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Journal articles on the topic 'Aristocratic women'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Hamilton, Dakota L., and Barbara J. Harris. "English Aristocratic Women: 1450-1550." Sixteenth Century Journal 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2004): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20476894.

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2

Hoyle, R. W. "English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550." English Historical Review 119, no. 480 (February 1, 2004): 199–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/119.480.199.

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3

Stuard, Susan Mosher, and Theodore Evergates. "Aristocratic Women in Medieval France." American Historical Review 106, no. 1 (February 2001): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652351.

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4

Harris, Barbara J. "Aristocratic and Gentry Women, 1460–1640." History Compass 4, no. 4 (July 2006): 668–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2006.00332.x.

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5

Markuszewska, Aneta. "Music-Making Women-Aristocrats." Musicology Today 16, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/muso-2019-0001.

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Abstract The present article reflects on the shortage of studies concerning music-composing women in the 18th-century Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and focuses on one unique figure among those female musicians – Maria Antonia Walpurgis, an aristocrat of Polish descent, who demonstrated versatile talents. Thoroughly educated in her childhood, she was a poet, composer, singer, and director of her own stage works. This paper discusses the aristocratic artist’s most important experiences and achievements in the field of music, as well as analysing her earliest surviving work, the cycle of 6 Arias for Soprano, Strings and Basso Continuo (1747), which Walpurgis may well have performed herself. The arias have been preserved in a manuscript kept at the Sächsische Landesbibliothek in Dresden, shelf mark Mus.3119-F-11. My analysis assesses their style and aesthetic.
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6

Bouchard, Constance B. "Aristocratic Women in Medieval France. Theodore Evergates." Speculum 75, no. 3 (July 2000): 688–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903411.

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7

Harris, Barbara J. "Defining Themselves: English Aristocratic Women, 1450–1550." Journal of British Studies 49, no. 4 (October 2010): 734–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/654911.

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8

Kalnická, Zdeňka. "First Woman Philosopher with a Doctorate: Elena Cornaro Piscopia." Studia z Historii Filozofii 12, no. 3 (December 14, 2021): 97–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/szhf.2021.016.

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The study analyses the circumstances under which Elena Cornaro Piscopia became the first woman in the world to earn a Doctor degree in Philosophy, which she received from the University of Padua in 1678. The author presents the broader context of the outstanding accomplishment. She points out that, although universities did not allow women to enrol to study, Elena Cornaro managed to earn a doctorate thanks to several favourable circumstances. Of these, the author emphasises the tradition of intellectual centres at Renaissance courts in Italy, which were led by educated women-aristocrats; the development of the Venetian Republic in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which affected the position of women, particularly those from aristocratic families; the openness of universities, namely the Universities of Padua and Bologna. Special attention is given to the family background, life, and studies of Elena Cornaro. The final part of the paper deals with other women philosophers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
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9

Nenadic, Stana, and Sally Tuckett. "Artisans and Aristocrats in Nineteenth-Century Scotland." Scottish Historical Review 95, no. 2 (October 2016): 203–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2016.0296.

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This article considers relationships between artisans and aristocrats on estates and elsewhere in Scotland during the long nineteenth century. It argues that the Scottish aristocracy, and women in particular, were distinctly preoccupied with the craft economy through schemes to promote employment but also due to attachments to ‘romanticised’ local and Celtic identities. Building in part on government initiatives and aristocratic office-holding as public officials and presidents of learned societies, but also sustained through personal interest and emotional investments, the craft economy and individual entrepreneurs were supported and encouraged. Patronage of and participation in public exhibitions of craftwork forms one strand of discussion and the role of hand-made objects in public gift-giving forms another. Tourism, which estates encouraged, sustained many areas of craft production with south-west Scotland and the highland counties providing examples. Widows who ran estates were involved in the development of artisan skills among local women, a convention that was further developed at the end of the century by the Home Industries movement, but also supported male artisans. Aristocrats, men and women, commonly engaged in craft practice as a form of escapist leisure that connected them to the land, to a sense of the past and to a small group of easily identified and sympathetic workers living on their estates. Artisans and workshop owners, particularly in rural areas, engage creatively in a patronage regime where elites held the upper hand and the impact on the craft economy of aristocratic support in its various forms was meaningful.
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10

Saad, Heba. "Some Representations of Aristocratic Women in Islamic Art." Conference Book of the General Union of Arab Archeologists 15, no. 15 (November 1, 2012): 242–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/cguaa.2012.37368.

