Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Argentine Political Economy'

Cette thèse recherche les causes des expériences divergentes de développement politique et économique dans les provinces de l´Argentine. Malgré les ressources financières importantes et politiques que les provinces moins peuplées reçoivent, un grand nombre parmi elles deviennent chaque fois moins dynamiques du point de vue économique et plus dépendantes de ressources financières venant du gouvernement national. Au même temps les élites locales ont tendance à rester au pouvoir, à construire clientèles, et à dominer les autres branches du gouvernement, ainsi stagnent -et parfois inversent- du processus de démocratisation commencé dans le pays il y a trois décennies. En particulier se proposent deux variables cruciales qui expliquent la démocratisation sous-nationale: les institutions du système fédéral, en particulier les dispositions fiscales et la distribution géographique du développement dans les provinces. Dans la premier, se utilise l´encadre théorique de la « malédiction » du pays exportateurs de pétrole mais se concentre sur les mécanismes par lesquels opèrent. Dans le deuxième, se preuve que le développement de pôles relativement éloignées et autonomes dans quelques provinces, sont facteurs que résistent aux forces centripètes et centralisatrices qui connaissent les provinces rentières
This dissertation investigates the causes for the divergent experiences of political and economic development of the provinces in Argentina. Despite the important fiscal and political resources less populated provinces receive, a large group of them are increasingly less dynamic economically and more dependent on fiscal resources coming from the national government. At the same time, local elites have tended to remain in power through patronage and have surpassed the autonomy of other powers, thus stagnating – and sometimes even reversing – the democratization process started in the country three decades ago. It proposes two explanatory variables that help to explain the sub-national democratization process in Argentina: the fiscal rentierism and the geographical distribution of resources within provinces. In the first case, it is used the theoretical framework of the “resource curse” that explain the paradoxical situation of oil exporting countries. Specifically it focuses on the mechanism through which this phenomenon operates looking to specific cases in detail. In trying to explain cases that have managed to escape the “curse”, it shows that in cases in which human and economic resources are dispersed, has helped those provinces to resist the centripetal forces of fiscal rentierism

This Ph.D. thesis is composed of three essays and is aimed to reconstruct, both conceptually and analytically, the Argentine political economy for the period from 1955 to 1991. To this aim, we apply theoretical elements rooted in the Sraffian-Keynesian tradition of thought, such as the extension of Sraffa’s representation based on "Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities" to the price-taking economy framework, the Monetary Theory of Distribution and the demand-led growth model based on Sraffian Supermultiplier. However, unlike some recent reconstructions of Latin American specificities through the lens of the Classical tradition, we provide a formal representation of the Argentine historical experience that abandons the canonical dichotomy between agricultural and industrial sectors in modeling semi-industrialized economies. To account for the different stages of industrialization during the fifties and sixties we include a distinction between manufactured goods for final consumptions and capital goods. Likewise, the inclusion of banks and the financial sector becomes relevant to address financial liberalization and capital-account deregulation during the seventies and eighties. An intrinsic non-tradable sector, associated with public services, turns to be relevant to capture the consequences of privatization during the nineties. The suggested models take into consideration the heterogeneities among productive sectors, as the natural outcome of the structural changes observed during the period under study. The 1st essay presents a comprehensive analysis regarding some contributions made by the political theorist Guillermo O’Donnell, which revolve around the notions of the Argentine Pendulum, Bureaucratic-Authoritarian State, and their implications on income distribution and output dynamics. Under the basis of a tripartite productive structure, O’Donnell’s pendulum is formally reconstructed as the ambivalent behavior of the international bourgeoisie with respect to its strategy of the class alliance for the determination of both economic policies and the pattern of development. The 2nd essay analytically re-elaborates the change undergone by the Argentine economy during the 1970s and 1980s, from a strategy of import-substituting industrialization led by a labor-based government (1973-1976) to a pattern of development based on market liberalization and implemented by a Dictatorial Regimen (1976-1983). By applying Sraffa’s representation of the productive process, the Monetary Theory of distribution and the extension of the Keynesian Principle of Effective Demand in explaining the growth path, such structural changes are analyzed and modelized. The suggested formal representation accounts for the capital goods-producing industry, the financial sector and an intrinsic non-tradable sector as distinctive elements of the Argentine productive structure of the period considered. The essay analytically re-elaborates the distributive changes and the structural consequences of the economic policies implemented by the so-called National Reorganisation Process, both in the pattern of specialization and in the financial dependence of Argentina. Finally, the 3rd essay revisits the cost-pushed theories of inflation to reconstruct the dynamics observed in prices and income distribution. The suggested model stresses the role played by the exchange rate and crawling-peg policy in approaching the high inflation and hyperinflationary experiences during the eighties external-debt crisis. Additionally, the multiple stabilizing programs are analyzed and formally reconstructed in the light of the Classical-Keynesian Approach, highlighting the importance of the exchange rate and external determinants in stabilizing price dynamics. In this sense, the Convertibility Regime, during the nineties, is analyzed as a strategy to control the price dynamic by reinforcing the financial dependence of the Argentine economy.

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This work will study the 1976-1989 period with the aim to understand why Argentina is in this chaotic path since the lost decade . We will focus on Alfonsín constitutional government and take a look at the previous military administrations, from General Videla to General Bignone that left behind a complicated future for the nation, a huge public debt and a non-productive economy
Este trabalho resenha o período compreendido entre 1976 e 1989, para possibilitar uma explicação possível da profunda crise na qual a Argentina se encontra desde o período da década perdida . Estuda a economia argentina , especificamente o governo de Raúl Alfonsin o primeiro governo constitucional após a ditadura e o período imediatamente anterior, comprendido entre 1976 e 1983, condição sine qua non dado que condicionou o governo democrático, limitando o desempenho e a evolução do país. Destaca o surgimento da pesada carga herdada como consequência da dívida externa. Esta pesada carga constituída tanto pelos empréstimos de fato contraídos (junto com os correspondentes juros contratados) quanto pela estatização de grande parte da dívida. Destaca também os motivos pelos quais o processo de consolidação democrático defrontou-se com tantas dificuldades encerrando-se emoldurado numa crise tão profunda, ainda que ocorresse a entrega de poder de um presidente constitucional para outro, escolhido num contexto de vigência plena de mecanismos de representação política e de respeito às liberdades políticas

This thesis seeks to investigate the changing nature and role in development of the Regional Development Banks (RDBs) via an investigation of the Inter-American Development Bank. (IDB) and its interventions and role in' the process of consolidation and decline of the Argentine convertibility regime in the 1990s. In particular, the thesis explores empirically the IDB's role through two case studies that reveal its complex political economic nature: first, the debt swap for the privatisation of electricity public utilities signalling the consolidation of the convertibility regime; second, the IDB's role during the process of decline of the regime and its interventions in the privatisation of social security and the international financial bailout aimed at keeping the system afloat. Applying a version of the new International Political Economy (new IPE) approach, the thesis traces the dynamics of the Latin American political economy of financing development, situating the IDB's development mission and role within the framework of globalisation, regionalism and multilateralism. The investigation examines the structural forces shaping the nature of the IDB and its role in the region throughout the period of the internationalisation of production and globalisation of development financing. In so doing, it draws particular attention to the IDB's' ohanging development mandate and its interventions in the region in relation to its hemispheric, regional and global commitments, revealing the dynamics of its technical, financial and political capabilities. Turning specifically to the case studies of the IDB's role in the consolidation and decline of the convertibility regime, the thesis examines the impact on development of what we call the power-balance legitimisation. Ultimately, the thesis intends to show the dynamic role of the IDB within the regional and domestic political economy, providing evidence concerning the exhaustion of the IDB's historical mandate as a result of a dominant economic focus of development challenging this historical institution to re-found its development mission in the region.

Étatique.Cette thèse se propose d’étudier la pensée d’Alberdi et de démontrer qu’elle est, fondamentalement, une pensée de la complexité des catégories fondée sur la conscience du caractère hybride de l’ordre sociopolitique qui lui est contemporain. Alberdi est héritier de deux cultures, une culture traditionnelle d’Ancien Régime et une culture révolutionnaire dont le langage s’est également imposé avec l’Indépendance. La grande question qui se pose à lui est celle de l’ordre à redonner au corps social qui a perdu la légitimité de l’ordre transcendant d’Ancien Régime. L’historiographie traditionnelle a souvent récupéré la figure et les discours du publiciste pour en faire l’éminent précurseur ou représentant de diverses tendances, parfois contradictoires, et notamment, pour l’ériger en figure de proue de la « modernité », du libéralisme contemporain ou encore de l’« État argentin » contemporain. Alberdi est au contraire, encore pleinement imprégné de la culture juridique traditionnelle et il cherche à adapter les langages dont il dispose à la réalité qui est la sienne, dans un aller-retour constant entre réalité et discours, puisque l’une modèle les autres et vice versa. Des catégories comme celles d’« individu », « Liberté », « administration » se sont imposées avec la Révolution, mais le publiciste les resémantise en fonction de son contexte, encore traversé de dynamiques très traditionnelles. L’individu, ainsi, recoupera globalement la catégorie excluante du « vecino ». L’« administration » apparaîtra souvent sous sa plume dans son sens ancien d’« administration de justice » et non pas dans son sens moderne. Par ailleurs, la « modernité » du Tucuman est toute relative puisqu’il laisse un rôle fondamental aux sources de droit traditionnelles et ne s’inscrit dans un volontarisme juridique qu’occasionnellement, et avec précaution. Jouant sur plusieurs échelles, il parle le langage de la modernité politique au niveau national et celui du droit traditionnel au niveau local lequel demeure le socle de stabilité du corps social. Ma thèse est que ce socle traditionnel d’une part, et les catégorie de « commerce » (prise dans sa polysémie) et d’économie politique d’autre part, seront les deux instruments fondamentaux permettant à l’auteur de repenser le lien, de créer une société à partir du corps social traditionnel. Loin de considérer l’ordre au seul niveau national, sa démarche s’inscrit en outre dans une perspective internationale : ce n’est que par l’échange pacifié entre nations que l’on pourra clore le cycle des révolutions atlantiques et retrouver un ordre ; celui-ci sera immanent certes, mais il devra nécessairement transcender le cadre de la nation
This thesis points to study Alberdi’s thought and to demonstrate that it’s fundamentally a thought of the complexity of the categories founded on the hybrid character of the order which is contemporary to him. Alberdi inherited the legacy of two cultures, the traditional culture of Ancien Régime and a revolutionary culture whose language also imposed itself with the independance. The major question for Alberdi is which order to give back to the social body since it lost the legitimacy of the Ancien Régime’s transcendent order. The traditional historiography often pick up Alberdi’s figure and speeches to convert him in the eminent precursor or representative of distinct tendencies, sometimes contradictories, and especially to promote him as the « modernity »’s, the contemporary liberalism’s and the contemporary Argentinian State’s figurehead. Quite the contrary, Alberdi is still rather immerged in the traditional legal culture, and he tries to adapt the availables languages to his reality, in permanent backs and forths between reality and speeches since the first models the seconds and viceversa. Some categories like « individual », « Liberty », « administration » imposed themselves with the Revolution but the publicist gives them another significations (je ne sais pas comment traduire “resémantiser”?) according to his context considerably penetrated with traditional dynamics. The « individual », so, intersects the excluding category of the « vecino » overall. In the same way, Alberdi preferentially uses the term of « administration » in its old meaning of « justice’s administration », not in its modern acceptation. Besides, the publicist’s « modernity » is to be reconsiderated seeing as he leaves a fundamental role to the traditional legal sources and doesn’t fall into legal voluntarism but occasionally and cautiously. He actually plays on different scales : he speaks the political modernity’s language on the national scale and the traditional legal’s one on the local level (local level which remains the stability base of the social body). My thesis is that this traditional base on one hand and the categories of « trade » (understood in his polysemic acceptations) and « political economics » on the other hand will be the two fundamental instruments which enable the autor to rethink the link, to create a society based on the traditional social body. Far from considerating the order on the very national level, his approach also fits into an international perspective : the pacified exchanges between the nations would be the only way to end the atlantic revolutions’s cycle and to recover an order : this order will admittedly be immanent, but it necessarily will transcend the national frame

Beginning in 1989, Argentina committed itself to a wide-ranging program of utility privatization and the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Following the international best practice, the design of these regimes involved the creation of independent regulatory agencies and the delegation of important regulatory powers to these agencies. At the time these reforms were introduced, there was a reasonable amount of consensus that both privatization and the change in the locus of regulatory power were policy changes that had arrived to stay. Moreover, the expectation was that utility regulation would become more stable than in the past. In this thesis, however, it is demonstrated that these expectations were unfounded. Using deductive reasoning, it is proposed that although delegation to independent regulatory agencies is an important condition for developing stable regulatory policies, equally important for that purpose is ensuring that governments cannot easily reverse that delegation or manipulate its terms. It is also hypothesized that, in the case of Argentina, whether or not this second requirement can be satisfied depends on the legal instrument policy-makers use to define the key features of a regulatory regime. The final claim is that, given the country's institutional endowment, the way regulatory policy is defined has an important consequence. It is less likely to be reversed, and therefore be stable and predictable, if key features of the policy are defined in a statute, than if they are contained within other legal instruments that can be passed - and changed - unilaterally by the executive. To test these hypotheses, the thesis uses three case studies: telecommunications regulation between 1990 and 2001; electricity regulation between 1992 and 2001; and utility regulation - across sectors - between the passage of the Economic Emergency Law in January 2002 and April 2003.

