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Hungerford, John. "The Political Animal: Aristotle on Nature, Reason and Politics." Thesis, Boston College, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108122.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettThis dissertation investigates Aristotle’s famous claim that “the human being is by nature a political animal.” This claim seems to express a basic disagreement between Aristotelian political philosophy and the contractarian political philosophy that informs modern liberalism. Aristotle asserts, contrary to Hobbes, for instance, that the political community is not a convention between naturally individual human beings but a natural entity in its own right prior to and authoritative over the individual. Yet not only are Aristotle’s reasons for supposing that we are naturally political obscure and questionable, but the meaning of Aristotle’s claim that we are naturally political is not altogether clear. For not only does Aristotle suggest that we are naturally political because the city is naturally prior to and authoritative over us, but he suggests we are political animals above all due to our distinctive faculty of reason, or speech, which, because it is the medium of the perception of advantage and justice that informs our actions, is what constitutes the city. Speech, in other words, is what brings the city to sight as the natural whole Aristotle asserts it to be. This suggests, however, that the naturalness of politics must be evaluated on the basis of such speech, which admits of clarification, and not on the basis Aristotle originally offers, which is speculation about the origins of the city. We argue that Aristotle’s dialectical examinations of despotic, political, and kingly forms of rule provide an outline of this task of clarification, which alone can permit us to evaluate the naturalness of politics. A close reading of these examinations, however, indicates that Aristotle ultimately rejects the view that the city is the natural whole it presents itself as being
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
2
Azarbarzin, Leili F. "Aristotle on the Family: An Analysis of Books I-III of Aristotle’s Politics in reference to Plato’s Republic." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1503.
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This paper is an analysis of Aristotle’s Politics in its critique of Plato’s Republic in reference to the topics of the ideal state and the role of the family. I focused on books I-III in Aristotle’s Politics to gain a deep understanding on Aristotle’s conception of the state and it’s goals in relation to its citizens as well as his critique on Plato’s ideal state. I also read book V and parts of book III of Plato’s Republic to gain a strong understanding of Plato’s requirements of the ideal state. In exploring the ideal states put forth by Plato and Aristotle, it became clear that the two sources of friction are in the state and the family. The first chapter of this paper discusses the general themes of Aristotle’s Politics such as how the state came to exist and the relationship between the good man and the good citizen. The second chapter offers insight to book V of Plato’s Republic but its majority is a focus on the critique of Plato’s proposed guardian or ruling class. The third and final chapter is an examination of how seriously one should take both Plato and Aristotle in their implications for the state and a tongue-in-cheek analysis of Aristotle’s critique of Plato in relation to the role of philosophy. This paper is concluded by considering the true implications of these philosophers on the role of reason and politics; more specifically considering how much of a role reason can have in promoting the state or the family. In understanding the guidelines of these two ideal states, one is better prepared in discussing the role of the family in modern government and to what extent both the family and the state can thrive together.
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Rogers, Tristan John, and Tristan John Rogers. "Virtue Politics." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/625650.
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Rosalind Hursthouse, Mark LeBar, Martha Nussbaum, and other contemporary philosophers have brought virtue ethics into conversation with political philosophy. These philosophers agree with Aristotle that the function of political authority is to enable persons to live well. But we still lack an account of how the virtues, as characteristics of persons, relate to political authority as a property of institutions. I argue that the authority of political institutions depends on performing the function of enabling persons to live well, while the virtues require, but also limit, the authority of political institutions. According to the account I develop, living well consists in the exercise of practical wisdom within a socially embedded institutional context. Political institutions enable living well by means of institutionally defined rights such as property rights that protect the exercise of practical wisdom, and they promote its development through the institutions of civil society such as the family. But, I argue, political authority is limited by the individual virtue of justice, understood as balancing conformity to the existing social norms and laws of a community with their necessary updating through ideals of virtue. Ultimately, I conclude that political authority properly functions to promote an indirect conception of the common good, according to which persons relate to each other virtuously through their shared institutions.
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Trott, Adriel M. "The challenge of physics reconciling nature and reason in Aristotle's "Politics" /." Click here for download, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1495950061&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=3260&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Stein, Vallerie Marie. "Husband and Wife in Aristotle's Politics." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107143.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettThis thesis examines the place of the family in Aristotle’s politics with a specific concentration on the place of the husband and wife. It argues that the husband and wife share in both the public and the private according to Aristotle. This thesis is meant to contribute to the ongoing debate about the relationship between public and private, and male and female, in the political science of Aristotle and aims to disprove interpretations that claim that there is sharp public-private or political-household divide between males and females. It does so in part by considering the household in relation to the city, the husband in relation to the wife, and the functions of man and woman in the household
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Pascarella, John Antonio. "Friendship, Politics, and the Good in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc801900/.
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In Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics, Books VIII and IX provide A philosophic examination of friendship. While these Books initially appear to be non sequiturs in the inquiry, a closer examination of the questions raised by the preceding Books and consideration of the discussion of friendship's position between two accounts of pleasure in Books VII and X indicate friendship's central role in the Ethics. In friendship, Aristotle finds a uniquely human capacity that helps readers understand the good is distinct from pleasure by leading them to think seriously about what they can hold in common with their friends throughout their lives without changing who they are. What emerges from Aristotle's account of friendship is a nuanced portrait of human nature that recognizes the authoritative place of the intellect in human beings and how its ability to think about an end and hold its thinking in relation to that end depends upon whether it orders or is ordered by pleasures and pains. Aristotle lays the groundwork for this conclusion throughout the Ethics by gradually disclosing pleasures and pains are not caused solely by things we feel through the senses, but by reasoned arguments and ideas as well. Through this insight, we can begin to understand how Aristotle's Ethics is a work of political philosophy; to fully appreciate the significance of his approach, however, we must contrast his work with that of Thomas Hobbes, his harshest Modern critic. Unlike Aristotle, Hobbes is nearly silent on friendship in his political philosophy, and examining his political works especially Leviathan reveals the absence of friendship is part of his deliberate attempt to advance a politics founded on the moral teaching that pleasure is the good. Aristotle's political philosophy, by way of contrast, aims to preserve the good, and through friendship, he not only disentangles the good from pleasure, but shows a level of human community more suitable for preserving the good than political regimes because these communities have more natural bonds than any regime can hope to create between its citizens.
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Woods, Robert Cathal. "The virtuous polity Aristotle on justice, self-Interest and citizenship /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1086112327.
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Aguilar, Abigail Pfister. "Virtue nationalism an Aristotelian defense of the nation /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1196050100.
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Morrissey, Christopher S. "Mirror of princes: René Girard, Aristotle, and the rebirth of tragedy /." Burnaby B.C. : Simon Fraser University, 2005. http://ir.lib.sfu.ca/handle/1892/2388.
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Geragotis, Stratos. "Le rôle de la justice politique dans la formation de la République selon Aristote." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212515.