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11

Probert, H. "Women and Aristocratic Culture in the Carolingian World." French History 27, no. 3 (August 22, 2013): 453–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/crt058.

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12

Robson, Ann. "Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 4 (January 1999): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528490.

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13

Ellenberger, Nancy W., and K. D. Reynolds. "Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain." Albion: A Quarterly Journal Concerned with British Studies 32, no. 1 (2000): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4054025.

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14

Rappaport, Erika, and K. D. Reynolds. "Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain." American Historical Review 105, no. 5 (December 2000): 1801. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2652159.

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15

Fierobe, Claude. "Aristocratic Women and the Literary Nation, 1832-1867." Études irlandaises, no. 35-1 (June 30, 2010): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etudesirlandaises.1887.

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16

Elfenbein, Andrew. "Aristocratic Women and the Literary Nation, 1832–1867." Journal of Victorian Culture 16, no. 3 (December 2011): 432–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13555502.2011.611704.

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17

Ganz, D. "Women and Aristocratic Culture in the Carolingian World." French Studies 66, no. 2 (April 1, 2012): 231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/kns067.

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18

Pryor, John H. "Aristocratic Women in Medieval France (review)." Parergon 18, no. 3 (2001): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.2011.0137.

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19

YOUNG, HANNAH. "NEGOTIATING FEMALE PROPERTY- AND SLAVE-OWNERSHIP IN THE ARISTOCRATIC WORLD." Historical Journal 63, no. 3 (November 13, 2019): 581–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x19000402.

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AbstractThis article uses Anna Eliza Grenville, first duchess of Buckingham and Chandos, as a lens through which to explore the gendering of aristocratic property- and slave-ownership in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Britain. Alongside the extensive metropolitan property that Grenville brought to her marriage was Hope estate, a Jamaican plantation upon which worked 379 enslaved men, women, and children. Using legal records, family papers, and correspondence, the article examines the ways in which Grenville negotiated her position as a married woman and substantial property-owner, and considers what it meant for a married woman to ‘own’ property, landed and in the form of other human beings, in the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century aristocratic world. Examining her absentee slave-ownership alongside her metropolitan property-ownership highlights the complex intersections between race, class, and gender across both metropole and colony. In doing so, the article makes an important contribution to the rapidly expanding scholarship exploring female property-ownership in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Britain, hitherto almost entirely metropolitan in focus. It demonstrates how seamlessly enslaved property could be integrated into aristocratic forms of property-ownership and transmission, and highlights the important role that women played in bringing slave-ownership ‘home’ to metropolitan Britain.
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20

Davis, Richard W. "Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain (review)." Victorian Studies 43, no. 1 (2000): 181–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/vic.2000.0099.

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21

Ahmad Syaripudin, Awal Rifai Wahab, and Muzanni Muzanni. "Tinjauan Hukum Islam terhadap Perkawinan Merariq Perempuan Bangsawan (Menak) dengan Lak-laki Bukan Bangsawan (Jajar Karang) Menurut Hukum Adat Sasak (Studi Kasus Desa Penujak Kabupaten Lombok Tengah)." BUSTANUL FUQAHA: Jurnal Bidang Hukum Islam 3, no. 2 (August 9, 2022): 144–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.36701/bustanul.v3i2.578.

