Academic literature on the topic 'Aristocratic landlords'

The study is based on the materials preserved in Fund 16 of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts (RGADA). They indicate the age, property status (number of serf”s souls), geographical location of their estates (in which county were the estates) and the place where they were assigned for service (army, guards, navy, etc.) or in an educational institution. A total of 8,762 noblemen were reckoned. The overwhelming majority of landlords had possessions in only one county. The median value of soul-ownership of all the nobles was 14 souls, for the landlords – 23 souls. More than 20 percent of the nobility had no peasants in their ownership. Landlords (who had over 100 souls) accounted for slightly more than 12 percent of all noblemen and about 16 percent of serf-owners alone. Of all the landlords, less than 1 percent were the descendants of the Duma officials of the Tzardom of Russia. Exactly half of them had the title of kniaz (prince), almost 60 percent were the children of military and civilian generals. They were very rich landlords, 92 percent had more than 500 souls, more than 78 percent owned more than 1,000 souls. Representatives of the titled nobility, namely, princes, numbered a little more than 2 percent of the total mass of landlords. A quarter of them belonged to the large landed gentry. In general, large landlords accounted for 2.5 percent of the total number of nobles, a third part of them were the descendants of the Duma officials. Magnates who owned a thousand souls or more made up just over 1 percent of the total mass of nobles, of which the descendants of Duma officials made up almost 60 percent. The future generals of the undergraduates of 1743–1750 were less than 3 percent, half of them came from families of landowners who owned less than a hundred souls. Of the children of generals (the first three ranks) almost 90 percent may be considered as large landlords, the owners of more than 1 thousand souls were 72 percent. At the same time, of the descendants of non-aristocratic nobles – sons of generals (of the first three ranks), the owners of more than a thousand souls were only 42 percent. These figures clearly show the conjugation of having large quantities of serfs and gentility. To be of noble origin was even more important than to have a rank of a general.

There is a general acceptance amongst historians of English Catholicism in the Early Modern period that Catholic landlords were paternalistic towards their tenants, that they were generally in turns charitable and controing, their behaviour invasive yet motivated by a desire for religious and social harmony within the manor. Early modern English Catholicism was certainly seigneurial, with a requirement by the landlord, as suggested by John Bossy, to pay attention to the tenants’ well-being and ‘also to their faith and morals’.’ Michael Mullett echoes these sentiments with regard to late eighteenth-century Catholics who relied ‘on the kind hearts of those who wore the coronets’. The idea of Catholic paternalism is also endorsed by several social and economic historians, such as James M. Rosenheim, who wrote with regard to Lancashire, ‘[the] Roman Catholic gentry sustained closer connections with local communities than did aristocrats elsewhere’. This paper will examine the issue of paternalism on Catholic estates and in the local community to show that the Catholic elite, like their non-Catholic counterparts, gave money to the poor and established schools and almshouses. The focus of this philanthropy, however, was on other Catholics. The Catholic elite were also able to help their tenants, who were usually Catholic, and tie them more closely to the estate by not rack-renting their property and by not hiding behind estate stewards. There were two main reasons for the Catholic elite to focus their efforts on their poorer brethren: without the help of the Catholic elite in providing chapels and relief, Catholicism in England would have floundered; the Catholic elite were also

The article considers the social conditions for the development of secondary education in Great Britain (XIX – first half of the XX century). It was founded that an important factor in the formation of the British education system was the influence of the ruling class of aristocrats (landlords) and the petty nobility. It was founded that education of the majority of the population depended on the area, financial status of the family and religion. It was emphasized that religion played a significant role in the field of mass education. It has been shown that in the early nineteenth century, English society was engulfed in a movement of evangelical revival, as a result of which the Anglican Church could not control all its faithful, unlike the Catholic Church in Europe. It is determined that industrialization, urbanization and democratization have created conditions for social, political and economic transformations that required educated personnel. As a result, a number of laws were passed initiating reforms in primary and secondary education.