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Higgins, William. "Piety in Aristotle's Best Regime:." Thesis, Boston College, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:108474.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettThis thesis seeks to explain why Aristotle considers piety a necessary component of the best regime that he presents in book 7 of the Politics. It argues that Aristotle includes piety in the best regime because the pious belief in divine providence, that is, divine reward for virtuous human beings and punishment for vicious human beings, provides an essential justification for moral virtue that enables the best regime to habituate its citizens in the practice of moral virtue without compelling them to deny their natural longing for happiness. Only this pious conception of divine providence enables the citizens of the best regime to be happy as they cope with the demands of moral virtue and citizenship
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2019
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Strauss, Brenna Rose. "Disharmony in the Constitution: Aristotle and Plato on the Education of Women and the Spartan Regime." Thesis, Boston College, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3730.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettDisharmony in the Constitution: Aristotle and Plato on the Education of Women and the Spartan Regime by Brenna R. Strauss Dissertation Advisor: Robert C. Bartlett ABSTRACT In their critiques of Sparta in the Politics and the Laws, Aristotle and Plato write that, where women are poorly regulated, the city cannot be happy. Using Sparta as a case study, I argue that Aristotle and Plato agree on crucial points regarding the education and regulation of women in a well-ordered regime. Such a regime recognizes the importance of the expression of love of one's own through stable, private families as well as the erotic character of human nature. Stable families require that men be assured of their paternity and therefore that women not mix freely in public. Because women will therefore have different roles than men, women and girls will not receive an education equal to that of men or boys, or one as consistent with the aim of the regime. As a result, most regimes will be characterized by tension between the public and private spheres, as was the case in Sparta. The erotic character of human beings exacerbates this tension. Men's immoderate desire generally gives women authority over men, undermining the legislator's attempts to educate and regulate women and men alike. Even in the well-ordered regime, most human beings will not be able to attain a moderate disposition, but will merely achieve self-restraint supported by law and custom. Although there is no indication that women are incapable of human excellence, their inferior education will make them less capable of prudence or philosophy. The domestic role and inferior character of women in the well-ordered regime are due, I conclude, to an attempt to reconcile our individual, mortal natures and our need to live together in political community. The consequent disharmony in the constitution reflects the inherent tension between these two aspects of human nature
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Row, Sean M. "Teleology in Political Contexts: An Assessment of Monte Ransome Johnson’s “Aristotle on Teleology”." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1245252903.
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Rosler, Andrés. "Political authority and obligation in Aristotle /." Oxford : Clarendon press, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39905329x.
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Celik, Sinan Kadir. "A Survey Of The Distinction Between Ethics And Politics With An Aristotelian Appraisal." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611742/index.pdf.
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A SURVEY OF THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS
WITH AN ARISTOTELIAN APPRAISAL
Çelik, Sinan Kadir Ph.D., Department of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ahmet &
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nam March 2010, 189 pages In the history of philosophy, ethics and politics have either been considered as two unrelated, irreducible realms or as identical to each other. In the thesis the historical transformation of the problematic relation between ethics and politics is critically evaluated. It is argued that from the emergence of the conflict in Ancient Greece following the &ldquo
Socratic ideal&rdquo
to the modern attempt for its resolution by the &ldquo
Machiavellian revolution,&rdquo
the prominent theories developed for dealing with the problem have defined politics as an amoral practice, as a science, a technique or an art. An alternative Aristotelian approach is tried to be developed so as to elucidate the nature of the distinction between ethics and politics. According to this view, ethics and politics can neither be strictly separated from each other nor be reduced into one another. The Aristotelian conception of politike as &ldquo
philosophy of human affairs&rdquo
has ethical, practical and technical dimensions. The thesis tries to clarify at which point ethics and politics should be conceived as two different practices and at which point they cannot be treated as independent from each other. Hence, the present study aims to determine the peculiarities and the strong sides of Aristotelian practical philosophy in order to offer an alternative to resolve the problem under consideration.
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Chih, Chiu Yi. "A eudaimonia na polis excelente de Aristóteles." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-03022010-131909/.
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A concepção de felicidade é fundamental na filosofia aristotélica, considerando os livros da Ética e da Política. Os livros da Política VII-VIII apresentam-na vinculada ao projeto da polis ideal. Como Aristóteles concebe e viabiliza concretamente seu projeto nesse contexto em que os cidadãos efetivamente se tornam felizes? Em que medida a concepção da polis excelente tem como seu fundamento a concepção de felicidade? E que concepção é esta? Não é por outra razão que emergem tantas discussões e pontos de vistas divergentes, uma vez que muitos estudiosos não têm as mesmas interpretações a respeito dela. Há discussões entre teses exclusivistas e inclusivistas que nos ajudam a refletir sobre a concepção de felicidade no contexto político. O que se pretende neste estudo é analisar os livros I e X da Ethica icomachea em estreita relação com o projeto prático-político elaborado nos livros VII-VIII da Política. A vida feliz conduzida pela virtude serve como parâmetro de avaliação do que seja um regime político excelente (ariste politeia). Por esse viés, a Ética se articula com a Politica na fundamentação e na análise das condições de possibilidade da eudaimonia para a polis.The conception of happiness is fundamental in aristotelian philosophy, as regards the books of Ethics and Politics. The books VII-VIII show it attached to the project of the ideal city. How Aristotle conceives and realizes his project in this context, where the citizens become really happy? To what extent the conception of the ideal city has as its ground the conception of happiness? And what conception is it? It is not for another reason that many discussions and different points of view emerge, since many scholars haven´t the same interpretations about it. There are are disagreements between exclusivist and inclusivist thesis, which help us to reflect about the conception of happiness in the context of ideal city. This study intends to reflect about this conception in the political context.Thus, we can remark and analyse how the project is drawn in the books VII-VIII of Politics, where its serves as the parameter of evaluation of what it is the excellent constitution for the ideal city (ariste politeia). In this way, the books VII-VIII provide an analysis of the conditions of possibility of happiness for the polis.
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Chasin, Milney. "Política, limite e mediania em Aristóteles." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-04122007-110142/.
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O propósito deste trabalho é determinar a natureza, especificidade e necessidade da categoria da política no pensamento maduro de Aristóteles, tendo por eixo central o exame de três obras capitais: Ética Nicomaquéia, A Constituição de Atenas e Política. Estabelecer, portanto, os nexos e laços históricos que uniram e animaram o pensamento político do estagirita, relacionando-os à realidade ateniense do século do IV a.C que influenciou, sobremaneira, a démarche ideológica do filósofo em tela. Trata-se de apontar os elos que motivaram concretamente o autor a encontrar na política e na ética instrumentos a moderar, a impor limites ao modo de vida grego (à comunidade política) e à individualidade, respectivamente. O ideário político-ético aristotélico brotou dos desafios incontornáveis de uma pólis grega declinante, com suas adstringências ingênitas, de apoucadas forças produtivas. Assim, foi levado, historicamente, a responder ao grande desafio de seu tempo: recompor, a partir de certa exeqüibilidade, o equilíbrio citadino perdido por décadas de guerras internas e externas. De modo que, política e ética foram compreendidas como mecanismos reguladores a dirimir conflitos e tensões em momento singular da vida pública grega, a saber, em uma pólis prestes a perder sua autonomia política para Filipe e Alexandre. Em síntese, visava, portanto, intermediar relações, limitar e equilibrar a comunidade e o indivíduo que dela participava, pois, do contrário, a ausência de limites acabaria (como de fato ocorreu) impondo a dissolução da vida in communitas.The purpose of this work is to determine the nature, specificity and necessity of the politics category in Aristotle\'s mature thought, having as central axis the examination of his major works: Nichomachean Ethics, Constitution of Athens and Politics. To find, therefore, the historical nexus and ties that animate and link the Stagirite\'s political ideology to the 4th-century BC Athenian reality, which strongly influenced the philosopher\'s ideological démarche. The point is to establish the links that concretely motivated the philosopher of Stagira to find in Politics and in Ethics the instruments to moderate and impose limits to the Greek way of life (the political community) and to individuality, respectively. Thus, the Aristotelian political-ethical ideology rises from the unescapable challenges of a declining Greek polis, with its innate restrictions of scarce productive forces. Such a reflection finds in the Athenian decline the motivation for its birth, that is, the Stagirite is historically driven to respond to the great challenge of his time: to recompose, within a certain degree of possibility, the city-state balance lost through decades of internal and external wars. In this way, Politics and Ethics are understood as regulative mechanisms to settle conflicts and tensions in a singular moment of Greek public life, that is, in a polis about to lose its political autonomy to Philip and Alexander. In synthesis, the aim of the Stagirite\'s political-ethical ideology is to intermediate relations, to limit and to equilibrate the community and its participant individual because, otherwise, the absence of limits would eventually impose (as it actually occurred) the dissolution of life in communitas.
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Flüeler, Christoph. "Rezeption und Interpretation der Aristotelischen "Politica" im späten Mittelalter /." Amsterdam : B. R. Grüner, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36664745b.