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This study aims to determine the review of Islamic law on marriages between aristocratic women (menak) and non-aristocratic men (jajar Karang) according to Sasak customary law in Penujak Village, Central Lombok Regency. This research is a field research using the methods of observation, interviews, and documentation. The research results found are as follows. First, the views of the people of Penujak Village towards the traditional marriage of the Sasak tribe in Penujak Village, namely that they consider that custom cannot be separated from religion. Second, the view of Islamic law on marriage customs in Penujak Village is that the prohibition of marriage in Penujak Village, Central Lombok Regency can be justified based on the opinion of some scholars. Third, the impact of the marriage of noble women with non-aristocratic men in Penujak Village is that the word "baiq" in front of women's names will be removed and is no longer included in noble descent.
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22

Michie, E. B. "MUIREANN O'CINNEIDE. Aristocratic Women and the Literary Nation, 1832-1867." Review of English Studies 61, no. 250 (June 1, 2010): 480–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgp077.

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23

Paden, William D., and Frances Freeman Paden. "Swollen Woman, Shifting Canon: A Midwife's Charm and the Birth of Secular Romance Lyric." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 125, no. 2 (March 2010): 306–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2010.125.2.306.

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In “Tomida femina” (“A swollen woman”), a tenth-century charm written in Occitan, the vernacular of the south of France, a birthing woman and her helpers intone magical language during the most intense moments of childbirth. The poem permits us, with brief but uncommon intimacy, to imagine the lives of women long ago. It takes its place in a European tradition of birthing charms, including others written in Latin, German, and English. These charms, and in particular “Tomida femina,” provide an image of vigorous medieval women in childbirth that precedes the images of women in other secular Romance lyrics—young girls in love in the Mozarabic kharjas, idealized ladies in troubadour songs, and passionate aristocratic women in the poetry of the Occitan trobairitz.
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24

Andersson, Catharina. "Cistercian Monasteries in Medieval Sweden—Foundations and Recruitments, 1143–1420." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 28, 2021): 582. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080582.

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This article presents an overview of the Cistercian monasteries that were founded in Sweden in the 12th and 13th centuries. The first were Alvastra and Nydala, founded in 1143, both male monasteries. However, eventually the nunneries came to outnumber the male monasteries (7/5). The purpose of the article is also to discuss the social background of the monks and nuns who inhabited these monasteries. As for the nuns, previous studies have shown that they initially came from the society’s elite, the royal families, but also other magnates. Gradually, social recruitment broadened, and an increasing number of women from the aristocratic lower levels came to dominate the recruitment. It is also suggested that from the end of the 14th century, the women increasingly came from the burghers. The male monasteries, on the other hand, were not even from the beginning populated by men from the nobles. Their family backgrounds seem rather to be linked to the aristocratic lower layers. This difference between the sexes can most probably be explained by the fact that ideals of monastic life—obedience, equality, poverty and ban on weapons—in a decisive way broke with what in secular life was constructed as an aristocratic masculinity.
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25

Bouchard, Constance B. "Women and Aristocratic Culture in the Carolingian World (review)." Catholic Historical Review 97, no. 2 (2011): 348–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2011.0026.

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26

Ramirez, Pablo A. "The Woman of Tomorrow." Nineteenth-Century Literature 74, no. 4 (March 2020): 502–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2020.74.4.502.

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Pablo A. Ramirez, “The Woman of Tomorrow: Gertrude Atherton and the Latina Foremother of the Californian New Woman” (pp. 502–534) Throughout the 1890s, Gertrude Atherton employs the figure of the aristocratic Californiana (Mexican Californian woman) to extend classical liberalism’s economic model of individualism to include women. By joining the aristocratic Californiana with American liberalism, Atherton transforms California’s history of capitalist development into a romance in which the creation of new markets generates not only profits, but the New Woman as well. In Atherton’s stories of Alta California, which I call “tales of romantic liberalism,” the history and evolution of California and the New Woman is narrated through the promises (or contracts) that a Californiana character makes and the obligations she accepts or rejects. The Californiana in The Doomswoman (1893) and Before the Gringo Came (1894) becomes the foundation for the New Woman, whose personal development and advancement promises to perfect liberal capitalism through her consensual romantic unions. As the decade drew to a close and the war with Spain became imminent, however, one can see in Atherton’s The Californians (1898) her growing fear that the massification of politics and culture imperiled not only liberal capitalism and democracy, but the evolution of women’s individuality as well. As a result, the evolution of the Californiana character is no longer reliant on a union with a capitalist contractarian partner but on the reaffirmation of her aristocratic individualism. Through her Californiana heroines, Atherton engages the Californio past in order to imagine the evolution of women’s individuality as the United States undergoes a shift from classical liberalism to modern liberalism and from republic to overseas empire.
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27