The paper examines the life and legacy of Eugen von Engelhardt (1899- 1948), a German-Baltic aristocrat, author of the first German-language monograph on Belarus. A truly adventurous person, Engelhardt had been a soldier, landowner, forestry specialist and he traveled around the world before choosing an academic career. Born and raised in the southeast of Courland, in the places of compact residence of Belarusians, he developed an early interest to the Belarusian problem. Deeply involved in the Nazi movement, Engelhardt was one of the theorists of the so-called “soft line” of occupation policy during the War in the East. It envisaged a number of economic and political preferences for Belarusians, with the aim of fostering collaboration between them and Germans. In his concept, Engelhardt, a native landlord, used a Pre-Modern pattern of feudal relationship between the benevolent German nobles and obedient Belarusian serves, which was in no way compatible with the nature of Nazi politics in the East. Moreover, Engelhardt’s approach contained a number of serious flaws. Nevertheless, his main work, “Weissruthenien: Volk und Land”, for a long time remained the only work on this region.

The article focuses on the problems of the participation and role of the nobility of North-Eastern Hungary in the process of spiritual renewal, caused by the Reformation. New ideological and spiritual trends have embraced the entire Hungarian society, however, not every social group responded equally to the challenges of time. Among the first aristocrats and nobility who accepted the teachings of Luther and made significant efforts for the establishment of the Reformation in North-Eeastern Hungary were: Perenii, Dragphi, Bebeki, Druget, Batory, Magochi and others. Following large landowners, the medium and small gentry and large masses of ordinary people of various ethnic groups quickly joined the camp of Reformation. The main activity of gentry-Protestants were focused on the philanthropy and patronage. Material support and government patronage contributed to the opening and successful functioning of schools, the training of successful young people abroad, book publishing, etc. For the establishment of the Reformation at the lands of modern Transcarpathia the main role had the Druget’s – the landlords of Uzhanshchyna and Zempinshchina and Uzhhorod. Under the patronage of Druget’s from 1546, the Protestant community already existed in Uzhhorod. The author observes that the limited source material and the engagement of some individual authors, the problem is not sufficiently studied. Hungarian and Slovak authors have some research, but for national historiography the theme is "terra incognita". It is the task of the proposed article – join to highlight the issue.

Resulta ampliamente aceptado entre los historiadores que la nobleza jugó un significativo papel en el desarrollo económico de nuestro país durante el denominado Antiguo Régimen (siglos XVI al XVIII). Estos privilegiados gozaban de poder político y prestigio social, quedando bajo su propiedad buena parte de la tierra cultivable. A pesar de su importancia económica, la investigación histórica en Contabilidad nobiliaria española resulta escasa. De ahí que diversos autores hayan realizado llamamientos sobre la falta de conocimiento respecto a los sistemas contables empleados para la gestión de los patrimonios nobiliarios absentistas. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo exponer el sistema contable implantado en el estado condal de La Gomera (Islas Canarias) durante un periodo de tiempo en el que el señor no residía en su señorío, pero explotaba directamente sus propiedades gracias a la ayuda de sus agentes delegados. Analizando sus registros contables, reconstruimos la economía del señorío y su organización administrativa, demostrando que el propósito principal del sistema contable era controlar la actuación del administrador gomero y establecer su responsabilidad ante el señor. It is widely accepted among historians that aristocracy played a significant role in the development of the Spanish economy during the Ancient Regimen (Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries). Being the owners of most of the agricultural land, nobles had social prestige and political influence. Despite their economic significance, historical research is scarce on Spanish aristocratic accounting. This is why a number of writers have called attention to the lack of evidence about the accounting systems used in the running of the properties of the absentee nobles. This paper is aimed at revealing the accounting practices used in the condal estate of La Gomera (Canary Islands) in a period during which the landlord did not live on his estate, but relied on agents to exploit his domain directly. Analysing the accounting records, we reconstruct the economy of the estate and the administrative organization, suggesting that the main purpose of the accounting system was to control the bailiff and to establish his liability to the lord.