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Aluze, Vincent. "Rhétorique et politique dans les "Librorum deperditorum Fragmenta" d'Aristote : avec présentation, édition, traduction, annotations et commentaire des fragments relatifs à la rhétorique, à l'éthique et à la politique." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3111.
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La thèse examine la relation de la rhétorique, de l’éthique et de la politique dans les fragments des œuvres perdues d’Aristote, et la recherche porte plus largement sur le lien de cette relation avec l’ensemble de la philosophie d’Aristote. Cette étude tente donc de savoir si Aristote, par opposition à ses prédécesseurs, est bien « l’inventeur » de la rhétorique – à laquelle il confère le rang de technique avec une méthode et un objet propres dans le traité éponyme – dès ses premières œuvres de jeunesse, ou bien si sa conception a évolué au cours du temps. Ce faisant et en considérant les aspects éthico-politiques des ces œuvres perdues, l’examen discute les grandes hypothèses interprétatives qui ont été proposées à ce sujet pour soutenir la thèse d’une cohérence de la pensée d’Aristote plutôt que celle d’une évolution. L’étude comporte deux grands moments. Le premier consiste en l’édition, la traduction parfois inédite en langue française, et l’annotation des fragments des Librorum deperditorum relatifs à la rhétorique et la politique, avec la présentation des apparats critiques correspondants. Le second se consacre à l’examen de la cohérence de la pensée aristotélicienne au moyen du commentaire des fragments et de leur comparaison aux œuvres des sophistes (Protagoras, Gorgias, Isocrate, Lycophron), de Platon (Gorgias, Phèdre) et des traités aristotéliciens. Pour ce faire, le travail propose une étude lexicale du vocabulaire employé par Aristote, une analyse philosophique de certains concepts importants (andreia, eleutheriotês, eugeneia, metron, orgê, phronêsis) justifiée par leur emploi dans les fragments et le reste du Corpus aristotelicum, et une exégèse d’ensembleThe thesis investigates the relationship between rhetoric, ethics and politics in the fragments of Aristotle’s lost works, and more globally its relation in Aristotle’s entire philosophy. This study intends to understand if Aristotle, in opposition to his predecessors, is the « inventor » of the rhetoric – to which he awards the value of technique with a proper methodology and object in the eponym treatise – from is early years works, or if his conception of it evolved in time. In doing so, and considering the ethico-political aspects of these lost works, the thesis discusses the main interpretative hypothesis that have been proposed on this subject in order to support the theory of Aristotle’s thought consistency, more than its evolution. The study stands in two main parts. The first one consists in the edition, the translation sometimes unprecedented in French language, and the annotation of Librorum deperditorum’s fragments related to rhetoric and politics, including the corresponding critical apparatus. The second inspects the consistency of Aristotle’s thought using the fragments’ comments and in comparison to the works of the sophists (Protagoras, Gorgias, Isocrates, Lycophron), of Plato (Gorgias, Phaedrus) and of the aristotelian treatises. To proceed, a lexical study of the vocabulary used by Aristotle, a philosophic analysis of a few main concepts (andreia, eleutheriotês, eugeneia, metron, orgê, phronêsis) justified by their presence in the fragments and the rest of the Corpus aristotelicum, and a comprehensive textual exegesis have been undertaken
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Chan, Joseph Cho Wai. "Politics and the good life : explorations of Aristotle's political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240264.
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Soares, Larissa Barbosa Nicolosi. "Igualdade política e desigualdade econômico-social na Política de Aristóteles." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/107/107131/tde-01092017-110937/.
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A presente dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo estudar os fundamentos da comunidade política (polis), em especial, de que modo fundamentos, como a liberdade e a igualdade, contribuem para perturbação e conservação da comunidade política, a partir do livro I e II da Política de Aristóteles. A pesquisa busca mostrar o papel relevante da crítica que Aristóteles lança à aquisição ilimitada de bens e da crítica à propriedade comum dos bens, proposta por Sócrates, na República - i.e. tal como Aristóteles compreende Sócrates - para sua visão de unidade política.This thesis aims to study, based on Books I and II of Aristotle\'s Politics, the foundations of the political community (polis), in particular, how core principles such as freedom and equality contribute to the disturbance or to the conservation of the political community. This research intends to present the important role of both Aristotle\'s critique addressed to the limitless accumulation of wealth, and his critique of the common ownership of properties--proposed by Socrates in the Republic - i.e. as Aristotle understands Socrates--to constitute his vision of political unity.
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Inamura, Kazutaka. "Aristotle's theory of political distribution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609930.
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Sigalet, Geoffrey. "Pimps, pupils and philosophers: Aristotle's politics of shame." Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=104862.
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Abstract: This essay seeks to (i) demonstrate Aristotle's philosophical view of shame, and (ii) explore the role of this view of shame in Aristotle's view of how we learn to be good, the relation between students and teachers, the relation of the philosopher to society, and Aristotle's own relationship to post-imperial democratic Athens. In part (i) of this essay I shall argue that Aristotle divides shame into different types according to its affective and cognitive qualities and referents: these being (1) Learner-True shame: occurrent and true; (2) Learner-Common shame: occurrent and doxastic (relating to doxa and nomos); (3) Mature-True shame: conditionally dispositional and true; (4) Mature-Common shame: conditionally dispositional and doxastic but false. In part (ii-α)I shall also argue that shame impact our actions in deliberation by pushing us away from what is commonly shameful, and in changing our views (both as the subjects and participants) in intersubjective shaming situations such as that which informs the very inquiry of the Nicomachean Ethics. I argue that Aristotle must look to what is commonly shameful in order to be understood by his audience, avoid being persecuted, and to effectively inquire and shame his audience. In part (ii-β) I argue that we come to feel shame by habituation and mimetic activity and that most subjects move from shame types (2) to (1) to (3) if they are born into a city with virtuous laws and allow themselves to be pushed in the right direction. Subjects pushed in the opposite direction will usually start from false type (2) and move to type (4). In part (iii) I summarize the above arguments and suggest that Aristotle's own approach to shame is what might be call "Aristotelian Respectful Shame" which involves looking to what is commonly shameful because of and in the interest of discovering what is truly shameful. As confronting shame and what is commonly shameful forms a part of philosophy that concerns human life, and philosophy is the best life for man, confronting shame is not simply a "ladder" to virtue but a fundamental part of the human experience –even at its best.Résumé: Cet essai a pour but (i) d'expliquer le point de vue philosophique d'Aristote sur la honte, et (ii) d'explorer le role de cet opinion dans le cadre du point de vue qu'a Aristote de la façon dont nous apprenons à être bons, de la relation entre maîtres et disciples, la relation entre le philosophe et la société, et la relation qu'a Aristote avec l'Athènes démocratique post-impériale. Dans la partie (i) de cet essai j'argumenterai qu'Aristote divise la honte en différentes parties selon ses qualités affectives et cognitives et leurs référents: ceux-ci étants (I) la honte Étudiant-Réelle: immédiate et vraie; (2) la honte Étudiant-Commune: immédiate et doxastique (liée à doxa et nomos); (3) la honte Mature-Réelle: de disposition conditionnelle et vraie; (4) la honte Mature-Commune: de disposition conditionnelle et doxastique mais fausse. Dans la partie (ii-α) j'argumenterai aussi que la honte a un impact sur nos actions lors de leur délibération en nous poussant à éviter ce qui est communément honteux, ainsi qu'en changeant nos points de vue(à la fois en tant que sujet et participant) lors des situations où la honte se manifeste de manière intersubjective telles que celles qui informent le sujet d'investigation de l'Éthique à Nicomaque. Je défends le point de vue selon lequel Aristote doit s'attarder à ce qui est communément honteux dans le but d'être compris de son audience, d'échapper à la persécution, et afin d'analyser et jeter la honte sur son audience. Dans la partie (ii-β) j'argumente que nous en venons à ressentir de la honte par habituation et activités mimétiques et que la plupart des sujets vont des types de honte (2) à (I) à (3) si ils sont nés dans un ville vertueuse comprenant des lois vertueuses et qu'ils se laissent pousser dans la bone direction. Les sujets poussés dans la mauvaise direction iront généralement du faux type (2) et se déplaceront tranquillement vers le type de honte (4). Dans la partie (iii) j'offre une synthèse les idées susmentionées et suggère que l'approche de la honte d'Aristote constitue ce que l'on peut désigner sous le nom de "honte respectueuse Aristotélicienne," qui implique un regard vers ce qui est communément honteux dans le but de découvrir ce qui est réellement gonteux. compte tenu du fait que la confrontation de la honte à ce qui est communément honteux constitue une partie de la philosophie qui se préoccuppe de la vie humaine, et parce que la philosophei est la meilleure vie possible pour l'homme, confronter la honte n'est pas simplement une "échelle" vers la vertu mais une part fondamentale de l'expérience humaine - même à son meilleur.