Argentina, throughout its history, has fallen prey to a unique brand of “exceptionalism.” While it is well-endowed with both the physical and demographic inputs to successful economic growth and development, its story has been defined by a consistent inability to reach its economic potential. This work examines how the nation’s political economy dynamics create an environment that is not conducive to long-term economic development. Through an analysis of both historical factors and the country’s present situation, it focuses on how the primacy of short-term factors has become entrenched in the economic policymaking process. The discussion is comprised of a fusion of economic, political, sociological, and psychological elements, which join together in attempting to explain the duration, magnitude, and repetitive nature of Argentina’s economic woes. This exploration of the past, the present, and their interaction offers insight into the specific factors that continue to keep Argentina from achieving a sustainable development path.

The wine industry in Mendoza exemplifies the ways that cooperatives in Latin America cope with globalization and neoliberal economic reform. Cooperatives are economic organizations that bridge social, political and economic worlds for their members, and also escort their members from the past into the present. In the wine industry, technological advancement is necessary to compete in a global market, but many local cooperatives resist investing in this type of change. The regional cooperative faces the challenge of providing a buyer for its member cooperatives while also selling a quality product to consumers. The financial success of the regional cooperative position it to provide its members economic support and possibly to foster a restructuring of wine production in Argentina.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1997.
"December 1997." Thesis advisor(s): Robert E. Looney, Scott D. Tollefson. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available online.

This research examines the effects of democratization and political performance on the functional distribution of income in Argentina and Brazil from the end of their authoritarian periods to the present. The existing literature tends to focus on the impacts of democratization and political performance on the economic growth of the country as a whole or on changes to per capita income. This analysis focuses on the equality of economic development in less developed countries because growth is not necessarily distributed equally and poverty and inequality are both endemic to many less developed countries and also negatively impact development as a whole as well as the consolidation of democracy. To examine the effects of democratization and political performance on the shape of economic development, this thesis utilizes the Polity IV index as a measure of democracy, Relative Political Extraction as a proxy for political performance, and labor's share of national income as a measure of income inequality. Theoretically, a more democratic regime should enact policies that allow for a more equitable distribution of income because democratization increases popular representation and makes the provision of public goods preferable to the provision of private goods. Similarly, a regime with higher political capacity should be better equipped to enact whatever policies and development strategies it chooses, thereby reducing income inequality if the regime deems equitable development a priority. The main finding of this research is that political performance has had a significant impact on the shape of economic development in Argentina and Brazil, whereas the effect of democratization on the shape of development is less clear. A stronger, more effectively performing government will be better able to deliver equitable development regardless of its level of democracy than will a poorly performing government of any type.

In this thesis, I explore the policy responses to the financial crisis of 2001/2002 in Argentina and its implications for the Argentine political economy between 2002 and 2007. Precisely, I examine the extent and nature of the shift from neoliberalism to neo-developmentalism in Argentina between 2002 and 2007. Scholars who observed the rise of the New Left governments in Latin America argued that there was a renewal of state activism and developmentalism which implied a distinct departure from the neoliberalism of the 1990s. Argentina`s post-crisis political economy was viewed from a post-neoliberal perspective. Using the concept of new developmentalism labelled by Bresser-Pereira in 2003, I offer a more nuanced approach to post-neoliberalism in Argentina. I argue that post-neoliberal project or neo-developmentalism in Argentina does not represent a distinct departure from neoliberalism or a return to old developmentalism. Instead, it embodies a more hybrid and complex process that maintained core elements of economic liberalism. This thesis aims to contribute to the debates about post-neoliberalism and the New Left in Latin America.

This dissertation investigates the role commodity exports are playing in making the hegemonic policies of Latin America's new progressive governments viable and the repercussions these are having on economic development. At the core of the analysis there is a study of those mechanisms which are making possible Kirchenerism's policies of industrialization, social redistribution and international autonomy viable, and, how these are reliant on reinforcing the commodity exporting economy in the country. Using Argentina as a case study the dissertation argues that this post-neoliberal progressive project is embedded in an essential paradox. This hinges on the way in which a more progressive post-neoliberal organization of capitalism is entrenched in reinforcing Argentina's subordinated integration into global capitalism as a commodity provider - a process which, in turn, is strengthening the country's dependent integration into the international economy. The Argentine soy complex is taken as a case study to provide an empirical base to the argument and provides a site for testing the main hypothesis of this study. The argument revisits the Latin American tradition of dependency theory. It explores to what extent the post-neoliberal political economy in Argentina, even if progressive, is reliant on commodity exports which are strengthening a situation of dependency that is then obstructing the prospects for long term economic development. Chapter 2 explores how the Latin American tradition of dependency can provide a valuable setting to study the political economy of post-neoliberalism in the region. In chapter 3, I argue that a precise look at the current organization of how capital is realized in Argentina can show that the core of the processes of capital accumulation and social reproduction, embraced by Kirchenerism, represents a post-neoliberal rupture. Chapter 4 shows how the key hegemonic policies for Kirchenerism - of industrialization, social redistribution and international autonomy - are possible because of the recent growth of the commodity exporting economy. Chapter 5, establishes how Kirchenerism is reliant on the good performance of the soy complex in order to sustain these policies and, in chapter 6, there is an illustration of how the new situation of dependency hinders economic development prospects by using the soy complex as a case study. The major contribution this dissertation offers is an increased understanding of the political economy of these new progressive governments. In particular, the analysis shows the essential role that commodity exports have had in sustaining the key policies of these projects and also how the sustainability of a more social democratic organization of capitalism is hindering long term prospects for economic development.

Thesis (Honors)--Ohio State University, 2007.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages: contains 29 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 24-25). Available online via Ohio State University's Knowledge Bank.

The thesis examines the process by which sustained reform became possible in Argentina between 1989 and 1995 after some fifty years of cyclical crisis and ungovernability. It argues that the first administration of Carlos Menem broke the earlier 'logic' of Argentine politics, characterised by the suffocation of economic policy coherence by organised political interests. What needs to be explained, in this light, is not why reform happened in Argentina (- this is explained readily with reference to the crisis of 1989), but rather how it was sustained. The central contention is that the consolidation of reform can be explained convincingly with reference to international influences from around 1991/2 onwards. These influences are identified as (a) globalisation, (b) conditionality, and (c) regionalisation. In this way, the theoretical agenda of the thesis feeds into the study of International Political Economy and the prevalent debates in the study of globalisation. The international influences on change at the domestic level worked in two ways. First, they acted to 'rescue' the Argentine state from its conditions of crisis in the late 1980s by providing the political and economic space for a radical reform of both the economy and society. Second, the consolidation of this restructuring process was achieved from 1991/2 onwards through the 'internationalisation' of the state, which led to significant changes in the nature of state power. The impact of the three dimensions of international influence generated a 'paradox of state power', in which the state became simultaneously more and less 'powerful': while its autonomy diminished in the international context in terms of the available policy options, there was a marked increase in its autonomy in the internal arena vis-a-vis domestic political and economic actors. The result was an opportunity for the consolidation of the government's political and economic reform agenda in Argentina.

In Argentina and Brazil, the future never seems to arrive. Over the last three decades, successive waves of neoliberal and neodevelopmentalist reforms invariably ended in disappointment. The most relevant question defying the contemporary Brazilian and Argentinian political economy literature is why, despite being repeatedly predicted in economic programs and promised in political discourses, catch-up development never materialises? Neoliberal and neodevelopmentalist authors offer apparently contradictory answers to that question. For the former, economic underachievement is a result of insufficient or ill-conceived pro-market reforms. For the latter, it is a consequence of the lack of state-led national development projects. In this thesis, I challenge both mainstream narratives. I claim that the roots of Brazilian and Argentinian permanent underachievement are intrinsically related to the fragilities of neoliberal and neodevelopmentalist development strategies, which result in inherently inconsistent policies. Although representing themselves as complete opposites, both sides actually share two problematic premises: a narrow view of development, understood as capitalist catch-up, and a simplified opposition between state and market. My critique starts from a radical reappraisal of the very concept of development, informed by Leon Trotsky's idea of uneven and combined development and its contemporary interpretations. Defining development as the dynamic outcome of the interplay between class disputes and international pressures and opportunities, I argue that the shortcomings of the neoliberal and neodevelopmentalist reforms were determined by the specific responses given by dominant class alliances in the face of successive international crises. The argument is advanced through four in-depth case studies of the state reforms carried out in Brazil and Argentina since the 1990s, with particular attention to macroeconomic and foreign policies. By breaking the oligopoly of narratives about Brazilian and Argentinian development shared by neoliberals and neodevelopmentalists, I aim to contribute to the rise of alternative strategies of development from below.

Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Sócio-Econômico. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Economia.
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Orientador: Sergio S. Silva
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: Não informado
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Economia

Orientador: Monica Baer
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: Este trabalho analisa a experiência econômica argentina durante os anos 90, quando foram implementados uma série de reformas estruturais e um esquema de conversibilidade da moeda, os quais suprimiram em tempo recorde o antigo modelo de substituição de importações. Com essas políticas, a Argentina superou três episódios hiperinflacionáriose teve, ainda, depois de quinze anos de estagnação econômica - em média -, um período de crescimento ininterrupto entre 1991 a 1994. A partir do estudo da forma corno se chegou à eclosão hiperinflacionária de 1989, analisa-se, desde a implementação do modelo de substituição de importações, os setores fiscal e externo - tradicionalmente geradores de desequilíbrios macroeconômicos -, com dois objetivos. Em primeiro lugar, o de compreender a natureza e a possibilidade que teve o governo Menem, na década de 90, de modificar radicalmente a estrutura econômica argentina. E, em segundo lugar, a forma que esta experiência adotou para superar os entraves gerados pelos desequilíbrios fiscal e externo. Finalmente, são apontados os aspectos ainda vigentes que poderão apresentar vulnerabilidade a longo prazo e complicar a atual estabilidade econômica argentina
Abstract: Not informed.
Mestrado
Mestre em Economia

Este trabalho visa analisar as estratégias neoliberais adotadas por Brasil e Argentina na década de 1990 além das crises econômicas e sociais que ambos atravessaram na virada para o século XXI. A ideia é reconstruir a lógica econômica que buscou o controle da inflação oriunda da década anterior nos dois países e mostrar como isso se relaciona com as crises em questão. As políticas neoliberais entraram no Brasil com Fernando Collor em 1990 e foram continuadas por Itamar Franco e Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enquanto na Argentina sua aplicação data da ditadura militar instaurada em 1976, mas foi aprofundada a partir de 1989 com a eleição de Carlos Menem e dez anos depois com Fernando de la Rúa. Para reduzir os índices de inflação e viabilizar os planos econômicos aplicados, os dois países abriram suas economias, enxugaram a máquina pública e desregulamentaram seus mercados, conforme recomendado pelo Consenso de Washington. O resultado foi um processo de valorização cambial violenta que permitiu o aumento desenfreado das importações em detrimento das exportações, levando ao fechamento de diversas empresas nacionais que não poderiam competir com produtos estrangeiros, além do aumento do desemprego. A entrada de investimentos externos, muitas vezes na compra de estatais, também caracterizou o período, mas em pouco contribuiu para o desenvolvimento dos dois países que assistiram a um quadro de deterioração social e econômica ao longo da década em questão.
The aim of this work is to analyze the neoliberal strategies adopted by Brazil and Argen-tina in the 1990s as well as the economic and social crises both countries suffered in the turn of the 21th century. The purpose of the research is to explain the economic log-ic behind the attempt to control the inflation that had risen along the previous decade in the two countries, and to show how this issue relates to the crises in question. Neoliber-al policies were first adopted in Brazil by former president Fernando Collor, in 1990, and continued to be adopted by former- presidents Itamar Franco and Fernando Henrique Cardoso. In Argentina, neoliberal policies date from the military dictatorship in the year 1976, being further implemented by former president Carlos Menem (1989) who ruled for ten years, followed by Fernando de la Rúa, who pursued the same policy. In order to reduce inflation rates and make the economic plan work, both countries adopted an open economy, reduced public spending and deregulated their markets, following the principles set forth by the Washington Consensus. The result was a substantial increase in exchange rates that gave rise to an uncontrolled increase in imports, to the detriment of exports, leading to the closing of several national companies, that could not compete with foreign products, followed by a rise in unemployment. Inward foreign investment, often related to the privatization of state enterprises, was also a practice in this period, but it contributed little to the development of the two countries, that were faced with so-cial and economic deterioration throughout the decade in question.