Harris, Barbara J. "A New Look at the Reformation: Aristocratic Women and Nunneries, 1450–1540." Journal of British Studies 32, no. 2 (April 1993): 89–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386024.

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Ever since the first flowering of scholarship on women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, convents have occupied a central place in historians' estimate of the position of women in medieval and early modern Europe. In 1910, Emily James Putnam, the future dean and president of Barnard College, wrote enthusiastically in The Lady, her path-breaking study of medieval and renaissance aristocratic women, “No institution in Europe has ever won for the lady the freedom of development that she enjoyed in the convent in the early days. The modern college for women only feebly reproduces it.” In equally pioneering works published in the same period, both Lena Eckenstein and Eileen Power recognized the significance of the nunnery in providing a socially acceptable place for independent single women.Many contemporary historians share this positive view of convents. In Becoming Visible, one of the most widely read surveys of European women's history, for example, William Monter wrote approvingly of convents as “socially prestigious communities of unmarried women.” Similarly, Jane Douglass praised nunneries for their importance in providing women with the only “visible, official role” allotted to them in the church, while Merry Wiesner, sharing Eckenstein and Power's perspective, has observed that, unlike other women, nuns were “used to expressing themselves on religious matters and thinking of themselves as members of a spiritual group. In her recently published study of early modern Seville, to give a final example, Mary Perry criticized the assumption that nuns were oppressed by the patriarchal order that controlled their institutions; instead, she emphasized the ways in which religious women “empowered themselves through community, chastity, enclosure and mystical experiences.”
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28

Kolsky, Stephen Derek. "Making Examples of Women: Juan Luis Vives' The Education of Christian Women." Early Modern Culture Online 3 (February 25, 2018): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/emco.v3i0.1283.

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Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540) composed “The Education of a Christian Woman” in order to cement his patronage relations with the Queen of England, Catherine of Aragon and to lay the foundations of his own social thought. Scholars have been divided about the extent to which the work may be regarded as conservative, this article points to those areas of textual tension that give rise to contradictory evaluations of “The Education”. The essay analyses the use of pagan, Christian and contemporary exempla in order to demonstrate that Vives formulates a bourgeois notion of marriage which he wishes to impose on aristocratic women. His attacks on court life, the emphasis on frugality and the diatribes against conspicuous consumption lend support to a view of a women remaining invisible in the home. A queen is the test case for such an assessment and Vives attempts to diminish her autonomy as far as possible.
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29

Dunbabin, J. "Shorter notice. Aristocratic Women in Medieval France. T Evergates, L Prete [edd]." English Historical Review 115, no. 461 (April 2000): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.461.430.

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30

Ashley, S. "Women and Aristocratic Culture in the Carolingian World, by Valerie L. Garver." English Historical Review CXXVI, no. 522 (September 23, 2011): 1183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cer241.

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31

Ilan, Tal. "The Attraction of Aristocratic Women to Pharisaism During the Second Temple Period." Harvard Theological Review 88, no. 1 (January 1995): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030376.