In this study we are dealing with a personal correspondence that happened during the first half of the 17th century. We are analyzing the correspondence of the representatives of the Drugeth family (János Drugeth and his wife Anna Jakusith) by paying particular attention to the analysis of the people, events and background-information appearing in these letters. The detailed examination of the contents of the given letters shows that if we are familiar with the contemporary events and personal relations and have access to some necessary additional sources, we can make appropriate conclusions even from relatively sparse information. The archives of the Homonnai Drugeth family could not be saved as a complex document through different historical hardships. Its smaller parts can be found in the archives of the ducal branch of Esterházi family at the Presov Archives. Thanks to their personal relationship with Ádám Batthyány several letters of János Drugeth and Anna Jakusith survived in the Batthyány archives. The family archives of the different correspondences serve as particularly important sources and documents of the given ages since they contain social historical, economic and political information in addition to local/personal data. Without them no historian could write the history of a family or a landlord and of a county. In his doctoral thesis on the actual period, historian Zoltán Borbély writes the following words: „With families having better resources such as the Batthyány-, the Nádasdy- or the Esterházi families there are researches dealing with a deeper focus on court, estate, art and cultural history many times within the framework of an interdisciplinary research group. In addition to the processing of a certain family history a complex examination of the noble society of the Western Transdanubian region has also begun. Within this examination in parallel with the study of the stratification of the noble society, some inspiring results were obtained in connection with the regional role of a noble family, their role in the administrative system of the county and millitary affairs, their family relations and last but not least, about their lands. One of the aims of this study is to show the event and family history aspects related to their textual parts via two personal letters and to illustrate the style of the contemporary aristocratic correspondence. In our view the study has once again contributed to learn about a small piece of the Drugeth family’s history and to clarify some historical «rumors».

The article is devoted to the symbolism of color in the works of Saltykov-Shchedrin. Color is a fundamental phenomenon of existence; various sciences, including literary criticism, study it. It is connected with the ideological conception of the work, with art space; it bears a visual function, emotionally colors the world depicted by a writer, enriches, makes it more complex. Saltykov-Shchedrin’s use of color is connected with the satirist’s talent to see the reality in the "concentration of evil". In the works of the writer, Russia appears to be ambivalent: it is a field of the rampage of the elements, energies, and the realm of deadness, of slumber, which is presented in the writer's palette by two achromatic colors. White and gray are distinguished by special semantic saturation. In Saltykov-Shchedrin’s works, their symbolism is seen in a negative aspect: white represents coldness, despair, insipidity; gray – poverty, sadness, rough weather. In the descriptions of the environment, these colors are accompanied by images of snow, rain, fog, which in turn are connected with the motifs of death, doom, and emptiness of life. Many of the satirist’s works starting from his early stories, Contradictions, Brusin, are emotionally charged in such a way. White and gray colors define the peculiarity of the artistic space of many works of Saltykov-Shchedrin. In the epilogue of the series Provincial Sketches, the ground appears covered with a white shroud. The tragedy of this image is compounded in the cycle of Well-Intentioned Speeches. Snow as a white shroud is the writer’s constant metaphor. Almost always when describing Russian expanses, monotonous, dull colors dominate in the works of the satirist. White color expands the space to the infinity overwhelming a man; gray increases the feeling of hopelessness. Saltykov-Shchedrin’s landscape correlates with the unclear fate of Russia, with mournful events in the national history, a fading aristocratic landlord class. These colors are associated with moral issues in the novel-chronicle The Golovlyov Family. In the tale Night of Christ, white and gray serve as the concentration of world evil. However, gray does not have only negative energy – the «gray tones» of the Motherland cause the writer to feel «love to the pain in the heart». Golden color in the idiomatic expression «Golden age», an age of harmony and prosperity, used by the socialists-utopians, to whose ideals Saltykov-Shchedrin always remained true, stand as the antagonist of white and gray. Color is one of the mental units forming the concept sphere of Saltykov-Shchedrin’s creative work; it reflects the diversity of the author's thinking, the philosophy of the artist-satirist, the worldview of a particular age, and the national picture of the world.

