Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Arendt, Hannah, 1906-1975 – Philosophy'
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Guezengar, Arthur. "Hannah Arendt et la rupture totalitaire." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020GRALP001.
Full textThe Arendtian thought is marked by two strong theses: the idea according to which man is conditioned by the environment in which he finds himself caught and that he contributes to modifying by his words and his acts on the one hand; and on the other the idea that totalitarianism constitutes a break with the world and the political tradition, to the point of appearing as a system ontologically hostile to the human condition. But the coexistence of these two theses is not self-evident. Hannah Arendt makes political activity a mode of being specific to human existence, based on the freedom to act, to finally describe a political system where this dimension has lost all meaning. By putting these two dimensions into perspective, this thesis seeks to resolve this paradox of a political regime capable of breaking with all that constitutes political action. By proceeding with a methodological review of the Arendtian texts, from the most recent to his first works on imperialism, it shows moreover that the conception of totalitarianism as a break with the human condition goes hand in hand with another approach making totalitarianism. the continuity of processes already germinated in the colonial system
Brito, Renata Romolo 1980. "Ação Política em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279524.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Neste trabalho, pretendemos analisar a premissa arendtiana de que a categoria de meios e fins não é uma categoria política. Pretendemos mostrar que a recusa de Arendt em aceitar essa categoria no âmbito político não significa negar que a ação tenha propósitos e objetivos específicos, mas sim que a independência em relação a propósitos e fins intencionados é constitutiva da ação. Para tanto, pretendemos analisar a crítica arendtiana ao utilitarismo, para em seguida abordar a noção de grandeza da ação no pensamento arendtiano, partindo de uma analogia com a noção de beleza na esfera da arte. Retomaremos, então, duas análises de Arendt de ações propriamente políticas, com a intenção de mostrar a natureza da ação: sua capacidade de transcender motivos e objetivos. Refletiremos ainda sobre algumas críticas dirigidas à sua obra. A idéia central desta dissertação é que a ação, segundo Arendt, baseia-se na pluralidade humana e que a possibilidade de manutenção dessa pluralidade (que só se manifesta através da ação) é a fonte da sua especificidade
Abstract: The present work intends to analyze Arendt¿s claim that politics is not a means to an end. We aim to show that Arendt¿s refusal in accepting the category of ends and means in the political realm does not mean that action has no purpose or specific objectives, but, on the contrary, that action¿s constitution does not depend on its suitability in achieving its purposes or objectives. To achieve this, we intend to analyze Arendt¿s critique of utilitarianism, and then to reflect on Arendt¿s notion of the greatness of action, based on an analogy with the notion of the beauty. We then reflect upon two events examined by Arendt as proper political actions, in order to demonstrate the nature of these said actions and its capacity of transcending motives and objectives. We also examine some critiques directed at her philosophy. The main idea of this dissertation is that action, according to Arendt, is based in human plurality and that the possibility of the continual of this plurality is the source of action¿s constitution
Mestrado
Mestre em Filosofia
Graham, Nicholas. "An analysis of Hannah Arendt's concept of worldlessness /." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60536.
Full textThe thesis analyzes "worldlessness" by way of Arendt's reflections on the sub-themes of "contemporary crisis," the "Western tradition," the "modern age" and the modern phenomenon of "thoughtlessness." These sub-themes are examined in chapters one, two, four and five respectively. Chapter three examines Arendt's conception of politics and "the world."
The analysis proceeds on the basis of Arendt's stated conviction that political thought must take its bearings from "incidents of living experience" if it is to be adequate to its subject matter. More specifically, it investigates the basis and significance of Arendt's contention that the modern condition of "worldlessness" has produced a rupture between thought and experience which has radically altered the character of contemporary understanding. In general terms, the thesis examines the origins of modern worldlessness and the implications of this for contemporary thinking.
Brito, Renata Romolo 1980. "Direito e Política na filosofia em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281329.
Full textTese (doutorado) ¿ Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia
Carmona, Hurtado Jordi. "Patience de l’action, Hannah Arendt." Paris 8, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA083638.