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Unlike Christianity, which regards the word “Pharisee” as synonymous with “hypocrite,” “legalist,” and “petty-bourgeois,” Jews have always understood Pharisaism as the correct and trustworthy side of Judaism. Since the eighteenth century, all disputants who participated in the great controversies and schisms within Judaism have claimed to represent the true heirs of the Pharisees. For example, adherents of the strong anti-Hasidic movement initiated by R. Eliyahu of Vilna in the second half of the eighteenth century, who are usually referred to in literature by the negative appellation “opposers” (םירננחמ), referred to themselves by the positive title “Pharisees” (םישורפ). When the Reform movement was founded in Germany in the first half of the nineteenth century, with the goal of reforming the Jewish religion to make it more “modern” and acceptable to its neighbors, the reformers perceived themselves as the true heirs of the Pharisees. In his important study of the Pharisees and Sadducees, Abraham Geiger, one of the founders, ofWissenschaft des Judentumsand an important spokesman for the radical wing of the Reform movement, formulated the view of the flexible open-minded Pharisees, who reformed Judaism to the point of contradicting the laws set out in the Pentateuch, in order to accommodate them to their changing needs. Geiger's opponents easily produced evidence that negated his findings and proved beyond doubt that they, in their conservative strain, were the real heirs of Pharisaism. To his opponents, Geiger was a representative of the detestable Sadducees or their later counterparts, the Karaites.
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32

Dunbabin, J. "Shorter notice. Aristocratic Women in Medieval France. T Evergates, L Prete [edd]." English Historical Review 115, no. 461 (April 1, 2000): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.461.430.

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33

STONE, RACHEL. "Women and Aristocratic Culture in the Carolingian World - By Valerie L. Garver." Early Medieval Europe 19, no. 2 (April 20, 2011): 241–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0254.2011.00319_5.x.

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34

MACKNIGHT, ELIZABETH C. "Faiths, Fortunes and Feminine Duty: Charity in Parisian High Society 1880–1914." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 58, no. 3 (July 2007): 482–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046906008967.

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On 4 May 1897 more than a hundred Parisians – mostly women of high society – perished in the Charity Bazaar fire. The records of this terrible accident reveal much about the charitable practices of the nobility in France of the Third Republic. This article explores the place of religion in upper-class charity within the context of republican anticlericalism. It focuses especially on issues of inter-faith collaboration and the role of aristocratic women in supporting the work of the Catholic Church.
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35

Bentley, M. "Shorter notice. Aristocratic Women and Political History in Victorian Britain. K D Reynolds." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 2000): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/115.460.228-a.

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36

Burstein. "Aristocratic Women and the Literary Nation, 1832–1867, by Muireann O'Cinneide." Victorian Studies 52, no. 2 (2010): 312. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/vic.2010.52.2.312.

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37

Harsanyi, Doina. "Blue blood and ink: Romanian aristocratic women before and after world war I." Women's History Review 5, no. 4 (December 1, 1996): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612029600200125.

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38

Van Hook, Bailey. "Decorative Images of American Women: The Aristocratic Aesthetic of the Late Nineteenth Century." Smithsonian Studies in American Art 4, no. 1 (January 1990): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/smitstudamerart.4.1.3108996.

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39

Bentley, M. "Shorter notice. Aristocratic Women and Political History in Victorian Britain. K D Reynolds." English Historical Review 115, no. 460 (February 1, 2000): 228–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/115.460.228-a.

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40

Harris, Barbara J. "The Fabric of Piety: Aristocratic Women and Care of the Dead, 1450–1550." Journal of British Studies 48, no. 2 (April 2009): 308–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/596125.

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41

Sivan, Hagith. "Anician Women, the Cento of Proba, and Aristocratic Conversion in the Fourth Century." Vigiliae Christianae 47, no. 2 (1993): 140–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007293x00105.

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42

van Hook, Bailey. "Decorative Images of American Women: The Aristocratic Aesthetic of the Late Nineteenth Century." American Art 4, no. 1 (January 1990): 44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/424086.

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43

Starostina, I. Y. "Gender Behavior of the English Nobility by G. Chaucer (Based on «The Legend of the Good Women»)." Izvestiya of Saratov University. History. International Relations 12, no. 2 (2012): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1819-4907-2012-12-2-7-10.