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Regarding the Argentine economy, more unexpected than the economic chaos of 2001-2002, when the GNP has fallen 11%, a default was declared and it has irrupted with the convertibility regime, was the inversion of the economic tendency, which was remarked by an uninterrupted annual growth of 8.5% until 2006. The objective of this research is the comprehension of the period characterized by the accentuated recovery of the crisis passed by that country. In order to do so, we have written three papers related to the reconstruction of such economy. In the first one it s analyzed the convertibility, regime present in the 90 s, and the dynamics that conduced to economy crisis. The second paper treats issues centered in Argentina post-convertibility, with special regard to the aspects of the ruptures generated by the crises that explain the recovery. The third analyses the debate regarding some interpretations of the Argentine experience, with focus in the causes and consequences of the contracts ruptures and discretionary state action in the economic policy. As assumption, we see the govern measures along with the end of the convertibility model as essential to the return of positive growth rates and macroeconomic stability. Our framework stands in the keynesian and structuralist theories, mainly based in the works of Frenkel, Damill, Heymann and Calcagnno
Em se tratando de economia argentina, mais inesperado que o caos econômico de 2001-2002, quando o PIB caiu 11%, decretou-se uma moratória recorde e rompeu-se com a conversibilidade, foi a inversão da tendência econômica, marcada por um crescimento médio anual ininterrupto de 8,5% até 2006. O objetivo deste trabalho é a compreensão do período caracterizado pela recuperação acentuada da crise atravessada por aquele país. Para tal, foram elaborados três artigos relativamente independentes relacionados à reconstrução de tal economia. No primeiro, analisa-se a conversibilidade, regime vigente nos anos noventa, e a dinâmica que conduziu à crise. O segundo artigo trata de questões centradas na Argentina pós-conversibilidade, com especial atenção para os aspectos das rupturas geradas na crise que explicam a recuperação. O terceiro analisa o debate sobre algumas interpretações da experiência argentina, com ênfase nas causas e conseqüências da ruptura de contratos e da ação discricionária do Estado na política econômica. Como hipótese, colocamos as medidas do governo juntamente à ruptura com o modelo de conversibilidade como fundamentais para o retorno das taxas de crescimento e da estabilidade macroeconômica. Nosso arcabouço teórico apóia-se nas teorias keynesiana e estruturalista, baseada, fundamentalmente, nos trabalhos de Frenkel, Damill, Heymann e Calcagno

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Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

La Provincia di Mendoza è sempre stata la principale provincia vitivinicola argentina. Il suo potenziale permetterebbe una posizione di leadership nel mercato mondiale, ma questa possibilità è davvero sfruttata pienamente? come si stanno adeguando le bodegas ai cambiamenti richiesti dalla globalizzazione? La tesi analizza la situazione attuale delle cantine vinicole mendocine e presenta alcune potenziali azioni di miglioramento della loro competitività.

This thesis analyzes the IMF stabilization packages and how those packages may affect the development. In order to explain the applications of the Packages, Argentine case is discussed for the period of 1990&rsquo
s. By analyzing the theories behind the IMF Stabilization packages, it is aimed to explain the conditionalities, actions and results, as could be observed in Argentine case.

O presente trabalho busca discutir o papel político das idéias econômicas em um contexto de transformação estrutural. A Argentina enfrentou, durante os anos 80 e 90, os dilemas próprios de um processo de reformas estruturais. O giro para estas reformas foi produzido sob o impacto da crise da dívida externa. A resposta inicial à emergência econômica, que teve um alcance limitado, não comportou mudanças apreciáveis na organização das instituições econômicas. Este alcance das políticas de ajuste foi correspondido com os diagnósticos do momento que postulavam que os desequilíbrios macroeconômicos eram, fundamentalmente, de curto prazo. O governo lançou, em 1985, um plano de estabilização heterodoxo. Os economistas heterodoxos, chamando a atenção para os componentes inerciais da dinâmica inflacionária, sustentaram que as políticas ortodoxas, eram ineficazes e custosas para resolver o problema inflacionário. Contudo, esse programa não conseguiu estabilizar a economia. O fracasso da experiência heterodoxa abriu as portas para a ortodoxia. A partir do final dos anos 80 a agenda governamental foi dominada por uma onda de reformas estruturais. Em 1989, o governo eleito estabeleceu uma nova orientação em política econômica, a partir da qual levou adiante um profundo processo de ajuste. Para entender a modalidade de mudança estrutural seguida pela Argentina existem alguns elementos fundamentais. Em primeiro lugar, aqueles de caráter econômico relacionados com o impacto da crise. Contudo, embora a crise econômica tenha constituído um estímulo poderoso para o início de um programa de reformas estruturais, por si só não foi suficiente para definir quando, como e em o que medida era necessário fazer o ajuste. A interpretação das causas da crise foi central na direção da inovação política. Assim, o debate de idéias cumpriu um papel chave na entrada das reformas econômicas na agenda pública. Para a direção da inovação política foi central a interpretação das causas dos desequilíbrios econômicos. A controvérsia entre alternativas de políticas, que se levou a cabo tendo como pano de fundo a emergência econômica, constituiu a primeira via de entrada das reformas estruturais na agenda pública. Portanto, o desenlace da disputa de interpretações que se estabeleceu durante esses anos acerca da definição da natureza dos desequilíbrios é o foco central de nosso trabalho.
The present work seeks to discuss the political power of the economic ideas in a context of structural transformation. Argentina faced, during ´80 ´90, the dilemmas characteristic of a process of structural reform. The turn toward the structural reform took place under the impact of the crisis of the foreign debt. The initial answer to the economic emergency that had a limited reach, didn\'t behave appreciable changes in the organization of the economic institutions. This limited reach of the adjustment belonged together with the diagnoses of the moment that postulated that the macroeconomic imbalances, were fundamentally imbalances of short term. The government rushed, in 1985, a heterodox stabilization plan. The heterodox economists, getting the attention on the inertial components of the inflationary dynamics, they sustained that the politicians of orthodox, were ineffective and expensive to solve the inflationary problem. However the program was not able to stabilize the economy. The failure of the heterodox experience opened the doors for the orthodoxy. From ends of the years eighty, the government agenda was dominated by a wave of political of structural reforms. In 1989, the elect government established a new orientation in economic politics, starting from which took a deep adjustment process ahead. To understand the modality of structural change continued by the Argentina, some fundamental elements exist. In the first place, those of economic character related with the impact of the crisis. But, although the economic crisis constituted a powerful stimulus for the setting in march of a program of structural reform, by itself it was not enough to define when, how and in what measure it must make the adjustment. The interpretation of the causes of the crisis was central in the address of the political innovation. The debate of ideas completed a key role in the entrance of the economic reform in the public calendar. For the address of the political innovation it was central the interpretation of the causes of the economic imbalances. The controversy among alternative of political that was taken to end on the backdrop of the economic emergency, it constituted the first road of entrance from the structural reform to the public agenda. Therefore, the outcome of the bid of interpretations that was begun in those years about the definition of the nature of the imbalances is the central focus for our work.

In questo elaborato verranno analizzati gli eventi della storia politica ed economica dell'Argentina, un paese che fino a pochi anni fa era indicato da molti come l'esempio da seguire in termini di liberalizzazione dell'economia, privatizzazioni, consolidamento fiscale e sistema monetario. L'enfasi sarà posta in particolare sulle scelte di politica economica fatte dai governi che si sono susseguiti in Argentina negli ultimi trent’anni e la gestione della situazione sorta alla fine degli anni novanta. Verrà data importanza al ruolo assunto dal Fondo monetario internazionale nel tentativo di risolvere la crisi. Nel primo capitolo è quindi opportuno ripercorrere le tappe più importanti della storia economica argentina, caratterizzate dall'alternanza di periodi di democrazia molto fragile e anni di dittatura militare. Inoltre si discuterà del ruolo delle istituzioni internazionali come la Banca mondiale e il Fondo monetario internazionale e le scelte fatte in merito alla crisi argentina. Un altro importante studio verrà fatto verso le varie strategie economiche utilizzate in America Latina, in particolare la strategia ISI (Industrializzazione per sostituzione delle importazioni) ,la differenza con la seguente strategia EOI (industrializzazione Export-oriented) , il passaggio da ISI a EOI e un confronto tra la crisi in America Latina e il miracolo economico asiatico in particolare avvenuto in Cina. Un altro aspetto da analizzare sarà il default .L’Argentina ha subito circa 250 default sul debito estero e 70 sul debito interno dal 1800, più frequenti dopo la seconda guerra mondiale. Nel secondo capitolo della mia tesi mi concentrerò su due aspetti importanti che hanno avuto un ruolo significativo durante la crisi economica argentina: il ruolo delle istituzioni internazionali come il fondo monetario internazionale e la Banca mondiale e come seconda parte il ruolo del governo durante gli anni. La seconda parte è dedicata al governo argentino e alla mancanza di capacità delle classi dirigenti di creare una strategia economica politica di lungo periodo. Analizzando come l'Argentina sia riuscita a finire nuovamente a un passo dal fallimento. L’economia è stato il fattore principale per cui Mauricio Macri ha perso le elezioni e sarà anche il tema più difficile sull’agenda del nuovo governo di Alberto Fernández. Da una parte gli argentini hanno votato per un cambiamento, proprio perché per molti di loro la situazione economica è peggiorata in questi ultimi anni a causa della prolungata recessione, dell’aumento della povertà e dell’inflazione. L'Argentina è ora schiacciata tra un elevato peso del debito estero, cresciuto ulteriormente a seguito del forte deprezzamento del pesos da metà agosto, e condizioni sociali precarie. La principale sfida del nuovo governo è quella di trovare compatibilità tra la sostenibilità economica del debito pubblico e la sostenibilità sociale del percorso di risanamento. Nel terzo e ultimo capitolo saranno discussi l'accordo di libero scambio tra Unione europea e Mercosur. L’Unione europea e il Mercosur hanno raggiunto il 28 giugno 2019 un accordo politico per un accordo commerciale ambizioso, equilibrato e globale. Il nuovo quadro commerciale, parte di un più ampio accordo di associazione tra le due regioni, consoliderà un partenariato politico ed economico strategico e creerà opportunità significative per una crescita sostenibile da entrambe le parti, nel rispetto dell'ambiente e preservando gli interessi dei consumatori dell'UE e dei settori economici sensibili. Innanzi tutto, il capitolo spiega il Mercosur e l'Unione europea come singoli attori; cosa sono e come sono nati.Questo capitolo costituisce una valutazione delle implicazioni positive e negative che l'accordo commerciale avrebbe per ciascuna regione.