Full textPolitics, as Arendt understands it, is the name of an specific experience, infinitely practical : the politeuein, the experience of acting. Thus, plurality is the condition of acting and so there is a radical autonomy of praxis. Politics, as a plural action, accomplishes a revelation of the-world : it transforms the no man’s land into a world. If acting means primarily beginning something, the revolutionnary periods teach us with particular acuity about acting : the periods of an hiatus in historical time, when the originating capacity of men appears in an explicit way. The experience of politics shows that human acting is the mere genuine figure of that thing that philosophers called arkhè. The political thinking which Arendt has investigated is a specific way of thinking to put in practice in conditions of plurality. That means to off-center the philosophical device altogether : from the theoretical, the place of the singular-universal, to the Öffentlichkeit, the place of the plural-earthly. Political thinking means acomplishing the task of enduring plurality and developping a patience of the action. Political thinking is mainly a means of comprehension, which is the name of the crucial moment of this off-centering process. If acting starts something new each time, if it’s primarily a rupture, the patience of the action defines the labor, the effort and the discipline of beginning, of miracle. This patience defines a philosophy of initium, of initiative. The main challenge of this way of thinking consists on substracting the moment of « in the beginning » from mythic power. Therefore, Arendt’s political thinking is a critical thinking, or rather an Auflkärer thinking
Eloff, Philip Rene. "Kompleksiteit en begronding in die werk van Hannah Arendt en Jaques Derrida." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6541.
Full textENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this mini-thesis I explore Hannah Arendt’s engagement with the problem of foundation in relation to the work of Derrida and complexity theory. In Arendt the problem of foundation takes shape as the attempt to develop a thinking of foundation that does not repress political freedom. The American Revolution is an important point of reference in Arendt’s attempt to develop such a notion of authority. According to Arendt the American republic could, however, not entirely succeed in realizing this conception of authority. I draw on Derrida and complexity theory in order to show that the shortcomings Arendt points to are structural to institutions as such. Following Derrida and complexity theory, I further that the recognition of this structural limitation is an indispensable step in the attempt to think political authority as something stable, but which nevertheless keeps open the possibility of political change.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie skripsie ondersoek ek Hannah Arendt se ommegang met die probleem van begronding deur dit in verband te bring met die werk van Jacques Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie. Die probleem van begronding neem vir Arendt vorm aan in die poging om politieke gesag op so wyse te bedink dat dit nie politieke vryheid onderdruk nie. Die Amerikaanse rewolusie vorm ’n sentrale verwysingspunt in Arendt so poging om gesag op hierdie manier te bedink. Dit slaag volgens haar egter nie heeltemal daarin om hierdie alternatiewe vorm van gesag te verwesenlik nie. Ek steun op Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie om te wys dat die tekortkominge waarop Arendt wys in ’n sekere sin struktureel is tot enige instelling. Ek argumenteer voorts in navolging van Derrida en kompleksiteitsteorie dat ’n erkenning van hierdie strukturele beperking ’n belangrike moment is in die poging om politieke gesag te bedink as iets wat stabiel kan wees, maar terselftertyd ruimte laat vir politieke verandering.
Straehle, Porras Edgar. "Hannah Arendt: Una lectura desde la autoridad." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/399927.
Full textThis work will examine the concept of authority, taking Hannah Arendt‘s political thinking as a cue. My aim is to rethink and vindicate the importance of this political category, which has been insufficiently examined by the tradition of political thought. In my opinion, its specific dimension needs to be further studied so that we can better understand the current political crisis. In order to fulfil this new approach, we need to dissociate or disentangle the notion of authority from those of power and authoritarianism, concepts with which it has usually been confused. In this regard, this work highlights the fact that authority is incompatible with a conception of power that is embodied in the notion of sovereignty. Contrary to this conception, authority implies a form of obedience which does not stand on imposition, coercion or violence, but on other factors, such as recognition, and consequently it is inevitably defined by its fragile character. Implicitly, authority reveals the incompleteness of power and thus discloses that power needs an exterior instance as a source of legitimacy. In order to complete this task, this research rests upon a deep and exhaustive examination of the works of Hannah Arendt from the perspective of authority and argues that this concept does not play a secondary or isolated role in her thinking. Authority is linked with one of the central problems for this thinker, that of the question of the world. Furthermore, authority is located at the very heart of other major issues, such as the concepts of power, violence, sovereignty, law, foundation, memory, revolution, judgment, common sense or, above all, the world. At the same time the concept of authority plays an important role in the understanding of Arendt‘s position in regard to the council system and it is useful to delve more deeply into other phenomena such as totalitarianism, civil disobedience, forgiveness, promise or both the activities of work and action. In Arendt, authority is defined by characteristics such as its relational dimension and its dynamic character. In addition, authority is seen as a kind of resource which can counterbalance the unpredictable character inherent to action that at the same time does not negate its freedom or its spontaneity. On the other hand, authority provides a horizon of permanence that is not present in the Arendtian category of power and is crucial for the possibility or viability of the political foundation. As a result of this consideration, in the following pages I develop what I call a ―power of reception‖ and I will reconsider the concept of the author on the basis of Arendt‘s reflections. Finally, this work aims to tackle what the thinker considered as one of the major challenges for the current political thinking: the reconciliation of not freedom and equality but of equality and authority.