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Gill, David Ronald. "Civic equality and social justice in Aristotle's "Politics"." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186763.
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In the Politics, Aristotle claims that a distinctive feature of civic relations is that citizens are "free and equal". Also in the Politics, Aristotle claims that, as a matter of social justice, political power should be unequally distributed because citizens differ in axia ("worth" or "merit"). The tensions that the conjunction of these two claims introduces for Aristotle's political thought, and the theoretical moves Aristotle makes to overcome these tensions, have (I believe) been insufficiently explored. The following study (1) examines Aristotle's explanation of each of the above claims, (2) considers the problem which their conjunction produces for Aristotle's general account of the nature of the political community, and (3) explains and evaluates Aristotle's efforts to accommodate an aristocratically-rooted principle of distributive justice to a basic equality of status among all citizens. In the end, I argue, these efforts are not completely successful; however, Aristotle's project of reconciliation is itself historically important, and is one of the keys to understanding Aristotle's departure from previous thinkers in political theory, most notably Plato.
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Acosta, Robert. "Machiavellian heroes through the prism of Aristotle." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.
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Allen, Grace. "Vernacular encounters with Aristotle's politics in Italy, 1260-1600." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2015. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/6137/.
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This dissertation explores the use and dissemination of Aristotelian political theory in Italian literature from the late medieval period, when the first fragments of Aristotle’s political thought appeared in the West, to the sixteenth century, when vernacular Aristotelian literature flourished. I show how late medieval and Renaissance authors employed Aristotle’s Politics in various ways, according to their political background and allegiances, their approach to the text and their intended audience. I also demonstrate how, reciprocally, the vocabulary and classifications in the Politics shaped their understanding of their own political context. The thesis is divided into six chapters. The first chapter offers an overview, for comparative purposes, of the Latin and Greek reception of the Politics in Western Europe. The remaining chapters proceed chronologically. Chapter Two explores the place of the Politics in Italian vernacular literature of the late thirteenth and the fourteenth centuries. Chapter Three does the same for the fifteenth century, as well as considering the impact of Neo-Platonism and the ‘questione della lingua’on vernacular political Aristotelianism. The three remaining chapters cover the sixteenth century. Chapter Four concerns Antonio Brucioli, who composed a series of Aristotelian political dialogues in the 1520s and in 1547 produced the first vernacular translation of the Politics. The subject of Chapter Five is Bernardo Segni, whose translation of the Politics, accompanied by the first full vernacular commentary, was published in 1549. Chapter Six deals with a representative selection of the wide-ranging vernacular material written on the Politics in the second half of the sixteenth century. The dissertation concludes with an evaluation of the changing uses of the Politics in Italy from the late thirteenth century to the end of the sixteenth, examining the different ways in which the treatise served as a key to understanding politics and political reality.
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Hunsinger, Jeremy W. "Disciplinary Themes in Aristotle's Political and Ethical Writings." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/40925.
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This thesis is an exploratory study of the relationship between Foucault's conception of disciplinary power and the philosophical ideas of ancient Greece as exemplified by Aristotle. Foucault claims that disciplinary power arose only in the 17th and 18th centuries. This thesis demonstrates that there are similarities and parallels between certain facets of Aristotle's ethical and political theory and Foucault's idea of disciplinary power--parallels and similarities sufficiently strong to weaken, if not contradict, Foucault's description of the historical origin of disciplinary power.Master of Arts
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Magnoli, Bocchi Giovanni Battista. "Politica e storia nella "Retorica" di Aristotele : per un commento ad exempla historica." Thesis, Mulhouse, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018MULH1860.
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Le projet avait pour objectif d'étudier les contenus historiques des trois volumes de la Rhétorique d'Aristote. Comme il été souligné à juste titre à plusieurs reprises, le rapport entre le Stagirite et l'histoire est un domaine de recherche absolument profitable et qui a bénéficié d'une attention particulière de la part des historiens au cours des dix dernière années. Nous ne parlons pas de ce que dit Aristote directement de l'histoire, à partir du célèbre passage de la "Poétique", mais de l'usage qu'il fait, à des fins argumentatives, de plusieurs épisodes historiquement pertinents. Si, de fait, un jugement négatif vis-à-vis de l'Aristote «historique», issu des d'études de Wilamowitz, a largement influencé l'historiographie du XXe siècle, depuis quelques années, un travail ponctuel se poursuit pour redécouvrir le contenu historiquement intéressant de l'oeuvre du Stagirite. En effet, le philosophe se réfère souvent à des oeuvres perdues ou à la tradition directe, non seulement dans le cadre des disciples qui animaient l'Académie, établi par des Grecs aux origines le plus diverses, mais aussi dans celui de la culture athénienne au sens large. La rhétorique est de fait intrinsèquement liée à l'histoire politique de la cité, à ses lois, à ses constitutions et à la nécessité de persuader, véritable but de la "Rhétorique" aristotélicienne, qui se nourrit de tout cela. Ce corpus de données est donc un objet digne d'une grande attention, visant à le mettre «en sécurité» et à en dégager de façon pertinente le contenu «à travers» l'oeuvre d'Aristote. Avec des résultat très importants du point de vue historiographiqueThe project aimed to study the historical contents of the three volumes of Aristotle's Rhetoric. As has been rightly pointed out on several occasions, the relationship between Stagirite and history is an absolutely profitable field of research that has received special attention from historians over the past ten years. We do not speak of what Aristotle says directly from history, from the famous passage of Poetics,, but of the use he makes, for argumentative purposes, of several historically relevant episodes. If, in fact, a negative judgment with respect to the "historical" Aristotle, resulting from studies of Wilamowitz, largely influenced the historiography of the twentieth century, in recent years, a punctual work continues to rediscover the historically interesting content of the work of Stagirite. Indeed, the philosopher often refers to lost works or direct tradition, not only in the context of the disciples who animated the Academy, established by Greeks with the most diverse origins, but also in that of the Athenian culture at wider. Rhetoric is in fact intrinsically linked to the political history of the city, its laws, its constitutions and the need to persuade, the true goal of Aristotelian rhetoric, which feeds on all this. This corpus of data is therefore an object worthy of great attention, aiming at putting it "safe" and at releasing relevant content "through" the work of Aristotle. With very important results from the historiographical point of view
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Godoy, Henarejos Esther. "Público y privado en la filosofía práctica de Aristóteles." Doctoral thesis, Universidad de Murcia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/10829.