Currency crises have long constituted one of the most important sources of politicoeconomic instability across middle-income emerging markets, with exchange rate pegs having been identified as key culprits. Given pegs’ propensity for boom-bust-cycles, it is thus puzzling that governments insist on implementing such constraining regimes and, more importantly, that they tend to postpone exchange rate flexibilisation until a disorderly exit becomes inevitable. This thesis addresses as its core puzzle exchange regime choice in middleincome emerging markets in Latin America, and especially the phenomenon of ‘exchange rate petrification’, by examining the tumultuous exchange rate history of Argentina and Brazil. Adopting a qualitative approach and using comparisons between periods and countries, it traces the process of exchange rate policymaking on the basis of participant interviews and archival and media research over a period ranging from re-democratisation in the early 1980s, through the decade of structural reforms under nominal exchange rate anchors in the 1990s until the crisis exits to inflation-targeting under ‘dirty floats’ in the new millennium. The study shows that existing studies, which narrowly focus on electoral opportunism, credibility-building motivations or structurally-determined interest group pressures derived from OECD contexts, fail to capture the reality of emerging market exchange rate politics, their distinct economic structural context and the inter-relationship between exchange rate policy and executives’ structural reform endeavours. Instead, the analysis suggests that only a model of exchange rate politics that centres on intra-executive dynamics, but incorporates their interplay with societal cleavages and the role of international financial institutions, can account for the countries’ divergent exchange rate policy and especially the differential severity of ‘exchange rate petrification’. Using the cases of Argentina and Brazil as a backdrop, the thesis offers an explanation for the problematic nature of exchange rate pegs that goes beyond the analysis offered by the economics literature, and instead highlights their inherently political nature insofar as national governments conceive of nominal pegs as coalition-building devices in the context of politically controversial structural reforms. Aside from structural factors, such as liability dollarisation, it is governments’ reluctance to surrender this political instrument that perpetuates ‘exchange rate petrification’. As ‘exchange rate petrification’ presupposes the absence of sustained exchange rate politicisation, the thesis also refines the literature’s exchange rate politicisation hypothesis by incorporating several intervening variables, such as the institutional structure of organised society, the nature of the political system and ideational factors, which may mute calls for exchange regime change and thus generate permissive circumstances for exchange rate pegs to petrify.

In July 2014, Argentina entered selective default, even as the country remained financially solvent. The default stemmed not from economic woes, but rather from protracted international litigation between Argentina and a group of hedge funds who, for years, refused to negotiate with Argentina over their bond holdings in the wake of the country’s first default in 2001. These holdouts stalled negotiations and locked Argentina out of international credit markets, damaging the country’s economy and financially harming other creditors and Argentinian citizens alike. Argentina ended up in such a dilemma because of the current sovereign debt restructuring process. No international arbitrator of sovereign debt currently exists. Instead, a country must negotiate with creditors on an ad-hoc basis, gathering support from 100% of creditors before it can restructure its debt and reenter international credit markets, an extremely inefficient system. This paper will assess the current system of sovereign default renegotiations, identifying inefficiencies in the current system, reviewing past proposals for improvements to the system, and ultimately proposing an international arbitrator for default negotiations. This text uses the development of the US Federal Municipal Bankruptcy Act of 1934 as a guide for an international bankruptcy court. Prior to the passage of the law, municipalities faced many of the same challenges faced by defaulted nations today, including powerful holdouts and a lack of structure in the negotiation system. Given the similarities between the two cases, the Federal Municipal Bankruptcy Act serves as an ideal framework for sovereign default arbitration internationally.

[EN] The claim of Argentina to Great Britain over the sovereignty of the archipelago of the Malvinas Islands and the surrounding maritime areas in the South Atlantic, has always been present in all governments through different strategies. The war of 1982 with the aforementioned country -that occupies the islands from 1833 up to date- has complicated the solution to the controversy that, over 33 years after the Malvinas War, remains unresolved.This work analizes the perception and impact that were reflected in the leading digital editions of newspapers of Argentina, England and Spain regarding the Malvinas question during the second presidency of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. The period that started on December 10, 2011 and that will be ending on December 10, 2015, witnessed a complex scenario in international affairs, particularly the issues regarding the dispute over the archipelago.It is valid to inquire about the Malvinas Question today because, firstly the Argentine political context is very interesting. There is a continuity in the goverment administration, which has been for 12 years in the "Kirchner's hands'" -first with Nestor Kirchner (4 years) and then the two presidencies of his wife, Dr. Cristina Fernandez (8 years)-. However the general outlines of foreign policy did not suffer significant changes, Dr. Fernandez de Kirchner was able to revive the controversy and gave a personal touch to the requests of negotiations with the United Kingdom."On-line" newspapers have been chosen as documental base due to their current level of relevancy. It has been observed that the media have acquired a significant role and it has the capacity of influencing both: recipients of information and the protagonists of the story itself. The role of vehicle that once was given to the radio and printed press today is represented by digital media, which boasts a leading role. In the field of international relations, this transformation has meant a new scheme in communicating, since the Foreign Ministries need to rethink what is the most effective way to spread the agenda items.This change in the role of the media brings as a consequence that media influence can transform regional facts on global facts and can also change initiatives and policies strategies. The evolution of communication from the 90s up today impacts directly in international politics, demanding constantly renewal of information, since access to the news is available 24 hours a day.The controversy over the claim of the archipelago is a matter of the whole Argentina and its solution does not appear to be easily found. The distribution of information is key in any international contest and is a determining factor to outline policies. Then, before a foreign policy dispute remains unresolved, the place and the perception that the media give to the subject, it is critical to understand the vision of the conflict on both Argentine and British societies.Not only it was decided to work on the the digital press published by the countries related to the controversy, but also to add the the vision of a third party (Spain).
[ES] El reclamo de la República Argentina a Gran Bretaña por la soberanía del archipiélago de las Islas Malvinas y sus espacios marítimos circundantes en el Atlántico Sur, ha estado siempre presente en todos los gobiernos a través de diferentes estrategias. El conflicto bélico de 1982 con mencionando país -quien ocupa las Islas desde 1833 a la fecha- ha complicado la solución a la controversia que a más de 33 años de la guerra de Malvinas, permanece sin resolver.En este trabajo se analiza la percepción y repercusiones que se plasmaron en las principales ediciones digitales de periódicos de Argentina, Inglaterra y España respecto a la cuestión Malvinas durante la segunda presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. El período que comenzó el 10 de diciembre de 2011 y que concluirá el 10 de diciembre de 2015, fue testigo de un escenario complejo en materia internacional, particularmente respecto a la disputa por el archipiélago.Tiene vigencia investigar sobre la Cuestión Malvinas hoy porque, en primer lugar, el contexto político argentino es sumamente interesante. Presenta continuidad en la administración del gobierno, que se encuentra en manos kirchneristas desde hace 12 años -primero con Néstor Kirchner (4 años) y luego las dos presidencias de su esposa, Dra. Cristina Fernández (8 años). En segundo lugar, si bien los lineamientos generales de la política exterior no sufrieron modificaciones sustanciales, la Dra. Fernández de Kirchner supo reavivar la controversia a través de distintos reclamos e imprimiéndole su toque personal al pedido de negociación con el Reino Unido. Se han escogido como base documental del trabajo periódicos "on line", en el entendido que han logrado adquirir un nivel de relevancia fundamental en la sociedad. Con el paso del tiempo, se ha podido observar que estos medios de comunicación resultan influyentes e impactan tanto en los receptores de la información como en los protagonistas de la noticia en sí. En la actualidad, el rol de vehículo que antaño cumplían la radio o los periódicos impresos se ha transformado en un papel protagónico que hoy llevan a cabo los medios digitales. En el campo de las relaciones internacionales, esta transformación ha significado un nuevo esquema a la hora de comunicar, dado que hace repensar a las Cancillerías cual es la forma más eficaz para difundir los temas de agenda. Este cambio en el protagonismo de los medios de comunicación hace que su influencia pueda transformar hechos regionales en globales y modificar iniciativas y estrategias políticas. La evolución de la comunicación a partir de los años 90 impactó directamente en la política internacional, exigiendo actualidad y renovación de la información, dado que el acceso a la noticia ocurre durante las 24 horas del día. La controversia por el reclamo del archipiélago es una cuestión de toda la sociedad argentina y su solución no parece encontrarse fácilmente. La distribución de la información es clave en cualquier contienda internacional y constituye un factor determinante para delinear políticas. Entonces, ante esta disputa de política exterior que continúa sin resolución, el lugar y la percepción que otorgan los medios al tema, es fundamental para comprender la visión del conflicto en las sociedades tanto argentinas como británicas. Por ello, en esta tesis se decidió utilizar medios digitales de los países que se consideraron involucrados en el conflicto, y la visión de un tercer país (España).
[CAT] El reclam de la República Argentina a Gran Bretanya per la sobirania de l'arxipèlag de les Illes Malvines i els seus espais marítims circumdants a l'Atlàntic sud, ha estat sempre present en tots els governs a través de diferents estratègies. El conflicte bèl¿lic de 1982 amb esmentant país -que ocupa, d'acord al nostre criteri, il¿legalment les Illes des de 1833 a la data- ha complicat la solució a la controvèrsia que a més de 33 anys de la guerra de Malvines, roman sense resoldre.En aquest treball s'analitza la percepció i repercussions que es van plasmar en les principals edicions digitals dels diaris de l'Argentina, Anglaterra i Espanya respecte a la qüestió Malvines durant la segona presidència de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. El període que comença el 10 de desembre de 2011 i que conclourà el 10 de desembre de 2015, va ser testimoni d'un escenari complex en matèria internacional, particularment pel que fa a la disputa per l'arxipèlag.Té vigència investigar sobre la Qüestió Malvines avui perquè, en primer lloc, el context polític argentí és summament interessant. Presenta continuïtat en l'administració del Govern, que es troba en mans kirchneristes des de fa 12 anys -primer amb Néstor Kirchner (4 anys) i després les dues presidències de la seva esposa, Dra. Cristina Fernández (8 anys) -. En segon lloc, si bé els lineaments generals de la política exterior no van patir modificacions substancials, perquè la Dra. Fernández de Kirchner va saber revifar la controvèrsia a través de diferents reclams i imprimint el seu toc personal a la comanda de negociació amb el Regne Unit.Així mateix utilitzem de base documental els diaris "on line" a causa que amb el pas del temps, s'ha pogut observar la rellevància que a nivell societat han cobrat els mitjans de comunicació, influint tant en els receptors de la informació com en els protagonistes de la notícia en si. En l'actualitat, el paper de vehicle que antany complien els mitjans de comunicació s'ha transformat en un paper protagonista. En el camp de les relacions internacionals, aquesta transformació ha significat un nou esquema a l'hora de comunicar, atès que fa repensar a les Cancelleries com és la forma més eficaç de difondre els temes d'agenda.Aquest canvi en el protagonisme dels mitjans de comunicació fa que la seva influència pugui transformar fets regionals en globals i modificar iniciatives i estratègies polítiques. L'evolució de la comunicació a partir dels anys 90 va impactar directament en la política internacional, exigint actualitat i renovació de la informació, atès que l'accés a la notícia ocorre durant les 24 hores del dia.La controvèrsia pel reclam de l'arxipèlag és una qüestió de tota la societat argentina i la seva solució no sembla trobar-se fàcilment. La distribució de la informació és clau en qualsevol contesa internacional i constitueix un factor determinant per a delinear polítiques. Llavors, davant d'una contesa de política exterior que continua sense resolució, el lloc i la percepció que atorguen els mitjans al tema, és fonamental per comprendre la visió del conflicte en les societats tant argentines com britàniques. Per açò, es va decidir utilitzar mitjans digitals dels països que es van considerar involucrats en el conflicte, i la visió d'un tercer país (Espanya).
Castillo, CI. (2016). Política Exterior Argentina y los medios de comunicación: La Cuestión Malvinas [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/62150
TESIS

This thesis presents current business climate in Argentina. It aims to provide an overview of the investment environment and to extend previous studies by closer view on the energy industry. Its main findings are the following ones: Recent economic and political development rise concerns among policy makers and executives. Argentina applies strong interventionist policy and frequently interfere into the free market functioning. Among the most important issues are: foreign currency controls, manipulation of statistical results and noncompliance with its debt obligation. In various occasion expropriated private companies with aim of markets correction. The thesis also presents a case study of the Spanish company Repsol, whose investments in the Argentinean YPF were nationalized. According to my findings this act occurred under unconventional procedure and violated several laws and agreements. These policies resulted in the lower confidence among foreign investors. And despite that final figures for 2012 are still not available, there are various signs that the level of investment declines.