There is a disparity between expectations that the members of a community will work together for the common good — and the stark reality that human beings form into groups, or parties, to engage in conflict with each other. This is particularly the case in so-called popular governments that include some wider political involvement by the people. In ancient Greece stasis, or endemic conflict between the democratic and oligarchic elements of a city was very common. Likewise, the late Roman Republic maintained a division between the populares and the optimates. In both cases there was violence as both sides battled for dominance. For example, in late republican Rome street gangs formed that employed intimidation and violence for political ends.In seventeenth century England there was conflict between those who favoured royal authority and those who wished to see more power devolved to parliament, which led to Civil War in the 1640s. Yet the English ideal, as expressed by The Book of Common Prayer (1549; and other editions) was that the country be quietly governed. It seemed perverse that the members of the body politic should be in conflict with each other. By the late seventeenth century England was still riven by conflict between two groups which became designated as the Whigs and the Tories. The divisions were both political and religious. Most importantly, these divisions were expressed at the local level, in such things as the struggle for the control of local corporations. They were not just political but could also be personal and often turned nasty as families contended for local control. The mid seventeenth century had been a time of considerable violence and warfare, not only in Europe and England but across Eurasia, including the fall of the Ming dynasty in China (Parker). This violence occurred in the wake of a cooler climate change, bringing in its wake crop failure followed by scarcity, hunger, disease and vicious warfare. Millions of people died.Conditions improved in the second half of the seventeenth century and countries slowly found their way to a new relative stability. The Qing created a new imperial order in China. In France, Louis XIV survived the Fronde and his answer to the rage and divisions of that time was the imposition of an autocratic and despotic state that simply prohibited the existence of divisions. Censorship and the inquisition flourished in Catholic Europe ensuring that dissidence would not evolve into violence fuelled by rage. In 1685, Louis expelled large numbers of Protestants from France.Divisions did not disappear in England at the end of the Civil War and the Restoration of Charles II. Initially, it appears that Charles sought to go down the French route. There was a regulation of ideas as new laws meant that the state licensed all printed works. There was an attempt to impose a bureaucratic authoritarian state, culminating in the short reign of James II (Pincus, Ertman). But its major effect, since the heightened fear of James’ Catholicism in Protestant England, was to stoke the ‘rage of party’ between those who supported this hierarchical model of social order and those who wanted political power less concentrated (Knights Representation, Plumb).The issue was presumed to be settled in 1688 when James was chased from the throne, and replaced by the Dutchman William and his wife Mary. In the official language of the day, liberty had triumphed over despotism and the ‘ancient constitution’ of the English had been restored to guarantee that liberty.However, three major developments were going on in England by the late seventeenth century: The first is the creation of a more bureaucratic centralised state along the lines of the France of Louis XIV. This state apparatus was needed to collect the taxes required to finance and administer the English war machine (Pincus). The second is the creation of a genuinely popular form of government in the wake of the expulsion of James and his replacement by William of Orange (Ertman). This means regular parliaments that are elected every three years, and also a free press to scrutinise political activities. The third is the development of financial institutions to enable the war to be conducted against France, which only comes to an end in 1713 (Pincus). Here, England followed the example of the Netherlands. There is the establishment of the bank of England in 1694 and the creation of a national debt. This meant that those involved in finance could make big profits out of financing a war, so a new moneyed class developed. England's TransformationIn the 1690s as England is transformed politically, religiously and economically, this develops a new type of society that unifies strong government with new financial institutions and arrangements. In this new political configuration, the big winners are the new financial elites and the large (usually Whig) aristocratic landlords, who had the financial resources to benefit from it. The losers were the smaller landed gentry who were taxed to pay for the war. They increasingly support the Tories (Plumb) who opposed both the war and the new financial elites it helped to create; leading to the 1710 election that overwhelmingly elected a Tory government led by Harley and Bolingbroke. This government then negotiated the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, with the Whigs retaining a small minority.History indicates that the post-1688 developments do not so much quell the ‘rage of party’ as encourage it and fan the fires of conflict and discontent. Parliamentary elections were held every three years and could involve