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En esta investigación se defiende que las concepciones de libertad, público y privado son categorías privilegiadas para abordar tanto la cultura griega como la filosofía práctica de Aristóteles. Apelando a los textos clásicos, se analizan tanto la génesis como la trascendencia de estos tres conceptos, lo que posibilita una clara percepción de lo que estos representan en la cultura griega y el cometido que desempeñan en la filosofía de Aristóteles. Desde estas premisas se examinan las dispares interpretaciones que de la filosofía aristotélica han realizado tanto la republicana Hannah Arendt como la liberal Judith Swanson. Análisis que concluye en que ambas pensadoras realizan lecturas incorrectas de los textos aristotélicos así como que el error de estas diferentes interpretaciones reside en que extrapolan sus propias concepciones de libertad, o la moderna concepción de la separación de esferas, trasladándolas anacrónicamente al análisis de los textos clásicos griegos.This investigation intends to demonstrate that the concepts of liberty, public and private, are privileged categories which explore both Greek culture and Aristotle´s practical philosophy. Using the classic texts as background, the genesis and the transcendence of these three concepts are analyzed, which gives a clear perception of what they represent in Greek culture and their role in Aristotle´s philosophy. This thesis also examines the polarized interpretations of the Aristotelian philosophy of both the republican Hannah Arendt, and the libertarian Judith Swanson. This analysis concludes that due to the thinkers´ extrapolation of their own notions of liberty and a modern interpretation of the separation of spheres theory to the classic Greek texts, resulting in an anachronism, the Aristotelian texts are incorrectly interpreted.
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Reid, Jeremy William, and Jeremy William Reid. "Imitations of Virtue: Plato and Aristotle on Non-Ideal Constitutions." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/626324.
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Plato and Aristotle both believe that in ideal circumstances the best form of government obtains when virtuous and knowledgeable people rule. But surprisingly, alongside their well-known views in ideal political philosophy, they also have rich and complex views on non-ideal political philosophy, and these views turn out to be deeply conservative. In the Statesman, Laws, and Politics, Plato and Aristotle recognize stability problems generated by non-ideal circumstances. Specifically, their views on the law’s role in habituation of character, and habituation’s role in ensuring the authority of the law lead them to think that the high costs of changing the existing legislation and constitutional arrangements normally outweigh the benefits gained.
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O'Connell, Luke Patrick. "Public reason vs. rhetoric John Rawls and Aristotle /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2004. http://www.tren.com.
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Tontiplaphol, Don. "Hunting for Happiness: Aristotle and the Good of Action." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11307.
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The starting point of the dissertation is a special kind of intentional action -- Aristotelian praxis, or, in a more metaphysical register, energeia -- a kind whose agent's intention in acting must be expressible as the deliverance of one's prohairesis (``deliberate choice''), action that is the embodiment of one's conception of eupraxia (``acting well''), and, equivalently, of eudaimonia (``happiness''). It is special, since not all that we intentionally do can be intelligibly expressed as the deliverance of our conceptions of acting well. Recognition of the gaps between action in general and intentional action more specifically, and between intentional action and prohairetic action, sets the stage for a reinterpretation, not only of core aspects of Aristotle's Ethics, but also of central features of Aristotle's political recommendations. The interpretation defended here centers on the claim that, for Aristotle, defective political communities are often marked, not so much by an erroneous conception of human virtue, but by defective forms of action, forms in which agents fail to apply certain concepts to what they do. Importantly, such failures do not hang on the different failure to apply concepts correctly: the failure to act prohairetically need not come to the failure to grasp the correct conception of human virtue or of human happiness.Government
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Alexander, Liz Anne. "The meaning of aristocracy in Aristotle's political thought." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ27594.pdf.
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Row, Sean M. "Teleology in political contexts an assessment of Monte Ransome Johnson's "Aristotle on teleology" /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1245252903.
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Rosler, Andres. "The authority of the state and the political obligation of the citizen in Aristotle." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313581.
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Pike, Jonathan E. "Marx, Aristotle and beyond : aspects of Aristotelianism in Marxist social ontology." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1995. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/3480/.
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Marx's debt to Aristotle has been noted, but inadequately. Usually commentators focus on the parallels between discrete ethical theories of both writers. However, for Marx, ethics is not a discrete field, but is founded on a conception of social ontology. This thesis links the two by showing that, precisely because of its Aristotelian roots, Marx's political economy of bourgeois society demands an ethical view arising from alienated labour. Marx conceives of bourgeois society as an organic whole. But this entails that is social matter can only exist potentially, and not fully setting up a tension that points to the eventual supercession of its social form. In this manner, Marx's Aristotelian hylomorphism provides the link between the early and the later Marx, between the critique of alienation and the mature works of political economy. This reading of Marx is facilitated by combining it with recent developments in philosophy. The works of Harré, Kripke and Wiggins, in particular have helped retrospectively to justify Marx's intuitive realism. Their contributions on explanation identity and sortals are applied in order to elucidate and justify his ontology. In the course of this, the problematic boundary between analytical philosophy and social theory is crossed. Marx restates ancient beliefs about the transitory nature of existence and the eternal nature of change. In particular, there are strong parallels between Marx's account of the decline and eventual fall of capitalism, and the Aristotelian message that all sublunary entities come to be and pass away. These parallels are sufficiently striking to allow us to recognise that Marx's account of the crisis ridden and ultimately doomed perspective for capitalism, overlooked by his protagonists, is but a variant of the Aristotelian theory of passing away or phthorá.
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Platanakis, Charilaos. "The concept of equality in Aristotle’s moral and political philosophy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.443464.
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Pinkoski, Nathan. "Postmodern Aristotles : Arendt, Strauss, and MacIntyre, and the recovery of political philosophy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b4d728b9-8bb4-47e6-ac01-16dcc9f6f314.
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What is political philosophy? Aristotle pursues that question by asking what the good is. If Nietzsche's postmodern diagnosis that modern philosophical rationalism has exhausted itself is true, it is unclear if an answer to that question is possible. Yet given the prevalence of extremist ideologies in 20th century politics, and the politically irresponsible support of philosophers for these ideologies, there is an urgent need for an answer. This thesis examines how, in these philosophical circumstances, Hannah Arendt, Leo Strauss, and Alasdair MacIntyre conclude that a key resource in the recovery of political philosophy, and in showing its contemporary relevance, lies in the recovery of Aristotle's political philosophy. This thesis contends that how and why Arendt, Strauss, and MacIntyre turn to Aristotle, and what they find in Aristotle, depends on their varying critiques of modernity. Convinced that the philosophical tradition is shattered irreversibly after the events of totalitarianism, Arendt argues for a retrieval of Aristotle and his understanding of politics from the fragments of that tradition. Strauss is impelled to turn to the political philosophy of Aristotle because of the crisis of radical historicism, to recover classical rationalismâs answer to what the good is. MacIntyre turns to Aristotle to find the moral justification for rejecting Stalinism that contemporary philosophical traditions fail to provide; he reconstructs an Aristotelian tradition that can answer the question of what the good is better than his contemporary rivals. Although these thinkers may appear disparate, this thesis argues that each addresses the question of what the good is by offering a vision of political philosophy as a way of life, which Aristotle helps form. This way of life probes the relationship between philosophy and politics as permanent problem for human existence. In recovering this tradition of thinking with Aristotle about the character of political philosophy, this thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of each of these thinkers, as well as to the practice of political philosophy in modern, post-Nietzschean times.
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Stone, Villani Nicolas. "The dissolution of constitutions : Aristotle in Italian political thought from Niccolò Machiavelli to Giovanni Botero." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:600663d5-b566-46c0-8a7a-418fca1d635b.
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This thesis studies the reception of Aristotle's political thought in sixteenth-century Italy. It focuses on Aristotle's discussion of the dissolution of constitutions in Book 5 of the Politics and aims to show how Aristotle's political thought remained central to late Renaissance political discourse. No comprehensive study of the topic exists. Modern historiography on Renaissance political thought generally downplays the importance of Aristotle in the history of sixteenth-century Italian political thought and emphasises the Roman tradition over the Greek. This research aims to fill the gap in modern scholarship and revise modern interpretation of Renaissance political theory. This thesis is essentially divided into three parts, each part containing two chapters. Part I is largely introductory. Chapter 1 offers a historiographical review of modern scholarship on the reception of Aristotle in the Renaissance and early-modern political thought. Chapter 2 explores the revival of Greek studies in the fifteenth century and the changing perception of Aristotle's Politics in the Renaissance. Part II focuses on Aristotle and Machiavelli. Chapter 3 examines the similarities between Aristotle's analysis of the means of preserving tyranny and Machiavelli's discussion of how to mantenere lo stato in The Prince. Chapter 4 explores the effects that these similarities between Aristotle and Machiavelli had on the reception of Aristotle in Renaissance political thought. Part III centres on Aristotle in the republican and vernacular traditions. Chapter 5 explains the importance of Aristotle's discussion of the dissolution of constitutions to Renaissance republican political thought. Chapter 6 underlines the continuous relevance of Aristotle's Politics in the second half of the sixteenth century. The conclusion sums up the central argument of each chapter and invites us to explore the influence of Aristotle on reason of state literature.