In the past thirty years, International Criminal Law (ICL) has established itself as an influential framework through which claims for justice in relation to the past can be mediated. This thesis offers a critique of the particular way in which ICL links history, law and justice. To this end, it contrasts a transitional justice perspective on trials in response to state crime, with one that looks at such trials as sites of competing politics of time. While the former focuses on the stabilisation of political authority, the later privileges its destabilisation. This perspective is then brought to bear on two sets of trials. These are, on the one hand, the trials of German industrialists conducted by the Allies in the wake of World War II (1939-1945) and, on the other hand,the ongoing trials in Argentina which seek to address the economic dimensions of the last Argentinian dictatorship (1976-1983). Through the reading of these trials, ICL is shown to be a liberal concept of historical justice, not (merely) because it focuses on individual responsibility or because it seeks to foster the liberal rule of law, but, more importantly, because it understands the economic dimensions of state crime according to the ontological separation of the state and the economic which is inherited from political liberalism. As a consequence, ICL tends to authorise a liberal democratic order, while sidelining other political imaginaries and related claims to justice, especially those that would involve a reshaping of the political economy on which liberalism rests. This argument is developed in two parts. The first part, consisting of three chapters, contrasts what has become the predominant perspective from which to study trials in response to state crime, namely transitional justice, with a theoretical framework inspired by the work of Walter Benjamin – in particular, his philosophy of history and his critique of violence. The central difference between these approaches, this thesis will argue, lies with the way in which each conceives of the promise of justice that comes with the memory of past violence. Transitional justice literature links the duty to remember past violence to the promise of fostering a particular juridico-political order, namely the liberal rule of law. Walter Benjamin, by contrast, is interested in the past’s ability to expose the foundational violence of the present juridico-political order. Against this backdrop, the promise of trials in response to state crime can be located only at the place, where they unearth ‘rags of history’ that, if read, expose not only the the violence of the past, but also that of the present, thereby opening it anew for contestation. Chapters Four, Five and Six put this theoretical framework to work in close readings of several criminal trials which deal with the economic dimensions of state crime conducted in post-World War II Germany and contemporary Argentina. These readings bring into relief the way in which the ontological underpinnings of political liberalism – such as the separation of the economic from the political, and the categorisation of violence according to sanctioned and non-sanctioned manifestations – structures the way that ICL makes sense of the economic dimensions of state crime.

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Trafficking in persons has now turned out to be one of the most barbarous forms of abuse and violence against the dignity of the human person. Large criminal organizations act transnationally to perpetuate the economic exploitation of human life, using all forms and practices that offend human dignity and the value of work. Taking as a starting point the origin of human trafficking, under the focus of the grooming of black women, can be identified the modification, over the last centuries, to the current level and difficult to control by state organs to combat human trafficking, which affects men, women, adolescents and children indiscriminately. The national state and Brazilian organized civil society in the last decade have intensified the issue of public coping policies. More severe laws to combat crime have led to some institutional adjustments that, although they have made it difficult for criminals to act, have not achieved the expected effectiveness. In particular, they have been unable to cope with vulnerability that weaken victims by facilitating favoring networks, often disguised as legally established companies, in the enticement of human labor. Adopting the action-research method through a participant dynamic of research and bibliographic, documentary and action research with the aim of transforming reality where it hopes to demonstrate and justify, with criteria (consistency, consistency and non-contradiction), that the improvement democratic nature makes it possible for both States and civil society to work together to reduce forms of disrespect for human dignity and the freedom of the human person, especially in the context of the tri-border region and in the city of Foz do Iguaçu.
O tráfico de pessoa, atualmente tem se revelado umas das mais bárbaras formas de abuso e violência à dignidade da pessoa humana. Grandes organizações criminosas atuam de modo transnacional para perpetuação da exploração econômica da vida humana, utilizando-se de todas as formas e práticas ofensivas à dignidade humana e ao valor do trabalho. Tomando como ponto de partida a origem do tráfico de pessoas, sob o foco do aliciamento de mulheres negras, pode se identificar a modificação, ao longo dos últimos séculos, até o patamar atual e de difícil controle pelos órgãos estatais de combate ao tráfico humano, que atinge de modo indistinto homens, mulheres, adolescentes e crianças. O Estado nacional e a sociedade civil organizada brasileira, na última década têm intensificado à edição de políticas públicas de enfrentamento. Leis mais severas de combate ao crime provocaram alguns ajustes institucionais que embora venham dificultando a atuação dos criminosos, não alcançaram a eficácia esperado. Em especial, foram incapazes de lidar com a vulnerabilidade que fragilizam vítimas, facilitando às redes de favorecimento, muitas vezes disfarçadas em empresas legalmente estabelecidas, no aliciamento do trabalho humano. Adotando o método de pesquisa-ação através de uma dinâmica participante de investigação e de pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de ações com intuito de transformação da realidade onde espera demonstrar e justificar, com critérios (coerência, consistência e não-contradição), que o aperfeiçoamento democrático possibilita tanto aos Estados quanto da sociedade civil atuarem em conjunto, de modo a diminuir as formas de desrespeito à dignidade trabalho e da liberdade da pessoa humana e especialmente no contexto da região da tríplice fronteira e na cidade de Foz do Iguaçu.

Esta tese tem como objetivo o estudo e a análise da evolução dos partidos políticos de matriz socialista na política argentina durante um século (1880 e 1980). Ainda notamos a ausência no âmbito acadêmico de uma análise minuciosa e coerente de e do conjunto das organizações que formaram parte do Partido Socialista (PS). O mesmo ocorre com suas múltiplas divisões e incorporações ou com os vários aspectos políticos, sociais e culturais que sua praxis implicou. Neste sentido, esta tese tem dois objetivos, por um lado cobrir a mencionada lacuna e por outro colaborar com a reconstrução da memória histórica das classes subalternas. Relaciona os partidos socialistas argentinos com o socialismo internacional, o marxismo e seu impacto na América Latina, no marco da formação econômico-social argentina e dos processos políticos argentinos em sua interação com outras esquerdas, os dois grandes movimentos nacionais, o radicalismo e o peronismo, os conservadores e os militares.
The object of this thesis is the study and analysis of the evolution processes of the socialist political parties in argentinian politics during a century (1880 to 1980). We can even now notice the absence in the academic level of a minute and coherent analisys of the hole picture involving the organizations that took part in the formation of the Socialist Party (PS). The same happens in the multiple divisions and mergers or the various political, social and cultural aspects involved in its praxis. So, this thesis has two objectives, in a way, tends to cover the absence of academic literature about the subject and, in another sense, cooperate with the reconstruction of the working clases memory history. It draws the relation between the argentinian socialist parties, the marxism and its social and economic impacts in Latin America, and, finally, the mayor argentinian political processes like the radicals, the peronismo, the conservatives and the military.

[EN] Summary This doctoral thesis analyses the tourism system of La Costa District, which is located in the northeast of the Province of Buenos Aires (Argentina); in general terms, it studies the diffe-rent components and its multiple relations with the physical and natural environment as well as the living conditions of its population. In the last decades, one of the fastest demographic growth has taken place in La Costa District; this is also associated to its popularity as a holiday and touristic spot. High concentration rates in population, production and con-sumerism have accelerated for the last two decades (1990- 2010). This process can be seen in house building for perma-nent living and for vacation rentals. Not only has this pheno-menon had a profound impact on the territorial balance in the region, but also it has modified the non-renewable resources like water and land, and public policies of housing, drainage, public services such as water, gas network and sewer system. Comparing to the population growth, there has been an une-ven pace of expansion of these services. Therefore, this investigation focuses on analyzing how tourism in La Costa District has had an impact on the environment and the living conditions of its inhabitants in the period from 2001 to 2010. This space-time analysis allows to examine the way hotel offering has had in the touristic industry and how the quality in living conditions has evolved in the different com-munities that belong to this area. On the one hand, among the main findings and considering that there has not been a marked increase in the number of hotel buildings and the quantity of hotel vacancies, it can be asserted that the prevailing development model is property market in the period ranging from 1990 - 2000. On the other hand, the overall production capacity in the seaside area is leading to a gradual decline that can trigger harmful environ-mental problems. Consequently, this development model highlights some social - environmental consequences which, if they are left unsolved or unattended in prospective projects or future urban planning, might have a negative effect on its image as a tourist attraction.
[ES] Resumen La presente tesis analiza el sistema turístico del Partido de La Costa, localizado al Noreste de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (Argentina); de manera general, se estudia los distintos componentes y sus múltiples relaciones con el ambiente físico natural y con las condiciones de vida de su población. La Costa ha tenido en las últimas décadas un acelerado crecimiento demográfico que lo ubican entre los más altos del país, asociado de manera directa a su papel como destino turístico de sol y playa. La tendencia a la concentración de la población, la producción y el consumo en el litoral parece haberse acelerado durante las dos últimas décadas (1990-2010). Una muestra de este proceso es el elevado ritmo de crecimiento de la construcción de viviendas, tanto para uso permanente como residencial, como de aquella infraestructura destinada para oferta turística. Asimismo, se ha modificado el equilibrio territorial en toda la región y además ha generado una presión sobre los recursos no renovables como el agua y el suelo, así como sobre las políticas públicas de vivienda, saneamiento, extensión de ser-vicios, de agua, gas y cloacas, entre otras, las cuales no se están dando a los ritmos del crecimiento poblacional. Por lo tanto, esta investigación está centrada en analizar la dinámica del turismo del Partido de La Costa intentando interpretar algunas de las implicaciones sobre el ambiente y la calidad de vida de la población en el período 2001-2010. Este recorte espacio-temporal permite analizar con profundidad la dinámica que ha tenido el sector turístico a través del análisis de la oferta hotelera, y además la manera como evoluciona-ron las condiciones de la calidad de vida en las distintas localidades que integran este partido. Entre los principales resultados se puede afirmar por un lado que el modelo de desarrollo imperante es de carácter marcadamente inmobiliario, considerando que prácticamente no hubo incrementos significativos en la cantidad de establecimientos y plazas hoteleras a lo largo de la década 2000-2010, y que por otro lado la producción del territorio sobre la zona costera, sin considerar las dinámicas ambientales características del lugar, está llevando a un deterioro gradual que puede desencadenar fuertes problemáticas ambientales, por lo que este modelo de desarrollo pone de relieve una serie de consecuencias socio-ambientales que en caso de no ser resueltas y/o tenidas en cuenta para los nuevos proyectos turísticos en ejecución o en la fase de planificación podría tener consecuencias directas negativas sobre su imagen como destino turístico.
[CAT] Resum La present tesi analitza el sistema turístic del Partit de la Cos-ta, el qual està localitzat al nord-est de la Província de Buenos Aires (Argentina); de manera general, s'estudien els diferents components i les seues múltiples relacions amb l'ambient físic natural i amb les condicions de vida de la seua població. La Costa ha tingut en les últimes dècades un accelerat creixement demogràfic que ho situen entre els més accelerats del país, associat de manera directa al seu paper com a destinació turística de sol i platja. La tendència a la concentració de la població, la producció i el consum en el litoral sembla haver-se accelerat durant les dues últimes dècades (1990-2010). Una mostra d'aquest procés és l'accelerat ritme de creixement de la construcció d'habitatges, tant per a ús permanent com a residencial, com d'aquella infraestructura destinada per a oferta turística. Així mateix, s'ha modificat l'equilibri territorial en tota la regió i a més ha generat una pressió sobre els recursos no renovables com l'aigua i el sòl, així com sobre les polítiques públiques d'habitatge, sanejament, extensió de serveis, d'aigua, gas i clavegueres, entre unes altres, les quals no s'estan donant als ritmes del creixement poblacional. Per tant, aquesta recerca està centrada a analitzar la dinàmica del turisme del Partit de la Costa intentant interpretar algunes de les implicacions sobre l'ambient i la qualitat de vida de la població en el període 2001-2010. Aquest retalle espai-temporal permet analitzar amb profunditat la dinàmica que ha tingut el sector turístic a través de l'anàlisi de l'oferta hotelera, i a més la manera com van evolucionar les condicions de la qualitat de vida en les diferents localitats que integren aquest partit. Entre els principals resultats es pot afirmar d'una banda que el model de desenvolupament imperant és de caràcter marca-dament immobiliari, considerant que pràcticament no va ha-ver-hi increments significatius en la quantitat d'establiments i places hoteleres al llarg de la dècada 1990-2000, i que d'altra banda la producció del territori sobre la zona costanera, sense considerar les dinàmiques ambientals característiques del lloc, està portant a una deterioració gradual que pot desencadenar fortes problemàtiques ambientals, per la qual cosa aquest model de desenvolupament posa en relleu una sèrie de conseqüències soci-ambientals que en cas de no ser resolts i/o tinguts en compte per als nous projectes turístics en execució o en la fase de planificació podria tenir conseqüències directes negatives sobre la seua imatge com a destinació turística.
Annessi, GJ. (2015). El turismo en la Atlántida norte. Estudio del Partido de la Costa. (Provincia de Buenos Aires - Argentina) [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/58206
TESIS

