very different characteristics than those expected of leaders in the last decade (Fullan, 2000). The purpose of this study was to identify the key characteristics needed by school district superintendents to meet the demands of this position in the twenty-first century. The key characteristics were identified by exemplary superintendents who had been recognized for their effectiveness. The ten most frequently identified characteristics were then analyzed for commonalities and anomalies. A selected group of survey respondents also participated in semi-structured interviews to develop an understanding of the context surrounding the characteristic selections.This study of the key characteristics of effective superintendent indicates that an effective Arizona school superintendent for the 21st century must be centered on having the capacity, knowledge and aspirations to develop a collaborative relationship-driven culture. This study suggested both quantitatively and qualitatively that the development of positive relationships with all educational stakeholders was imperative to the success of the superintendent. Practicing and future superintendents will need to have superior interpersonal skills to be successful in the 21st century. Practicing and future superintendents will need to have superior interpersonal skills and it is the responsibility of university programs and professional organizations to provide opportunities for the development of these skills.

Golf course managers in arid environments must manage every drop of water like it is their last. Water restrictions continue to tighten and water costs are increasing exponentially in many areas. While superintendents in arid environments utilize onsite weather data to schedule irrigation, current research and new technologies offer ways to optimize soil moisture consistency and realize water savings. Courses in California are converting cool season grass to warm season grasses. Despite high conversion costs, the return on investment is typically less than 10 years and 25% or more water savings have been documented at numerous facilities. Significant water savings have been achieved in southern Nevada, California and Arizona though removing irrigated turf and replacing with desert landscape or nativegrasses. Portable soil moisture meters are widely used and inground soil moisture sensors are gaining popularity for use in large turf areas such as fairways and roughs.

One of the key roles of the public school system at the turn of the twentieth century was to create U.S. citizens. The federal government supported educational efforts in the noncontiguous territories that the United States acquired during the Spanish-American War. While both Arizona and New Mexico remained territories until 1912, they never received any federal educational aid. Americanization efforts across the United States largely encouraged a move away from foreign language instruction in the public schools in favor of English as the language of instruction. The interests of Americanization advocates coincided with the move to segregate students of Mexican descent into separate schools and classrooms throughout the Southwest. Administrators claimed they separated ethnic Mexican students due to their inability to speak the English language fluently. Despite the segregation of many Spanish-speaking students across the Southwest, Spanish remained in many classrooms in New Mexico—especially in the northern counties. Spanish was used in schools with the early support of the territorial superintendent of instruction and the New Mexico Journal of Education who both recognized that the vast majority of students in those districts entered school as monolingual Spanish speakers.

ALL OF THE REFORMS DISCUSSED SO FAR seek to promote the individual and collective goals of education by improving public schooling—making schools and classrooms more racially integrated, more equitably funded, more academically challenging, more focused on student learning. The most vehement critics of public education, however, look at the forty-year history of reform in this country and conclude that pursuit of the American dream through public schooling is bound to fail. They believe that the current system of public education exists for the adults who work in it and eats money, that the public has invested more than enough time and resources in trying to make the system work and should try another approach. In the words of a mother and choice advocate from New Hampshire, the public system is about “Power and money! The public school system is a powerful monopoly. The people running this monopoly fear change. They fear the resulting demise of their power.” To her mind, only by fighting this “chokehold” can we promote collective as well as individual goals of schooling: … If the school system doesn’t live up to our standards, we should have the right to “save” our children. . . . Any child not educated to be the best that he can be is heartbreaking to most parents. Any child not educated to be the best that he can be is of less value to the community he lives in. . . . This is where the concept of “school choice” becomes so important as a civil right…. Advocates of choice believe that public schooling cannot work and dooms poor children. “The combination of monopoly in the public sector, significant profitability for those who serve the monopoly and the unique ability for the wealthy to choose the best schools has translated into a nightmare of predictable results for ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots,’” says Lisa Keegan, the former superintendent of public instruction in Arizona:… Public education in the United States should be that in which the money necessary for an education follows a child to the school his or her parent determines is best. . . . The nation cannot abide a system that is blatantly unfair in the access it provides its students to excellent education. This battle for the right of all children to access a quality education is the civil rights movement of our time, and it will succeed.