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ROVATI, ALESSANDRO. "Liberalismo, Neutralità dello Stato e la Politica della Chiesa. Filosofia Morale e Teologia Politica nel lavoro di Stanley Hauerwas." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6156.
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Questa tesi si occupa di analizzare il lavoro di Stanley Hauerwas, uno studioso di grande fama nel mondo accademico americano i cui testi sono molto letti in tutto il mondo. Tramite la lettura critica dell’intero corpus degli scritti di Hauerwas la tesi intende riflettere sul rapporto problematico tra Cristianesimo e liberalismo. A questo scopo, la tesi si concentra inizialmente sui presupposti filosofici che sono alla base delle argomentazioni di Hauerwas. In secondo luogo, riflette sulle idee ed istituzioni tipiche del liberalismo e sul loro rapporto con il Cristianesimo. Infine, descrive la proposta etica di Hauerwas e il modo con cui questa determina il tipo di politica che la chiesa e i cristiani dovrebbero avere. Seguendo l’ampiezza del lavoro di Hauerwas, la tesi si interessa di un gran numero di filosofi, teorici della politica e teologi, spaziando dagli scritti di Aristotele e Tommaso d’Aquino, alla filosofia del linguaggio di McCabe, Murdoch, e Wittgenstein, dalle riflessioni etiche di Kovesi, Anscombe, e MacIntyre, alle teorie politiche di Rawls, Stout e Coles. Grazie alla sottolineatura del ruolo delle virtù e della formazione morale, insieme all’enfasi posta sull’importanza che la tradizione della chiesa, le sue pratiche e il suo linguaggio hanno nel dare forma all’immaginazione e alle vite dei cristiani, Hauerwas descrive in maniera costruttiva e feconda una proposta politica genuinamente cristiana e ci aiuta a navigare le complessità del mondo contemporaneo.The dissertation provides an in-depth analysis of the scholarship of Stanley Hauerwas, a very prominent figure in the American academy whose body of work is widely read in many countries. By providing a close reading of Hauerwas’ entire corpus, the dissertation aims at discussing the contested relationship between Christianity and liberalism. It does so first, by focusing on the philosophical presuppositions that shape Hauerwas’ overall argument. Second, it reflects on the main liberal commitments and institutions and their relationship with Christianity. Third, it describes Hauerwas’ ethical proposal and its bearings on the political commitments that the church and Christians ought to have. Following the breadth of Hauerwas’ work, the dissertation deals with a great number of philosophers, political theorists, and theologians, spanning from the writings of Aristotle and Aquinas, to the philosophy of language of McCabe, Murdoch, and Wittgenstein, to the ethical reflections of Kovesi, Anscombe and MacIntyre, and to the political theory of Rawls, Stout, and Coles. Through his stress on the role of virtues and moral formation, and by emphasizing the importance that the church’s tradition, language, and practices have in shaping the imagination and lives of Christians, Hauerwas gives a constructive and fruitful description of what a genuine Christian politics looks like and helps us navigate the complex world of today.
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Lopez, Ramon E. "On rights a defense and analysis of rights through natural law." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/461.
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One of the central questions in political theory deals with the nature of rights. What sorts of rights do people possess? How are these rights justified? How ought these rights be reflected and related when seen in political, economic, and social institutions? Following the publication of John Rawls' A Theory of Justice (1971) and Robert Nozick's Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), rights have once again returned to dominate much of contemporary political theory. However, natural law, which was the historical basis of the early Enlightenment theories of rights, is no longer the primary system appealed to when discussing rights. In fact, classical natural law has been all but discarded in most of political theory today. There has also been renewed debate over the nature of public neutrality, and what the relationship ought to be between the public and private sphere. The mainstream view of how our liberties relate to our rights, as well as what kinds of rights we have over our private affairs, has come under fire from a newly emerging political philosophy known as communitarianism. This thesis will present a robust theory of rights that provides a new understanding of the relationship between positive and negative rights through a defense of classical natural law as an ethical foundation for political theory. It will side with the communitarian critics of public neutrality, and offer a practical method of determining when the state is justified in limiting private liberties due to public interest.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Chen, Ziang. "Justice and Prudence : Political Virtues in Gerald Odonis's Expositio cum quaestionibus super libros Ethicorum." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020EHES0077.
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Cette thèse doctorale étudie la question de la valeur morale de l'individu et de son existence relative au cadre sociétal et institutionnel, sur la base del'Expositio super libros ethicorum de Guiral Ot. Écrit pendant la première moitié des années 1320, il s’agit du premier commentaire complet écrit par un théologien franciscain sur l’Éthique à Nicomaque d’Aristote. Le commentaire offre un point de vue sur le paysage intellectuel du XIVe siècle, sur l'état des savoirs et de l'éducation, sur la réception d'Aristote, et sur les pensées morales et politiques. Cette œuvre illustre les traditions intellectuelles des frères mineurs et des commentateurs aristotéliciens dont hérite Guiral ainsi que son originalité vis-à-vis de celles ci. Cette thèse explore les circonstances intellectuelles et politiques entourant la composition du commentaire de Guiral et elle tente d’ancrer ce commentaire philosophique dans son propre contexte historique. Cette thèse porte principalement sur les questions discutées dans les livres V et VI, relatifs aux vertus de la justice et de la prudence, ainsi que sur les questions trouvées dans le prologue concernant le sujet, la structure et la fin de la science morale. Dans le schéma médiéval de la philosophie morale, la justice et la prudence constituent les deux piliers des vertus cardinales. La justice est conçue comme une vertu de la volonté et joue un rôle central dans la tradition franciscaine du volontarisme moral; c'est aussi une vertu inexorablement liée au droit et au légalisme, et par conséquent à l'administration gouvernementale et au système judiciaire, thèmes que Guiral a particulièrement approfondis dans son oeuvre. Selon Guiral, la prudence représente bien plus qu'une simple notion propositionnelle issue d'un raisonnement syllogistique; elle est la raison et la liberté intellectuelle qui sous-tendent fondamentalement l'indépendance morale et volontaire de l'individu par rapport aux raisons institutionnelles. Guiral situe l'individu au cœur de toutes les considérations morales et politiques. Il dérive ainsi les principes et la structure de l’éthique de l'expérience de l’individu dans sa société. Dans son commentaire, Guiral démontre une compréhension profonde du volontarisme et du subjectivisme individuel: la liberté volontaire du sujet moral et l'humanité de la personne dépassent toujours la raison institutionnelle et l'être collectivisteThe present thesis aims to address the questions on the moral worth of the individual and his existence within a societal and institutional setting by examining Gerald Odonis’s Expositio super libros Ethicorum. Written in the early 1320s, it is the first full-length commentary on Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics produced by a Franciscan theologian. It provides a prism into the intellectual landscape of the fourteenth century, on the state of scholarship and education, on the reception of Aristotle, and on the currents of moral and political philosophy. Odonis’s Ethics commentary bears witness to both our author’s originality and the intellectual traditions that he has inherited from both the Minorites and the Aristotelian commentators. The present thesis explores the intellectual and political circumstances surrounding the composition of Odonis’s commentary text, and attempts to anchor the philosophical commentary to its proper historical context. The thesis focuses primarily on Odonis’s question commentary on Books V and VI on the virtues of justice and prudence, as well as questions raised in the prologue concerning the subject, structure, and purpose of moral science. In the medieval scheme of moral philosophy, justice and prudence constitute two pillars of the cardinal virtues. Justice is accepted as a virtue of the will, and plays a central part in the Franciscan tradition of moral voluntarism; it is also a virtue inexorably linked with law and legality, and hence to government administration and the judicial system. All these are reflected in Odonis's writing. For Odonis, prudence represents far more than mere propositional knowledge derived from simple syllogistic reasoning; instead, it is the reason and intellectual freedom that fundamentally underpins the moral and voluntary independence of the individual against reasons of the institution. Odonis places the individual at the core of every moral and political consideration, and understands the scheme and structure of the moral science through the perspective of an individual’s moral experience in society. In his commentary, Odonis displays a profound sense of voluntarism and individual subjectivism: the voluntary freedom of the moral subject and the humanity of the person always surpass the reason and being of the collectivised institutions
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Thompson, Tess. "An Assessment of the Republican and Democratic Party Platforms with Respect to Justice." Thesis, Boston College, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/3080.