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, as relações internacionais sofreram mudanças no mundo todo. Na América do Sul, a industrialização e a necessidade da intervenção do Estado na economia foram marcantes, bem como as demandas por captação de investimentos estrangeiros e empréstimos dos Estados Unidos. Com a fundação da CEPAL (Comissão Econômica para a América Latina), medidas de integração entre os países foram pensadas tanto no âmbito doméstico quanto no internacional, na certeza de que somente com o entrelaçamento desses elementos o desenvolvimento da região seria possível. Nesse sentido, com a coincidência dos governos nacional-populistas de Getúlio Vargas e Juan Perón, posteriormente do desenvolvimentismo de Juscelino Kubitschek e Arturo Frondizi, Brasil e Argentina se tornaram os países líderes na região dentro do processo de convergência política, objetivando barganhar investimentos da nação hegemônica do continente e planejar uma macro-economia que pudesse valorizar os produtos de exportação e mitigar os preços das importações. A multilateralizacao da diplomacia brasileira valeu-se da parceria com os argentinos, assim como o desenvolvimento econômico acelerado do Brasil despertou a necessidade na Argentina de uma aliança diplomática de alto perfil com o principal vizinho, na medida em que os platinos se encontravam em sérias dificuldades com Londres e Washington. No início de 1960, chegou-se ao auge dessa empresa, desmontada pelo golpe militar na Argentina em 1962 e, paradoxalmente, pela incompatível dependência dos Estados diante das multinacionais, da economia norte-americana e dos capitais forâneos
After the Second World War, the international relationships suffered changes in the whole world. In South America, the industrialization and the necessity of State intervention in the economy was remarkable, such as the demands for catching international investments and borrowings from the United States. With the foundation of CEPAL (Comissão Econômica para a América Latina), integration measurements between the countries were considered, both in domestic as in international side, in the certainty that only with the entwined of those elements development in the region would be possible. So, with the coincidence of Getúlio Vargas and Juan Perón nacional-populismo government, after Juescelino Kubitschek and Arturo Frondizi’s desenvolvimentismo, Brazil and Argentina became the leader countries in the region into the process of politic convergence, trying to negotiate investments from the hegemonic nation of the continent and planning a big-economy that could increase the value of exportation products and to decrease the prices of importations. Brazilian diplomacy’s multilateralization associated with Argentina’s partnership, such as the Brazilian economic accelerated development awoke the necessity of Argentina developing a high profile diplomatic alliance with the main neighbor, insofar as the platinos were in serious difficulties with Washington and London. In the beginning of 1960 that enterprise arrived at its acme, collapsed under the military coup in Argentina in 1962 and, paradoxically, by the States incompatible reliance beyond the presence of multinationals, North-American economy and the external capital

The thesis compares Argentine and Australian fiscal systems from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. It uses institutionalist and endowments approaches to evaluate the importance of state credibility and taxation on long run economic development. After rapid convergence in the early twentieth century, Argentina and Australia clearly diverged in the latter twentieth century. Divergence emanated from different institutional experiences, which ultimately originated from dissimilar experiences of state credibility. State credibility is the extent to which society trusts the state to act in its interests. Fiscal institutions are a clear and comparable measure of state credibility over time as they frankly express underlying political economy. As Argentina and Australia were once similarly successful settler economies with comparable geographic prospects for development, the comparison promises to transcend geographically deterministic explanations for development. Geography primarily consists of factor endowments and location. In fact Argentina was better placed to succeed in geographic terms than Australia. Yet Australia, not Argentina, secured the status of a developed country. Australia and Argentina exemplify the relative insignificance of geography in shaping development. Divergence resulted from a failure of Argentine institutions to generate sufficient space for negotiation and compromise, and a ‘latent civil war’ was entered from the 1930s until the early 1980s. A key finding of the thesis is that divergence in fiscal institutions, especially differing capacities to embed progressive systems of direct taxation was crucial to divergence in development. This finding is based upon the discovery of new evidence and the harmonisation of fragmented time series which enable comparison over a long period of time. Argentina and Australia took different paths in the latter half of the twentieth century due to distinct institutional environments and their legacies for social consensus and development.

Orientador: José Luiz Bendicho Beired
Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno
Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa
Banca: Maria Ligia Coelho Prado
Banca: Francisco Luís Corsi
Resumo: Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, as relações internacionais sofreram mudanças no mundo todo. Na América do Sul, a industrialização e a necessidade da intervenção do Estado na economia foram marcantes, bem como as demandas por captação de investimentos estrangeiros e empréstimos dos Estados Unidos. Com a fundação da CEPAL (Comissão Econômica para a América Latina), medidas de integração entre os países foram pensadas tanto no âmbito doméstico quanto no internacional, na certeza de que somente com o entrelaçamento desses elementos o desenvolvimento da região seria possível. Nesse sentido, com a coincidência dos governos nacional-populistas de Getúlio Vargas e Juan Perón, posteriormente do desenvolvimentismo de Juscelino Kubitschek e Arturo Frondizi, Brasil e Argentina se tornaram os países líderes na região dentro do processo de convergência política, objetivando barganhar investimentos da nação hegemônica do continente e planejar uma macro-economia que pudesse valorizar os produtos de exportação e mitigar os preços das importações. A multilateralizacao da diplomacia brasileira valeu-se da parceria com os argentinos, assim como o desenvolvimento econômico acelerado do Brasil despertou a necessidade na Argentina de uma aliança diplomática de alto perfil com o principal vizinho, na medida em que os platinos se encontravam em sérias dificuldades com Londres e Washington. No início de 1960, chegou-se ao auge dessa empresa, desmontada pelo golpe militar na Argentina em 1962 e, paradoxalmente, pela incompatível dependência dos Estados diante das multinacionais, da economia norte-americana e dos capitais forâneos
Abstract: After the Second World War, the international relationships suffered changes in the whole world. In South America, the industrialization and the necessity of State intervention in the economy was remarkable, such as the demands for catching international investments and borrowings from the United States. With the foundation of CEPAL (Comissão Econômica para a América Latina), integration measurements between the countries were considered, both in domestic as in international side, in the certainty that only with the entwined of those elements development in the region would be possible. So, with the coincidence of Getúlio Vargas and Juan Perón nacional-populismo government, after Juescelino Kubitschek and Arturo Frondizi's desenvolvimentismo, Brazil and Argentina became the leader countries in the region into the process of politic convergence, trying to negotiate investments from the hegemonic nation of the continent and planning a big-economy that could increase the value of exportation products and to decrease the prices of importations. Brazilian diplomacy's multilateralization associated with Argentina's partnership, such as the Brazilian economic accelerated development awoke the necessity of Argentina developing a high profile diplomatic alliance with the main neighbor, insofar as the platinos were in serious difficulties with Washington and London. In the beginning of 1960 that enterprise arrived at its acme, collapsed under the military coup in Argentina in 1962 and, paradoxically, by the States incompatible reliance beyond the presence of multinationals, North-American economy and the external capital
Doutor

La producción frutícola de las provincias de Río Negro y Neuquén tiene como uno de sus principales destinos la exportación a mercados europeos y del Mercosur y otros en menor medida. En tal sentido, los productos están sujetos a las exigencias de sanidad y calidad de los países importadores -orientados fundamentalmente por los requerimientos de las grandes cadenas de distribución- de manera que los procesos de certificación se intensifican cada temporada. Entre los principales escollos que debe superar el complejo frutícola para responder a la demanda y mejorar su competitividad, se encuentra el control de una plaga clave, la carpocapsa. Y requiere acciones rápidas y sostenidas, ya que las herramientas disponibles para controlarla se restringen con el tiempo debido, por un lado, a los niveles de residuos de plaguicidas permitidos en el fruto - cada vez menores con los avances en la detección de los mismos-, y por otro, por la aparición de poblaciones resistentes de la plaga. El complejo frutícola -como otros alimentarios-, se caracteriza por la heterogeneidad de actores presentes en el mismo. Así se observa, que éste es liderado por grandes empresas exportadoras - algunas de ellas de capital trasnacional- coexistiendo en el otro extremo, con un gran número de pequeños productores independientes, con dificultades para aplicar la tecnología requerida para cumplir los parámetros de calidad y por tanto para persistir en el sistema productivo. Estas preocupaciones desencadenaron la articulación entre las instituciones públicas y privadas de la fruticultura de la región, para intentar disminuir la incidencia de la plaga. Y este es un hecho relevante, si se tiene en cuenta la larga historia de conflictos entre actores del complejo originados en la distribución de la renta generada. La participación más activa del estado nacional a partir del 2003, y los acuerdos de las instituciones representantes de los productores primarios, los empresario ligados a la comercialización, los organismos de ciencia y técnica y gubernamentales, permitieron la conformación de una red socio-técnica alrededor de una tecnología ambientalmente sustentable para el control de carpocapsa (Técnica de Confusión Sexual) que, para su implementación masiva, requiere un enfoque territorial. El estudio de esta red desde la concepción evolucionista de la innovación y las redes socio-técnicas se propone aportar elementos que puedan ayudar en la consolidación de la misma, con el objetivo final que la fruticultura regional gane mayor competitividad con equidad.
Villarreal, PL. (2014). El proceso de construcción de una red socio técnica regional. El programa de control de carpocapsa en la fruticultura de las provincias de Río Negro y Neuquén, Argentina [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/36673
TESIS

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The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the process of privatization in Argentina, specifically in the infrastructure sector, with emphasis on the natural gas industry, which accounts for 50% of the country's energy matrix. After exposing the motivations of policies in the 1990s with this objective, there is a discussion of the main consequences of the withdrawal of state control of resources in the energy sector in the Argentine economy, due to the way this process was conducted, and the picture resulting in particular as regards the regulation of the sector. With the new political landscape of the region, from the early years of this decade, returned to debate the desirability of the state to resume more active roles in the energy sector, in addition to regulatory tasks as part of new development proposals in progress. In the case of Argentina, the Kirchner government has sought to establish new forms of action, even without clear results
A dissertação analisa o processo de privatização na Argentina no setor de infra-estrutura com destaque para a indústria de gás natural, que representa 50% da matriz energética do país. Depois de expor as motivações das políticas aplicadas nos anos 1990 com esse objetivo, é feita uma discussão sobre as principais conseqüências da retirada do Estado no controle dos recursos do setor energético na economia argentina, em decorrência da forma como este processo foi realizado, e o quadro resultante, em especial no que se refere à regulação do setor. Com o novo panorama político da região, a partir dos primeiros anos da década atual, voltou ao debate a conveniência de o Estado retomar papéis mais ativos no setor energético, além das tarefas de regulação, como parte das novas propostas de desenvolvimento em curso. No caso da Argentina, o governo Kirchner procurou definir novas formas de atuação, ainda sem resultados claros