costly, and potentially financially ruinous, contests between families competing for parliamentary representation. As these elections involved open voting and attempts to buy votes through such means as wining and dining, they could be occasions for riotous behaviour. Regular electoral contests, held in an electorate that was much larger than it would be one hundred years later, greatly heightened the conflicts and kept the political temperature at a high.Fig. 1: "To Him Pudel, Bite Him Peper"Moreover, there was much to fuel this conflict and to ‘maintain the rage’: First, the remodelling of the English financial system combined with the high level of taxation imposed largely on the gentry fuelled a rage amongst this group. This new world of financial investments was not part of their world. They were extremely suspicious of wealth not derived from landed property and sought to limit the power of those who held such wealth. Secondly, the events of 1688 split the Anglican Church in two (Pincus). The opponents of the new finance regimes tended also to be traditional High Church Anglicans who feared the newer, more tolerant government policy towards religion. Finally, the lapsing of the Licensing Act in 1695 meant that the English state was no longer willing to control the flow of information to the public (Kemp). The end result was that England in the 1690s became something akin to a modern public culture in which there was a relatively free flow of political information, constant elections held with a limited, but often substantial franchise, that was operating out of a very new commercial and financial environment. These political divisions were now deeply entrenched and very real passion animated each side of the political divide (Knights Devil).Under these circumstances, it was not possible simply to stamp out ‘the rage’ by the government repressing the voices of dissent. The authoritarian model for creating public conformity was not an option. A mechanism for lowering the political and religious temperature needed to arise in this new society where power and knowledge were diffused rather than centrally concentrated. Also, the English were aided by the return to a more benign physical environment. In economic terms it led to what Fischer terms the equilibrium of the Enlightenment. The wars of Louis XIV were a hangover from the earlier more desperate age; they prolonged the crisis of that age. Nevertheless, the misery of the earlier seventeenth century had passed. The grim visions of Calvinism (and Jansenism) had lost their plausibility. So the excessive violence of the 1640s was replaced by a more tepid form of political resistance, developing into the first modern expression of populism. So, the English achieved what Plumb calls ‘political stability’ were complex (1976), but relied on two things. The first was limiting the opportunity for political activity and the second was labelling political passion as a form of irrational behaviour – as an unsatisfactory or improper way of conducting oneself in the world. Emotions became an indulgence of the ignorant, the superstitious and the fanatical. This new species of humanity was the gentleman, who behaved in a reasonable and measured way, would express a person commensurate with the Enlightenment.This view would find its classic expression over a century later in Macaulay’s History of England, where the pre-1688 English squires are now portrayed in all their semi-civilised glory, “his ignorance and uncouthness, his low tastes and gross phrases, would, in our time, be considered as indicating a nature and a breeding thoroughly plebeian” (Macaulay 244). While the Revolution of 1688 is usually portrayed as a triumph of liberty, as stated, recent scholarship (Pincus, Ertman) emphasises how the attempts by both Charles and James to build a more bureaucratic state were crucial to the development of eighteenth century England. England was not really a land of liberty that kept state growth in check, but the English state development took a different path to statehood from countries such as France, because it involved popular institutions and managed to eliminate many of the corrupt practices endemic to a patrimonial regime.The English were as interested in ‘good police’, meaning the regulation of moral behaviour, as any state on the European continent, but their method of achievement was different. In the place of bureaucratic regulation, the English followed another route, later be termed in the 1760s as ‘civilisation’ (Melleuish). So, the Whigs became the party of rationality and reasonableness, and the Whig regime was Low Church, which was latitudinarian and amenable to rationalist Christianity. Also, the addition of the virtue and value of politeness and gentlemanly behaviour became the antidote to the “rage of party’”(Knights Devil 163—4) . The Whigs were also the party of science and therefore, followed Lockean philosophy. They viewed themselves as ‘reasonable men’ in opposition to their more fanatically inclined opponents. It is noted that any oligarchy, can attempt to justify itself as an ‘aristocracy’, in the sense of representing the ‘morally’ best people. The Whig aristocracy was more cosmopolitan, because its aristocrats had often served the rulers of countries other than England. In fact, the values of the Whig elite were the first expression of the liberal cosmopolitan values which are now central to the ideology of contemporary elites. One dimension of the Whig/Tory split is that while the Whig aristocracy had a cosmopolitan outlook as more proto-globalist, the Tories remained