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Thesis advisor: Michael KellyThis thesis is an assessment of the notion of justice through the eyes of various philosophers including Aristotle, Montesquieu, the Federalists/Anti-Federalists, Rawls, and Sandel. These philosophies of justice are then applied to the Republican and Democratic platforms to assess which platform is the most just
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2013
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Carroll School of Management Honors Program
Discipline: Philosophy Honors Program
Discipline: Philosophy
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Berry, Matthew. "Law, Justice, and Equity in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107190.
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Thesis advisor: Robert C. BartlettAt the beginning of the fifth book of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle tells us that, according to common opinion, justice is lawful and fair. He concludes his examination of justice with a discussion of equity, which proves to be neither strictly lawful nor strictly fair—and yet Aristotle tells us that equity is, in a certain sense, the highest form of justice. This dissertation explains how Aristotle reaches this startling conclusion. I begin with an exploration of the careful taxonomy of justice that Aristotle lays out in the first half of book five. But Aristotle abruptly abandons this taxonomy midway through the book when he turns from the simply just to the politically just. For this reason and others, I argue that the second half of the book is not, as some have asserted, the application of the universal principles of justice to a political situation, but a new beginning and a fresh attempt to articulate the virtue of justice, free from the flaws we discover through a careful study of the first half of the book. Aristotle’s political justice takes its bearings from the health of a republican government, that is, a government of free and equal citizens. And yet political justice, like political courage, remains on the level of politics. Aristotle’s discussion of equity at the end of the book presents the virtuous form of justice, which corrects the flaws of justice as lawfulness and justice as fairness and permits justice to take its place in the economy of a noble human life
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Stervinou, Louis. "A Critical Interpretation of Aristotle's Ethics." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2027.
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This essay is a critical interpretation of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics, as it attempts to reconcile the tension between moral virtue and intellectual virtue, the two virtues which Aristotle deems characteristic of man. This paper looks to include both moral and intellectual virtue in Aristotle’s conception of the happy life, through the summarization and analyzation of David Keyt, J.L Ackrill, John Cooper and Daniel Devereux’s modern interpretations of the ethics.
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Savard, Dave. "L’avenir de la démocratie : perspectives des limites de la démocratie antique." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100075/document.
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La démocratie est liée au temps de manière tout à fait particulière, car elle évolue d’une génération à l’autre et doit donc être sans cesse redéfinie. Elle est niée en même temps que créée. C’est la raison pour laquelle le fait de s’intéresser au passé est une manière de mieux comprendre ce qu’est la démocratie aujourd’hui. Or, si nous voulons savoir à quoi elle correspond, on doit chercher à comprendre ce qu’est le sens véritable de la démocratie dans son idéal. Ainsi, prenons pour exemple la liberté. La démocratie doit apporter la liberté à la communauté à laquelle elle appartient, sans quoi il ne s’agit plus d’une démocratie, mais d’une représentation erronée de celle-ci. Par ailleurs, cette forme de liberté au sein de la démocratie ne peut être complète, car elle est toujours créée au travers de ses limites. De nos jours, elle semble inexistante ou désabusée, comme s’il n’y avait plus de lieu pour discuter de cet idéal, d’un lieu commun à tous, c’est-à-dire d’un endroit où l’on se sent chez soi, comme si l’on ne faisait qu’un avec la culture intellectuelle dans l’espace public. Pis encore, faut-il avoir le temps et le désir de discuter de l’idéal de vie que l’on recherche en tant que société. La démocratie répond-elle toujours à nos besoins intellectuels et moraux? Doit-on rechercher autre chose que la démocratie pour répondre à ces besoins? La démocratie doit être représentative du lieu d’où l’on vient et donner une orientation que la société dans laquelle on vit doit prendre, pour être proche de ses valeurs intellectuelles et morales. Cette démocratie doit vivre dans l’espace civique qui existe et qui doit continuer d’être pour que les générations actuelles et à venir la ressentent comme un parent attentionné et soucieux du futur de ses enfants, car il s’agit de son avenir à elle aussi. Ce lieu a pour but de susciter des réflexions telles que celles qui ont forgé notre passé jusqu’à l’avènement des démocraties libérales modernes et à partir desquelles l’on doit chercher à comprendre avec prudence, quel modèle démocratique répond le mieux à nos besoins intellectuels et moraux actuels, afin d’être bien préparé quant à son avenir. Sans contredit, la démocratie, quelle que soit son époque, est limitée par des événements qui la dépassent sans que l’on puisse pour autant cerner les difficultés à venir afin de les repenser, même si elle ne contrôle point la vie de l’homme en général, car les limites de la démocratie sont toujours en évolution, comme l’est la condition humaine. Les idées politiques changent et évoluent d’une génération à l’autre. Enfin, il semble curieux de vouloir comparer les limites de la démocratie grecque avec la nôtre, mais le fait de s’interroger sur le sens et la valeur du mot démocratie limite l’usure de cet idéal si souvent employé, à tort ou à raison. Le but de cette étude sera modeste, puisqu’il cherchera à réintroduire cette idée à l’aide de l’étude des mouvements de la pensée politique du Ve siècle sous différentes perspectives politiques telles que celles de Platon, d’Aristote et des sophistes. L’objectif est donc de redécouvrir certains aspects des limites de la démocratie antique, afin de mieux s’interroger sur la nôtre, car elles sont à l’origine de nos problèmes humains actuels. Le propos de notre thèse est donc de démontrer que l’étude des limites morales et intellectuelles de la démocratie directe, en lien avec l’histoire de la philosophie politique, permet de réactualiser quelques difficultés théoriques et pratiques irrésolues des démocraties actuelles et à venir. Il faut d’abord comprendre d’où l’on vient si l’on veut saisir le sens réel dans la manière de choisir la direction idéale à prendre dans la recherche du bien communDemocracy is tied to time in a peculiar way because since it evolves from one generation to the next, it must necessarily be constantly defined and redefined. Because democracy is, so to say, negated and recreated anew, we must concern ourselves with what it will become as a way of understanding what it really is. However, we must search particularly to understand the true meaning of democracy; the ideal that defines it. Take for example the idea of freedom. Democracy must bring freedom to a given community; if it does not, it would not be a democracy. However, this freedom-fostering democracy cannot be absolute because it is constantly confronted with human limitations. Nowadays, democracy seems to be losing its true sense, or to be non-existent even. It seems as if there is no longer a common place where all could discuss the ideal that democracy embodies; in other words, as if there is no longer a common area where all could feel at home in both the cultural and affective parts of our common existence. How can we find the time for this, and how can we again revive this ideal of discussion that gives a higher sense of existence to our present societies? Is democracy the answer to our intellectual and moral needs? Should we be looking at something other than democracy for answers to our present needs? These are some of the major questions that gave rise to this thesis and to which I attempt to find answers
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Vescio, Logan C. "Speaking and Rhetoric in the Community: The Implications of Aristotle's Understanding of Being." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/850.