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The article is devoted to the problem for studying a perception of gender behavior in the noble society by Geoffrey Chaucer, who was the prominent English poet of the XIV century. The author studies sexes’ interrelations in the aristocratic society through Chaucer’s coloured descriptions and estimations of the main characters in the poem, who were the famous heroes (both women and men) of the ancient mythology, also including their marriage behavior. The research is based on the weakly-studied in the Russian historiography source, which «The Legend of good women» is.
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44

Podd, Rachel. "Reconsidering maternal mortality in medieval England: aristocratic Englishwomen, c. 1236–1503." Continuity and Change 35, no. 2 (July 27, 2020): 115–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416020000156.

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AbstractThe characterisation of medieval childbirth as profoundly dangerous is both long-standing and poorly supported by quantitative data. This article, based on a database tracking the reproductive lives of 102 late medieval aristocratic Englishwomen, allows not only for an evaluation of this trope but also an analysis of risk factors, including maternal youth and short birth intervals. Supplemented with evidence from medieval medical tracts and osteoarchaeological data related to pubertal development and nutrition, this study demonstrates that reproduction was hardly the main driver of mortality among elite women.
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45

Rangarajan, Sudarsan. "Disillusionment and Death in Ourika and “La Noire de...”." Dalhousie French Studies, no. 120 (June 22, 2022): 95–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1089969ar.

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This study proposes to compare Claire de Duras’s Ourika (1824) and Ousmane Sembène’s “La Noire de...” (1962). The two novellas concern the assimilation of a Senegalese woman in the French society. Ourika is a young woman raised and educated in an aristocratic environment, while Diouana, the protagonist of Sembène’s story, who works as a maid, is illiterate. But the difference between the two women disappears as racism emerges. Using Fanon and Bhabha, this study focuses on the following aspects: Commodification and the loss of self; stigmatization and the protagonist as the Other; alienation and death; and suppressed voices and posthumous narratives. The essay concludes with a discussion of the significance of the struggles of the two protagonists, by extension, for Francophone African writers in the postcolonial context.
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46

French, Katherine L. "English Aristocratic Women and the Fabric of Piety, 1450–1550 by Barbara J. Harris." Early Modern Women 15, no. 2 (2021): 183–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/emw.2021.0015.

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47

Davis, Virginia. "English Aristocratic Women and the Fabric of Piety, 1450–1500, by Barbara J. Harris." English Historical Review 136, no. 583 (December 1, 2021): 1625–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/ceab297.

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48

Karras, Ruth Mazo. "English Aristocratic Women, 1450-1550: Marriage and Family, Property and Careers. Barbara J. Harris." Speculum 79, no. 1 (January 2004): 194–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400095130.

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49

Lebra, Takie Sugiyama. "Skipped and Postponed Adolescence of Aristocratic Women in Japan: Resurrecting the Culture / Nature Issue." Ethos 23, no. 1 (March 1995): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/eth.1995.23.1.02a00060.

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50

Cavell, Emma. "ARISTOCRATIC WIDOWS AND THE MEDIEVAL WELSH FRONTIER: THE SHROPSHIRE EVIDENCE." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 17 (December 2007): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0080440107000539.

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Abstract:
AbstractThis article builds upon the work of the late Professor Sir Rees Davies and other scholars interested in the medieval March of Wales, and draws attention to the place, roles and experiences of the noblewomen in a region usually considered the preserve of the warrior lord. In focusing on the aristocratic widow, for whom records are relatively abundant, it examines the widows’ experience of dower assignment and of estate and castle management on a frontier district. It contends that, among other things, those who allocated dower to the widows of the region deliberately eschewed the frontier hotspots, and that the normative relationship between female lord and castle was at once improved and restricted by the warlike nature of the region. A final section examines the life and career of the often overlooked Isabel de Mortimer (daughter of Roger de Mortimer of Wigmore and sometime wife of John FitzAlan III), revealing her critical part in holding the Shropshire frontline on the eve of the final conquest of Wales (1282–3). The case is made that we cannot fully understand the aristocratic Marcher society without including women in our histories.
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