[EN] 100 kilometers southwest from Lamarque (Rio Negro-Argentina), in proximity to Bajo Santa Rosa and Salinas de Trapalcó, there are very rich fossil deposits that give the area a high potential for geopaleontological investigations. The field work carried out by different groups of scientists have allowed to increase and diversify the paleontological heritage of Rio Negro province. In the area there is a succession of Upper Cretaceous sediments including a lower unit of continental origin (Allen Formation) and an upper marine (Jagüel Formation). Among the most important discovery there are remains of marine reptiles, dinosaurs, turtles, sphenodontians and eggs of dinosaurs. In 2009 it was created the protected natural area Bajo Santa Rosa and Salinas de Trapalcó in order to preserve rocks and sediments with dinosaur eggs and other marine and continental fossils Upper Cretaceous. The reference area covers an area of 460,000 ha in which predominates semi-arid landscapes with characteristics of the mountain biome. Although creating the protected area was an important legal instrument for protecting the paleontological and geological heritage it must be considered that it still lacks other necessary components for governance and administration. The research was carried out from the qualitative paradigm in order to describe and understand social reality in the natural environment. It tries to understand tourism as a social, economic, strategic and essential phenomenon, interacting in a natural area. While currently there is an incipient and growing touristic use within the protected area, it is considered that there is insufficient knowledge about the effects and impact of tourism on the territory, local resident and in relation to the Geopaleontological heritage conservation; therefore, it is required that this issue should be studied in order to increase the degree of scientific knowledge. The main objective of this work was to develop a proposal for land use and environmental management for public tourist use in geosites interest in order to generate contributions to geopaleontological heritage conservation in situ of the protected area Bajo Santa Rosa and Trapalcó. The final results allowed to establish a proposal for land use planning and environmental management of the protected area subdividing the place into four zones, assigning a specific destination under special conditions of tourist use for geopaleontological heritage conservation. For this purpose, programs and subprograms of public use for tourism were elaborated; proposals and recommendations in order to comply with the conservation objectives of the mentioned protected area were made. Finally, it was concluded that the scientific investigation in the protected area have brought diversity and number of unique fossil material in the world and valuable information about the paleontological and geological heritage, increasing the collection of Lamarque museum and also the one in Rio Negro province. It is therefore considered that these places, with a relevant natural heritage, recognized by the local population, become potential sites for tourism development. It should be noted that tourism in its role as a conservation agent is responsible for safeguarding the natural heritage for the enjoyment of present and future generations and thus to give continuity to tourism.
[ES] A 100 kilómetros al sudoeste de Lamarque (Río Negro-Argentina), en cercanía al Bajo Santa Rosa y Salinas de Trapalcó, se encuentran yacimientos fosilíferos de gran riqueza que dan a la zona un alto potencial para la realización de investigaciones geopaleontológicas. Los trabajos a campo realizados por grupos de científicos han permitido aumentar y diversificar el patrimonio paleontológico de la provincia de Río Negro. En el área se expone una sucesión de sedimentos del Cretácico Superior que incluye una unidad inferior de origen continental (Formación Allen) y una superior marina (Formación Jagüel). Entre los hallazgos más importantes se encuentran los restos de reptiles marinos, dinosaurios, tortugas, esfenodontes y huevos de dinosaurios. En el año 2009 se creó el área protegida Bajo Santa Rosa y Salinas de Trapalcó con el fin de conservar rocas y sedimentos con huevos de dinosaurios y otros restos fósiles marinos y continentales del Cretácico Superior. El área abarca una superficie de 460.000 ha en el que predominan paisajes con características semiáridas del bioma monte. Si bien la creación del área protegida constituyó un importante instrumento legal de protección al patrimonio paleontológico y geológico, debe considerarse que aún carece de otros componentes necesarios para la gobernanza y administración. El trabajo de investigación se efectuó a partir del paradigma cualitativo con el propósito de describir e interpretar una realidad social en el entorno natural, se trata de comprender al turismo como fenómeno social, económico, estratégico y esencial que interactúa en un espacio natural. Si bien en la actualidad se realiza un uso turístico incipiente y en crecimiento, es de considerar que no se dispone de conocimientos suficientes acerca de los efectos del turismo y las consecuencias sobre el territorio, el poblador local y en relación a la conservación del patrimonio geopaleontológico; por ello, se requiere que el tema sea explorado para aumentar el grado de conocimiento científico de la situación planteada. El objetivo principal de este trabajo fue elaborar una propuesta de ordenamiento territorial y de gestión ambiental para el uso público turístico en geositios de interés con el fin de generar aportes a la conservación del patrimonio geopaleontológico in situ del área protegida Bajo Santa Rosa y Trapalcó. Los resultados finales permitieron establecer una propuesta para el ordenamiento del territorio y la gestión ambiental del área protegida a partir de la subdivisión de ese espacio en cuatro zonas, asignándole un destino específico bajo condiciones especiales de uso turístico para la conservación del patrimonio geopaleontológico. Para ello, se elaboraron programas y subprogramas de uso público para la actividad turística, propuestas y recomendaciones a los efectos de dar cumplimiento con los objetivos de conservación de la misma. Finalmente, se pudo concluir que las investigaciones científicas realizadas en el área protegida han aportado diversidad y cantidad de materiales fósiles únicos en el mundo y valiosa información sobre el patrimonio paleontológico y geológico, incrementando así el acervo patrimonial del museo de Lamarque y de la provincia de Río Negro. Es por ello, que se consideró que estos lugares, con un patrimonio natural relevante y reconocido por la población local, se convierten en potenciales lugares para el desarrollo turístico. Es preciso señalar, que el turismo en su rol de agente de conservación es responsable del resguardo del patrimonio natural in situ para el disfrute de las generaciones actuales y futuras y en consecuencia, para dar continuidad a la actividad turística.
[CAT] A 100 quilòmetres al sud-oest de Lamarque (Río Negro-Argentina), en proximitat al Bajo Santa Rosa i Salinas de Trapalcó, es troben jaciments fosilífers de gran riquesa que donen a la zona un alt potencial per a la realització de recerques geo paleontològiques. Els treballs a camp realitzats per diferents grups de científics han permès augmentar i diversificar el patrimoni paleontològic de la província de Río Negro. En l'àrea s'exposa una successió de sediments del Cretàcic Superior que inclou una unitat inferior d'origen continental (Formació Allen) i una superior marina (Formació Jagüel). Entre les troballes més importants es troben les restes de rèptils marins, dinosaures, tortugues, esfenodontes i ous de dinosaures. L'any 2009 es va crear l'àrea protegida Bajo Santa Rosa i Salinas de Trapalcó amb la finalitat de conservar roques i sediments amb ous de dinosaures i altres restes fòssils marins i continentals del Cretàcic Superior. L'àrea de referència abasta una superfície de 460.000 ha en el qual predominen paisatges amb característiques semiàrides del bioma munte. Si bé la creació de l'àrea protegida va constituir un important instrument legal de protecció al patrimoni paleontològic i geològic, ha de considerar-se que encara manca d'altres components necessaris per al govern i administració. El treball de recerca es va efectuar a partir del paradigma qualitatiu amb el propòsit de descriure i interpretar una realitat social en l'entorn natural. Es tracta de comprendre al turisme com a fenomen social, econòmic, estratègic i essencial que interactua en un espai natural. Si bé en l'actualitat es realitza un ús turístic incipient i en creixement dins de l'àrea protegida, és de considerar que no es disposa de coneixements suficients sobre els efectes del turisme i les conseqüències sobre el territori, el poblador local i en relació a la conservació del patrimoni geo paleontològic; per açò, es requereix que el tema siga explorat per a augmentar el grau de coneixement científic de la situació plantejada. L'objectiu principal d'aquest treball va ser elaborar una proposta d'ordenament territorial i de gestió ambiental per a l'ús públic turístic en geo llocs d'interès amb la finalitat de generar aportacions a la conservació del patrimoni geo paleontològic in situ de l'àrea protegida Bajo Santa Rosa i Trapalcó. Els resultats finals van permetre establir una proposta per a l'ordenament del territori i la gestió ambiental de l'àrea protegida a partir de la subdivisió d'eixe espai en quatre zones, assignant-li una destinació específica sota condicions especials d'ús turístic per a la conservació del patrimoni geo paleontològic (APN, 2010). Per a açò, es van elaborar programes i subprogrames d'ús públic per a l'activitat turística, propostes i recomanacions a l'efecte de donar compliment amb els objectius de conservació de la mateixa. Finalment, es va poder concloure que les recerques científiques realitzades en l'àrea protegida han aportat diversitat i quantitat de materials fòssils únics en el món i valuosa informació sobre el patrimoni paleontològic i geològic, incrementant així el patrimoni del museu de Lamarque i de la província de Río Negro. És per açò, que es va considerar que aquests llocs, amb un patrimoni natural rellevant i reconegut per la població local, es converteixen en potencials llocs per al desenvolupament turístic. Cal assenyalar, que el turisme en el seu rol d'agent de conservació és responsable del resguard del patrimoni natural in situ per al gaudi de les generacions actuals i futures i en conseqüència, per a donar continuïtat a l'activitat turística.
Mastrocola, YI. (2016). Ordenamiento Territorial y Turismo en Conservación. Área Salitral de Santa Rosa y Salinas de Trapalcó. Patagonia Argentina [Tesis doctoral no publicada]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/63230
TESIS

Questa tesi offre un’analisi complessiva della posizione e del ruolo giocato dall’Argentina nell’economia globale durante l’ultimo decennio, attraverso l’uso di diverse metodologie tipiche dell’analisi economica. La ricerca parte dall’analisi della dimensione economica interna del Paese, fornendo uno studio della struttura produttiva dell’Argentina e del suo sviluppo economico. In seguito l’analisi si focalizza sullo studio delle variabili determinanti dei flussi commerciali dell’Argentina con i suoi partners regionali tramite un’applicazione econometrica del modello gravitazionale. Infine, si concentra sull’analisi del ruolo dell’Argentina nella gestione dell’economia globale studiandone il ruolo nel Fondo Monetario Internazionale, nel G20 e nel MERCOSUR attraverso un approccio di International Political Economy. Il risultato principale è la scoperta dell’esistenza di un collegamento tra la dimensione interna e quella esterna. Infatti la persistente instabilità macroeconomica e inappropriate politiche economiche adottate a livello nazionale provocano una perdita di competitività globale che potrebbe danneggiare nel lungo periodo la performance economica dell’Argentina, ostacolandone il raggiungimento dello status di Paese completamente sviluppato. Inoltre, populismo e nazionalismo economico stanno isolando l’Argentina dal resto della regione sudamericana e dal mondo, portando il Paese verso la condizione di ‘pariah’ nelle relazioni internazionali.
This thesis offers a comprehensive analysis of Argentina’s position and role within the global economy during the last decade, adopting different methodologies of the economic analysis. The focus of the research starts from the analysis of the domestic economic dimension of the country, providing a study of Argentina’s economic structure and development pattern. It then examines the study of the determinants of Argentina’s trading flows with its regional partners with an econometric application of the gravity model of international trade. It finally focuses on the analysis of Argentina’s global inclusion in the management of the global economy through the description of Argentina’s behavior in the IMF, the G20 and MERCOSUR with an approach taken from International Political Economy. The main finding is that there is a link from the internal to the external dimension, since persistent macroeconomic instability and inappropriate economic policies result into a lack of global competitiveness which might affect in the long run the economic performance of Argentina, preventing it from achieving the status of a completely developed country. Moreover, populism and economic nationalism are isolating Argentina from the rest of South America and the world, driving the country to the status of a ‘pariah’ in international relations.