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This thesis analyzes Martin Heidegger's early interpretation of Aristotelian concepts. The goal is to acquire an increased understanding of the ideas underlying Aristotle's political philosophy, as well as those underlying Heidegger's own later philosophy. The investigation begins with a critique of Kantian logic and the assumptions which underlie it, which are ultimately traced back to Aristotle. The passages that pertain to Kant's interpretation are assessed by Heidegger, who concludes that it is speaking, not explicit definition, that grounds possibility for life in a human sense. To demonstrate Heidegger's argument, the thesis transitions into an assessment of the Greek view of life and the way it influences Aristotle's investigation of the human being. The goal of the first three chapters is ultimately to demonstrate the manner in which speaking allows for a unique way of being in the world for the human being, a way of being that makes ethical disposition and thus moral excellence possible. Beginning in Chapter 4, the thesis discusses the Aristotelian concept of ends and endhood, ultimately outlining the manner in which Aristotle goes about his investigation in the Nicomachean Ethics which serves to re-emphasize the interpretation set forth in the first half of the thesis. After giving an account of eudaimonia, the thesis discusses rhetoric and politics in chapter five, since it is demonstrated that an ethical disposition cannot be acquired without both being and conversing with other people in a community. A brief account of Aristotle's conclusions in the Politics and Rhetoric follows, and the thesis concludes with an outline of the web of ideas that Heidegger has set forth in his interpretation. The thesis also provides an in-depth interpretation of key passages from the Metaphysics, Politics, Rhetoric, De Anima and Nicomachean Ethics which ultimately serve as examples of Heidegger's unique manner of interpretation to the reader.
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Ribas, Marie-Noëlle. "EMPEIRIA. La querelle de l'expérience (Aristote, Platon, Isocrate)." Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015ENSL1040.
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Cette thèse de doctorat étudie la manière dont Aristote, Platon et Isocrate font du recours à la notion d’empeiria et de la promotion d’une certaine conception de l’expérience, le moyen de se défendre contre l’accusation d’inexpérience qui les vise et de polémiquer entre eux sur la question de l’excellence, dans les domaines théorique, technique et pratique. Cet examen permet d’éclairer sous un jour nouveau la question de l’empirisme antique, en considérant, d’une part, la critique que Platon et Aristote adressent à une certaine conception empirico-sophistique des savoirs et de la pratique, en reconsidérant de l’autre, le supposé empirisme d’Aristote. Si la notion d’empirisme n’a pas d’équivalent en grec, Platon fait de la notion d’empeiria, désignant une forme de pratique non-technique ignorant les causes, un instrument polémique permettant de souligner le défaut de technicité des différentes techniques, que les sophistes se font forts de transmettre. En mettant l’accent sur « l’expérience de la vérité », Platon remet en question l’empirisme de ceux qui ignorent la valeur théorique et pratique de la connaissance des réalités intelligibles. Aristote poursuit la réflexion, en reconsidérant le rôle positif, cognitif et pratique, de l’empeiria comme connaissance acquise à partir de la sensation. Aristote poursuit la critique d’un certain empirisme, dont se rendent coupables tous ceux qui échouent à s’élever à la connaissance de l’universel, tout en déplorant le défaut d’empeiria de ceux dont le savoir est purement théorique. Si comme Platon, Aristote n’est pas un empiriste, parce qu’il refuse de faire de la sensation le principe de la connaissance et le critère du vrai, son rationalisme diffère de celui de Platon, par le rôle reconnue à la sensation et l’expérience dans les domaines théorique, technique et pratique. Cette étude entend révéler l’urgence de distinctions en philosophie de la connaissance dans le cadre des études anciennes, comme la distinction entre le rationalisme logique de Platon et le rationalisme empirique d’Aristote, par exemple, permettant de mesurer l’originalité des doctrines antiques sur des problèmes aussi fondamentaux que l’origine et le principe de la connaissance et de l’action bonneThis dissertation investigates how Aristotle, Plato and Isocrates use the notion of empeiria and promote a certain conception of experience, in order to defend themselves from the charge of inexperience made against them, and also in order to debate about the question of excellence in the theoretical, technical and practical fields. This study sheds some new lights on ancient empiricism, by investigating, on one hand, Plato’s and Aristotle’s criticism against an empiricist sophistic approach of knowledge and action, and, on the other hand, the so-called Aristotelian empiricism. Although the concept of ‘empiricism’ has no equivalent in Greek, Plato uses the notion of empeiria to designate a non-technical form of action, in order to underlie a lack of technicality and to question the value of what some sophists claim to teach under the name of technai. While insisting on a philosophical kind of experience of truth, Plato criticizes what appears to be the empiricism of those who ignore the theoretical and practical value of the knowledge of intelligible realities. Aristotle goes beyond this stance by re-evaluating positively the role of empeiria, both in its cognitive and practical aspects, as a specific kind of knowledge, derived from sense-perception. He still criticizes the empiricism of those who fail to reach a certain kind of knowledge, namely the knowledge of universals, but also adds a criticism against those who lack the knowledge of particulars acquired through sense-perception and experience.If Aristotle is no more an empiricist than Plato, since he does not recognize sense-perception as the principle of knowledge and as the criterion of the truth, his rationalism is quite different from Plato’s, because of the important role he gives to sense-perception and experience in all areas. This study intends to break through in the direction of some distinctions in ancient philosophy, such as the distinction between Plato’s logical rationalism and Aristotle’s empirical rationalism, which would enable us to re-evaluate the originality of the Ancients on some fundamental issues like the problem of the origin and principle of knowledge and of good action
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Potari, Despoina. "Power in political thought : a comparative conceptual morphology." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:383dc200-e915-4c80-bedb-b98cf16ed3db.
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The aim of this thesis is to resurrect interest in the concept of power in political theory by shedding light on some of its relatively unexplored discursive dimensions and developing a fresh approach to its understanding. Particularly, it studies an under-examined theme in the current literature, which, however, forms a crucial aspect determining different definitions of power: in what manner do different ways of thinking about power underpin variable conceptual formulations and theoretical interpretations of this key political concept? What types of cognitive, ideational and conceptual 'micro-processes' shape different ways of thinking about power in political thought? The thesis suggests novel interpretative possibilities that may be distilled from developing a hermeneutical approach extending across the dimensions of historical time and disciplinary space, by combining methodological insights from the fields of morphology, intellectual history and interdisciplinary study. To that end, it engages perspectives gleaned from historical treatments of power, as well as recent understandings of spatiality and force provided by scientific discourse. The concept of power is explored through the perspectives of (i) cultural historicity and (ii) interdisciplinarity. Along the axis of cultural historicity, the analysis studies Aristotle's classical concept of 'dunamis' as the original conceptual modality of power in political thought. Along the axis of interdisciplinarity, the examination explores the concept of force in the discourse of physics, and its parallel development in political thought. This dissertation shows that the exploration of those conceptual modalities can yield a new appreciation of certain diachronic and contingent conceptual features of power and enhance our understanding of the multifaceted discursive processes through which those form, including the underpinning 'micro-semantic', linguistic and ideational processes which contribute to the emergence of variable modes of thinking about power. In so doing, the thesis aims at illuminating our modern understanding of the concept, moving the scholarly discourse forward towards new horizons of meaning and interpretation.
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McCaslin, David F. "The Cognitive Implications of Aristotelian Habituation and Intrinsic Valuation." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1245.
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Habituation in the Aristotelian tradition claims that we develop our moral virtues through repeated and guided practice in moral actions. His theory provides important insights for moral education and as a result many contemporary philosophers have debated how to properly interpret his writing. This thesis will explore Aristotelian habituation and the competing interpretations surrounding it, namely the cognitivist and mechanical views. It will then criticize the mechanical view and argue that the intrinsic valuation of virtuous actions evidences a cognitivist interpretation of habituation in the Aristotelian tradition.