proto-nationalists. The Whigs became simultaneously the party of liberty, Enlightenment, cosmopolitanism, commerce and civilised behaviour. This is why liberty, the desire for peace and ‘sweet commerce’ came to be identified together. The Tories, on the other hand, were the party of real property (that is to say land) so their national interest could easily be construed by their opponents as the party of obscurantism and rage. One major incident illustrates how this evolved.The Trial of the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell In 1709, the High Church Divine Henry Sacheverell preached a fiery sermon attacking the Whig revolutionary principles of resistance, and advocated obedience and unlimited submission to authority. Afterwards, for his trouble he was impeached before the House of Lords by the Whigs for high crimes and misdemeanours (Tryal 1710). As Mark Knights (6) has put it, one of his major failings was his breaching of the “Whig culture of politeness and moderation”. The Whigs also disliked Sacheverell for his charismatic appeal to women (Nicholson). He was found guilty and his sermons ordered to be burned by the hangman. But Sacheverell became simultaneously a martyr and a political celebrity leading to a mass outpouring of printed material (Knights Devil 166—186). Riots broke out in London in the wake of the trial’s verdict. For the Whigs, this stood as proof of the ‘rage’ that lurked in the irrational world of Toryism. However, as Geoffrey Holmes has demonstrated, these riots were not aimless acts of mob violence but were directed towards specific targets, in particular the meeting houses of Dissenters. History reveals that the Sacheverell riots were the last major riots in England for almost seventy years until the Lord Gordon anti-Catholic riots of 1780. In the short term they led to an overwhelming Tory victory at the 1710 elections, but that victory was pyrrhic. With the death of Queen Anne, followed by the accession of the Hanoverians to the throne, the Whigs became the party of government. Some Tories, such as Bolingbroke, panicked, and fled to France and the Court of the Pretender. The other key factor was the Treaty of Utrecht, brokered on England’s behalf by the Tory government of Harley and Bolingbroke that brought the Civil war to an end in 1713. England now entered an era of peace; there remained no longer the need to raise funds to conduct a war. The war had forced the English state to both to consolidate and to innovate.This can be viewed as the victory of the party of ‘politeness and moderation’ and the Enlightenment and hence the effective end of the ‘rage of party’. Threats did remain by the Pretender’s (James III) attempt to retake the English throne, as happened in 1715 and 1745, when was backed by the barbaric Scots.The Whig ascendancy, the ascendancy of a minority, was to last for decades but remnants of the Tory Party remained, and England became a “one-and one-half” party regime (Ertman 222). Once in power, however, the Whigs utilised a number of mechanisms to ensure that the age of the ‘rage of party’ had come to an end and would be replaced by one of politeness and moderation. As Plumb states, they gained control of the “means of patronage” (Plumb 161—88), while maintaining the ongoing trend, from the 1680s of restricting those eligible to vote in local corporations, and the Whigs supported the “narrowing of the franchise” (Plumb 102—3). Finally, the Septennial Act of 1717 changed the time between elections from three years to seven years.This lowered the political temperature but it did not eliminate the Tories or complaints about the political, social and economic path that England had taken. Rage may have declined but there was still a lot of dissent in the newspapers, in particular in the late 1720s in the Craftsman paper controlled by Viscount Bolingbroke. The Craftsman denounced the corrupt practices of the government of Sir Robert Walpole, the ‘robinocracy’, and played to the prejudices of the landed gentry. Further, the Bolingbroke circle contained some major literary figures of the age; but not a group of violent revolutionaries (Kramnick). It was true populism, from ideals of the Enlightenment and a more benign environment.The new ideal of ‘politeness and moderation’ had conquered English political culture in an era of Whig dominance. This is exemplified in the philosophy of David Hume and his disparagement of enthusiasm and superstition, and the English elite were also not fond of emotional Methodists, and Charles Wesley’s father had been a Sacheverell supporter (Cowan 43). A moderate man is rational and measured; the hoi polloi is emotional, faintly disgusting, and prone to rage.In the End: A Reduction of Rage Nevertheless, one of the great achievements of this new ideal of civility was to tame the conflict between political parties by recognising political division as a natural part of the political process, one that did not involve ‘rage’. This was the great achievement of Edmund Burke who, arguing against Bolingbroke’s position that 1688 had restored a unified political order, and hence abolished political divisions, legitimated such party divisions as an element of a civilised political process involving gentlemen (Mansfield 3). The lower orders, lacking the capacity to live up to this ideal, were prone to accede to forces other than reason, and needed to be kept in their place. This was achieved through a draconian legal code that punished crimes against property very severely (Hoppit). If ‘progress’ as later described by Macaulay leads to a polite and cultivated elite who are capable of conquering their rage – so the lower orders need to be repressed because they are still essentially barbarians. This was echoed in Macaulay’s contemporary, John Stuart Mill (192) who promulgated Orientals similarly “lacked the virtues” of an educated Briton.In contrast, the French attempt to impose order and stability through an authoritarian state fared no better in the long run. After 1789 it was the ‘rage’ of the ‘mob’ that helped to bring down the French Monarchy. At least, that is how the new cadre of the ‘polite and moderate’ came to view things.ReferencesBolingbroke, Lord. Contributions to the Craftsman. Ed. Simon Varney. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1982.Cowan, Brian. “The Spin Doctor: Sacheverell’s Trial Speech and Political Performance in the Divided Society.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 28-46.Ertman, Thomas. Birth of the Leviathan: Building States and Regimes in Medieval and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997.Fischer, David Hackett. The Great Wave: Price Revolutions and the Rhythm of History, New York: Oxford UP, 1996.Holmes, Geoffrey. “The Sacheverell Riots: The Crowd and the Church in Early Eighteenth-Century London.” Past and Present 72 (Aug. 1976): 55-85.Hume, David. “Of Superstition and Enthusiasm.” Essays, Moral, Political, and Literary. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1985. 73-9. Hoppit, Julian. A Land of Liberty? England 1689—1727, Oxford: Oxford UP, 2000.Kemp, Geoff. “The ‘End of Censorship’ and the Politics of Toleration, from Locke to Sacheverell.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 47-68.Knights, Mark. Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2005.———. The Devil in Disguise: Deception, Delusion, and Fanaticism in the Early English Enlightenment. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2011.———. “Introduction: The View from 1710.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 1-15.Kramnick, Isaac. Bolingbroke & His Circle: The Politics of Nostalgia in the Age of Walpole. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1992.Macaulay, Thomas Babington. The History of England from the Accession of James II. London: Folio Society, 2009.Mansfield, Harvey. Statesmanship and Party Government: A Study of Burke and Bolingbroke. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1965.Melleuish, Greg. “Civilisation, Culture and Police.” Arts 20 (1998): 7-25.Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty, Representative Government, the Subjection of Women. London: Oxford UP, 1971.Nicholson, Eirwen. “Sacheverell’s Harlot’s: Non-Resistance on Paper and in Practice.” Faction Displayed: Reconsidering the Impeachment of Dr Henry Sacheverell. Ed. Mark Knights. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012. 69-79.Parker, Geoffrey. Global Crisis: War, Climate Change & Catastrophe in the Seventeenth Century. New Haven: Yale UP, 2013.Pincus, Steve. 1688: The First Modern Revolution. New Haven: Yale UP, 2009.Plumb, John H. The Growth of Political Stability in England 1675–1725. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973.The Tryal of Dr Henry Sacheverell before the House of Peers, 1st edition. London: Jacob Tonson, 1710.

Chapter eight presents a case study of music in daily life based on the manuscript autobiography of Johann Christian Müller from Stralsund. Müller grew up playing the keyboard recreationally and it became a focal point of his social life while he was studying at the university in Jena. He used his abilities at the keyboard to cultivate and maintain relationships with his friends, landlords, patrons, and other acquaintances. Music making also featured prominently in his later years as a house tutor in Eixen, where he cultivated an intimate relationship with Lotchen von Lillieström, one of the daughters of the aristocratic family he served. The keyboard lessons he offered became the primary basis for their spending time together and led to considerable controversy within the household and beyond.

Family affairs, land usage, and seigniorial status are the most visible elements of Earl Robert’s baronial life. There are examples of his children being reared and later maintained in his household. Several were provided with appanages and politically important marriages. Failure to provide at least part of such aristocratic advancement led to a son’s rebellion. As a landlord, Robert was a demesne developer, patron of the rising burgess class, and ally of its upper echelon. Subinfeudated lands also obtained various personal services and revenue. Robert developed a tiered, barony-wide administration which included household officers, a writing office, and, during the Anarchy, a die-producing mint at Bristol for his own coinage. Proprietary relationships with ecclesiastical lords involved him in treaty-making efforts.

Through the examination of the role of Lord Dufferin, Governor General of Canada during the passage of the Land Purchase Act of 1875, this chapter illustrates how land policy reform in Atlantic Canada was seen through the lens of the imperial concerns of the landholding British elite. Dufferin, an Irish landlord himself, was concerned about the implications of the Government of Canada buying out the land proprietors on PEI for his own holdings as well as those of others in his social position across the empire. The chapter argues that a transnational approach to analysis of such issues reveals the extent to which the landed and aristocratic elite of the British Isles could still exert their influence despite the movement toward colonial self-government.