Questa tesi offre un’analisi complessiva della posizione e del ruolo giocato dall’Argentina nell’economia globale durante l’ultimo decennio, attraverso l’uso di diverse metodologie tipiche dell’analisi economica. La ricerca parte dall’analisi della dimensione economica interna del Paese, fornendo uno studio della struttura produttiva dell’Argentina e del suo sviluppo economico. In seguito l’analisi si focalizza sullo studio delle variabili determinanti dei flussi commerciali dell’Argentina con i suoi partners regionali tramite un’applicazione econometrica del modello gravitazionale. Infine, si concentra sull’analisi del ruolo dell’Argentina nella gestione dell’economia globale studiandone il ruolo nel Fondo Monetario Internazionale, nel G20 e nel MERCOSUR attraverso un approccio di International Political Economy. Il risultato principale è la scoperta dell’esistenza di un collegamento tra la dimensione interna e quella esterna. Infatti la persistente instabilità macroeconomica e inappropriate politiche economiche adottate a livello nazionale provocano una perdita di competitività globale che potrebbe danneggiare nel lungo periodo la performance economica dell’Argentina, ostacolandone il raggiungimento dello status di Paese completamente sviluppato. Inoltre, populismo e nazionalismo economico stanno isolando l’Argentina dal resto della regione sudamericana e dal mondo, portando il Paese verso la condizione di ‘pariah’ nelle relazioni internazionali.
This thesis offers a comprehensive analysis of Argentina’s position and role within the global economy during the last decade, adopting different methodologies of the economic analysis. The focus of the research starts from the analysis of the domestic economic dimension of the country, providing a study of Argentina’s economic structure and development pattern. It then examines the study of the determinants of Argentina’s trading flows with its regional partners with an econometric application of the gravity model of international trade. It finally focuses on the analysis of Argentina’s global inclusion in the management of the global economy through the description of Argentina’s behavior in the IMF, the G20 and MERCOSUR with an approach taken from International Political Economy. The main finding is that there is a link from the internal to the external dimension, since persistent macroeconomic instability and inappropriate economic policies result into a lack of global competitiveness which might affect in the long run the economic performance of Argentina, preventing it from achieving the status of a completely developed country. Moreover, populism and economic nationalism are isolating Argentina from the rest of South America and the world, driving the country to the status of a ‘pariah’ in international relations.

The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.
This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics.
Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies.
La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.
Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas.
Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.

The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics. Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies.
La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas. Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.

This thesis investigates the narrated experiences of a number of individuals that migrated to Argentina from Russia and Ukraine in the wake of the fall of the Soviet Union. The over-arching aim of this thesis is to study the ways in which these migrants navigated the social reality in Argentina, with regards to available physical, material, and socioeconomic positions as well as with regards to their narrated self-understandings and identifications. The empirical data consists of ethnographic in-depth interviews and participatory observation from Buenos Aires between the years 2011 and 2014. Through the theoretical frameworks of political discourse theory, critical race studies, auto-ethnography, and theories on coloniality, the author examines questions of migration, mobility, race, class, and gender in the processes of re-establishing a life in a new context. The interviewees were not only directly affected by the collapse of the USSR in the sense that it drastically changed their terrain of possible futures as well as retroactive understandings of their pasts, but they also began their lives in Argentina during the turmoil of the economic crisis that culminated in 2001. Central to this thesis is how these dislocatory events impacted the interviewees’ possibilities and limitations for living the life they had expected, and thus how discursive structures affect subject positions and identifications, and thereby create specific conditions for different relocatory trajectories. By focusing on how these individuals narrate their reasons for migration and their integration into Argentine labor and housing markets, the author demonstrates the role Argentine and East European history, as well as the neoliberal restructuring of the postsocialist region and Argentina in the 1990’s, had for self-understandings, subject positions, identities, and mobility. Various intersections of power, and particularly the making of race and whiteness, are important for the way that the interviewees negotiated subject positions and identifications. The author addresses how affect and hope played a part in these processes and how downward mobility was articulated and made meaningful. She also examines how participants’ ideas about a “good life” were related to understandings of the past, questions of race, social inequality, and a logic of coloniality.
Den här avhandlingen undersöker hur ett antal individer som migrerade från Ryssland och Ukraina till Argentina efter Sovjetunionens fall berättar om sin erfarenhet. Det övergripande syftet är att studera hur dessa migranter navigerade i den sociala verkligheten i Argentina, särskilt vad det gäller kroppsliga, materiella och socioekonomiska positioner, såväl som hur detta påverkat deras berättade självförståelse och identifikationer. Det empiriska materialet består av etnografiska djupintervjuer och deltagande observationer gjorda i Buenos Aires mellan åren 2011 och 2014. Författaren använder sig av ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av politisk diskursteori, kritiska ras- och vithetsstudier, autoetnografi och teorier om kolonialitet för att undersöka frågor om migration, mobilitet, rasialisering, klass och kön i en kontext av återetablering av ett liv i ett nytt samhälle. De som intervjuas i denna avhandling påverkades inte bara av Sovjetunionens kollaps, på så sätt att det påverkade deras förståelse av möjlig framtid samt deras retroaktiva förståelser av det förflutna, utan de påbörjade även sina nya liv i Argentina under den ekonomiska krisen som kulminerade år 2001. Centralt i avhandlingen är hur dessa dislokatoriska händelser inverkade på de intervjuades möjligheter och begränsningar för att kunna leva det liv som de hade förväntat sig, och därmed hur diskursiva strukturer påverkar subjektspositioner och identifikationer och därmed skapar specifika villkor för olika vägar för återetablering. Genom fokus på hur dessa individer berättar om sina anledningar för migrationen och om deras väg in i den argentinska arbets- och bostadsmarknaden visar författaren vilken roll argentinsk och östeuropeisk historia, såväl som 1990-talets nyliberala omstrukturering av den postsovjetiska regionen och Argentina, hade för deras självförståelse, subjektspositioner, identitet och mobilitet. Viktigt för hur de intervjuade förhandlade om olika subjektspositioner och identifikationer är intersektionella maktordningar och särskilt skapandet av ras och vithet. Författaren analyserar hur affekt och hopp spelade en roll i dessa processer och hur social deklassering artikulerades och gjordes meningsfull. Här undersöks även hur de intervjuades idéer om möjligheten att leva ett ”gott liv” var sammanflätade med förståelser av det förflutna, rasialisering, social ojämlikhet och en logik som präglades av kolonialitet.
Тема этой диссертации – это личный опыт ряда индивидуумов, переехавших в Аргентину вскоре после распада Советского Союза, на основе их собственных повествований. Основная цель работы заключается в исследовании того, как мигранты-участники вписывались в общественную реальность Аргентины на фоне её превалирующих физических,  материальных и социо-экономических позиций, а также по отношению к тому, как согласно их рассказам, эти люди сами себя воспринимали и идентифицировали. Эмпирическая компонента диссертации включает в себя комплекс углубленных этнографических интервью и включенного наблюдения, проводимых в Буэнос Айрес в 2011 -2014 гг. Автор изучает вопросы миграции, класса, социальной мобильности, расы и гендера в процессе переустановки жизни в новых условиях, руководствуясь теоретическими посылами теорий политического дискурса, критических расовых исследований (critical race studies), автоэтнографии и теорий колониальности. В дополнение к тому факту, что на интервьюируемых оказал непосредственное влияние распад Советского Союза, который кардинальным образом изменил как возможные сценарии их будущего, так и ретроактивные интерпретации их прошлого, эти люди начали свою новую жизнь в Аргентине сразу после сумятицы экономического кризиса, достигшего кульминации в 2001 г. Центральным аспектом диссертации является изучение воздействия, которое имели эти дислоцирующие обстоятельства на спектр естественных возможностей и преград на пути реализации жизненного проекта участников исследования, как они себе его представляли, а также какое влияние оказывают соответствующие дискурсивные структуры на позиции и идентификации субъектов, обуславливая определенные условия реализации различных траекторий их жизни в эмиграции. Фокусируя внимание на том, как эти индивидуумы повествуют о том, что побудило их к эмиграции в Аргентину и интеграции в местные рынки труда и жилья, автор подчеркивает ту роль, которую сыграли в этом особенности как аргентинской, так и восточноевропейской истории, наряду с более поздними структурными изменениями 90х гг., происходившими как на постсоветском, так и аргентинском пространствах в эпоху неолиберализма. Это касается в равной степени аспектов самовосприятия, позиций субъектов, а также вопросов их идентификации и мобильности. Важной составляющей того, каким образом интервьюируемые устанавливали рамки своей субъективной идентификации и позиции, являлись различные грани концепции власти; в частности того, как возникают понятия расы и ‘белизны’ (whiteness). Автор обращается к вопросу, какую роль в этих процессах сыграли аффект и надежда, и как субъекты исследования артикулировали и находили смысл в своей нисходящей мобильности. Параллельно автор анализирует то, как представления участников о "хорошей жизни" ставились ими в зависимость от их собственной интерпретации прошлого, наряду с вопросами расы, общественного неравенства и колониальной логики.
Esta tesis investiga las experiencias narradas por una serie de individuos que emigraron a Argentina desde Rusia y Ucrania a raíz de la caída de la Unión Soviética. Su objetivo general es estudiar el modo en que estos inmigrantes transitaron la realidad social argentina en lo que se refiere a las posiciones físicas, materiales y socioeconómicas disponibles, así como también a su auto-comprensión y a las identidades construidas desde sus narraciones. La autora examina cuestiones de migración, movilidad, raza, clase y género en los procesos de restablecimiento de la vida de estos sujetos a través del marco de la teoría política del discurso, los estudios críticos de la raza, la auto-etnografía y teorías sobre la colonialidad. Los datos empíricos consisten en entrevistas etnográficas en profundidad y observación participante realizadas en Buenos Aires entre los años 2011 y 2014. Los entrevistados no sólo se vieron directamente afectados por el colapso de la URSS en el sentido de que éste cambió drásticamente su terreno de futuros posibles y la comprensión retroactiva de su pasado, sino que también comenzaron sus vidas en Argentina durante las turbulencias de la crisis económica que estalló en el año 2001. En esta tesis, es central la indagación sobre cómo estos eventos dislocatorios impactaron en las posibilidades y limitaciones de los entrevistados para vivir la vida que esperaban y cómo las estructuras discursivas afectan las posiciones y las identificaciones de los sujetos, creando condiciones específicas para diferentes trayectorias de reubicación. Al enfocarse en cómo estos individuos narran sus razones para la migración y su integración en los mercados laborales y de la vivienda en Argentina, la autora demuestra el papel que tienen en las auto-comprensiones, posiciones de sujeto, identidades y movilidad, tanto la historia argentina y de Europa del Este, así como también la reestructuración neoliberal de la región postsocialista y de la Argentina en los años 90. Diversas intersecciones de poder, y particularmente la raza y la blancura son importantes para la manera en que los entrevistados negociaron posiciones subjetivas e identificaciones. La autora aborda cómo el afecto y la esperanza desempeñaron un papel en estos procesos y cómo la movilidad descendente se articuló y se hizo significativa. También examina cómo las ideas de los participantes acerca de una "buena vida" se relacionan con la comprensión del pasado, las cuestiones de raza, desigualdad social y una lógica colonial.

Prenant appui sur un ensemble d'entretiens auprès des protagonistes, la base de données des émissions de titres publics du Bureau National de Crédit Public et un large corpus d'articles de presse, cette recherche analyse la relation entre ressources économiques et pouvoir politique en étudiant l'impact de l'intégration semi-périphérique au système financier mondial sur la coalition sociopolitique au pouvoir en Argentine de 1989 à 2001. Cette coalition était composée des partis politiques au gouvernement, ce qui garantissait la légitimité démocratique, des technocrates des think tanks du libéralisme économique, des grandes entreprises locales et des acteurs privés du système financier mondial. Contrairement aux pays centraux qui sont au coeur du système financier mondial et les périphériques, qui en sont exclus, l'Argentine représente un cas d'intégration "semipériphérique", c'est-à-dire, avec un accès variable au crédit privé externe en fonction de la perception des principaux acteurs privés du système financier sur le risque de défaut des paiements de la dette. Cette intégration a joué un rôle important sur la formation, la consolidation et la dissolution de la coalition socio-politique au pouvoir. D'une part, le plan de Convertibilité implique une dépendance structurelle de l'afflux de devises pourassurer la stabilité économique. D'autre part, les caractéristiques de l'intégration du système financier mondial ont été modifiées par le plan Brady, qui implique une substitution de la dette publique de prêt bancaire par des titres, et le processus de mondialisation. Contrairement aux prêts bancaires, les titres sont des produits échangés sur un marché où les prêteurs prennent des décisions d'investissement de court terme en fonction de leur perception du risque de défaut de paiement de la dette. Cette perception, qui implique une surveillance permanente sur la politique économique, détermine la capacité de l'État à s'endetter et soutenir ainsi l'afflux de devises.