Bosch, Alfons Carles Salellas. "Hannah Arendt : uma filosofia da fragilidade." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/156985.
Full textPrompted by events to give response to the experience of totalitarianism the consequences of which she suffered in first person, the work of Hannah Arendt is a categorical critique of the great tradition of political philosophy initiated by Plato. Response to the negation of politics that represented the twentieth century totalitarian régimes and critique of the withdrawal of the dignity of politics practiced by philosophy that submitted it under tutelage. Sure to find the foundations of politics beyond its own realm, the Western tradition of philosophy replaced the reflection and the exercise of freedom, the true sense of politics according to Arendt, by a theory of government and domination that hides away the inherent frailty of the realm of human affairs. We intend to defend that Arendt’s political thinking has its basic and necessary requirement in the recognition of the constitutive frailty of politics, without this incurring in any paradox. Therefore, we follow the trail of this frailty across a selected set of the author's texts and argue that her reflection enters in the postfoundational field. As a corollary, we suggest that, despite her own testimony, Hannah Arendt wrote a work of political philosophy, an alternative one to the great tradition, that we may call philosophy of frailty.
Cruz, Richard A. (Richard Alan). "Hannah Arendt: The Philosopher in History." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500249/.
Full textGiequelin, Bruna Perusato. "Pensamento e obediência : análises éticas em Hannah Arendt." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2018. https://repositorio.ucs.br/11338/3907.
Full textThe present study aims to address the question of think (and its absence) and obedience, from the ethical perspective of Hannah Arendt, seeking to interweave such concepts. Thus, under Arendt's analysis, especially after Eichmann's trial in Jerusalem, the importance of thinking in the field of ethics is emphasized. In this sense, man's responsibility to act is identified and not merely to behave as a piece of gear, obeying blindly to the rules, being just another body of mass society. Such observations are extremely relevant in the current context, specifically with regard to the public service in Brazil, which imposes a standardized behavior of its servants, limiting the spiritual activity of man's thinking.
Moreault, Francis. "Hannah Arendt, Erôs et amour de la liberté." Paris 7, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA070117.
Full textThe goal of this thesis is to analyse the meaning of the concept of freedom in the political thought of hannah arendt. She give two "definitions" of this concept: political freedom and freedom of thought for arendt, it's the modern revolution in the sense of rosa luxembourg who found a government where political actors participate to the public freedom. For arendt, socratic love - eros - determine, in other part, what do we do. The socratic thinking give no definition. Thus, the freedom of thought consist to understand the meaning of the concept. Thinking about freedom mean to understand the signification of political freedom and the freedom of thought in result, you cannot prouve the existence of freedom but only thinking about it
Delmas, Christian. "Hannah Arendt : l'action mondaine : le préalable : une pensée trinitaire." Bordeaux 3, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR30003.
Full textThe argument is based on the following opinion: faced with the immoderate binary thought, hannah arendt puts up a trinitarian thought "three into one" which calls in question what binarity rejects or underestimates: plurality. Between the "one" and the "whole", there is always a place for a third element. Diagnosis. The analysis of the totalitarianisms and the criticism of modernity finally lead to blacklisting the different operative ways of the binary thought: causality, dualism, logic, dialectics and binary arithmetic. Remedy. A thought of the "three into one" or trinitarian. An event can always be obtained after crystallizing three elements. This property applies to the notions and extends to the whole arentian corpus. This struture "three into one" allows to grasp differently the numerous questionable knots which strew his works. We can sum up this method like this: we escape the binarian yoke by inserting a third strong point which will balance the other two and thus will open a meaning space. This third strong point is unalterable: it always keeps up a link with the world
Martins, Jeferson Tadeu. "A categoria da ação política em Hannah Arendt." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2018. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20990.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This work aims to study the category of political action in the book The Human Condition by Hannah Arendt. This is a category that evidences the search of the author in valorizing the vita activa, understood as labor, work and action. Considering that the totalitarianism of the twentieth century caused a rupture with the tradition of western political thought, Arendt proposes to think of the category of political action from a recovery of what she believes has been relegated to oblivion throughout tradition, to investigate some political phenomena, as originally manifested. In this dissertation, after the proposal of Arendt’s work is presented in general, the author's understanding about vita activa was evidenced, briefly addressing the categories of labor and work, and then presenting the main aspects of the action, based on the book The Human Condition. Finally, Arendt's analysis of modernity is clarified, along with the process of alienation from the world and the reflection on the system of councils, in which, for Arendt, political action is manifested in an authentic way
Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar a categoria da ação política na obra A Condição Humana de Hannah Arendt. Essa é uma categoria que evidencia a busca de Arendt em valorizar a vita activa, entendida enquanto trabalho, obra e ação. Partindo da consideração de que o totalitarismo do século XX ocasionou uma ruptura com a tradição do pensamento político ocidental, Arendt se propõe a pensar a categoria de ação política, a partir de uma recuperação daquilo que ela acredita ter sido relegado ao esquecimento ao longo da tradição, para investigar alguns fenômenos políticos, tal qual se manifestaram originalmente. Nesta dissertação, após se apresentar de modo geral a proposta de trabalho arendtiana, evidencia-se sua compreensão a respeito da vita activa, abordando de maneira sucinta as categorias de trabalho e obra, para depois apresentar os aspectos principais da ação, tendo como base sua obra A Condição Humana. Por fim, esclarece-se a análise arendtiana a respeito da modernidade, juntamente com seu processo de alienação frente ao mundo e à reflexão acerca do sistema de conselhos, nos quais, para Arendt, a ação política se manifesta de modo autêntico
Charmelot, Dominique R. "L'espace du sens chez Hannah Arendt: essai sur le sens comme lié et débordant." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212665.
Full textCaloz-Tschopp, Marie-Claire. "Les sans Etat dans la philosophie politique de Hannah Arendt : privation du politique, de la pensée, ou appartenance et action politique." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996IEPP0013.
Full textBodziak, Junior Paulo Eduardo 1986. "Categorias de Validade Exemplar : sobre a distinção entre político e social em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279521.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Hannah Arendt trouxe uma nova perspectiva de formulação e de compreensão dos problemas políticos contemporâneos. Se, por um lado, foi capaz de evidenciar a insuficiência teórica do século XX diante do ineditismo dos eventos políticos, tendo que elaborar novas estratégias teóricas capazes de responder ao desafio de pensar a política no seu tempo; por outro lado, tal tarefa não pôde ser realizada sem que tais novidades fossem duramente criticadas por seus contemporâneos antes ou após sua morte em 1975. Neste trabalho, veremos que estas críticas se desenvolvem a partir de dois aspectos: da má compreensão das novidades teóricas elaboradas por Arendt e do tratamento dado pela autora à articulação entre social e político. Como resposta ao primeiro aspecto buscaremos construir a noção de "Categorias de Validade Exemplar", termo que tenta reunir as influências importantes de Kant, Benjamin e Sócrates ao pensamento arendtiano. Segundo, notaremos como as categorias políticas de Hannah Arendt podem ser pensadas em um cenário de efetivação da organização moderna da esfera de aparências, isto é, a sociedade. Sustentaremos que a autora acerta ao apontar para a funcionalização da política pela economia, embora seja necessário reinterpretar aspectos teóricos que a conduzem à citada conclusão para nos permitir pensar a política a partir de conflitos sociais
Abstract: Hannah Arendt brought a new perspective to the formulation and understanding of contemporary political problems. If, on the one hand, she was able to show the theoretical inadequacy of the twentieth century in front of unprecedented political events, having to develop new theoretical strategies capable of meeting the challenge of thinking about politics in her time, on the other, such a task could not be performed without such novelties were harshly criticized by his contemporaries before or after his death in 1975. In this work, we will see that these criticisms are developed from two aspects: the poor understanding of theoretical novelties prepared by Arendt and the treatment given by the author to the relationship between social and political. In response to the first aspect we will seek to build the notion of "Categories of Validity Exemplary", a term that attempts to bring together the important influences of Kant, Benjamin and Socrates to Arendt thought. Second, we will note how the political categories of Hannah Arendt can be thought of in a scenario of realization of the modern organization of sphere of appearances, that is, the society. I shall argue that the author hits the point to the functionalization of the political by economy, although it is necessary to reinterpret theoretical aspects that leads it to the above conclusion to enable us to think politics from social conflicts
Mestrado
Filosofia
Mestre em Filosofia
Levet, Bérénice. "Hannah Arendt et la littérature." Caen, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006CAEN1469.
Full textWidmaier, Carole. "Tradition et modernité chez Léo Strauss et Hannah Arendt." Paris, EPHE, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008EPHE5014.
Full textThroughout XXth century, totalitarianism and liberal democraties’powerlessness lead many thinkers to diagnose a crisis: crisis in politic and crisis in rationality. The major two of them are Leo Strauss and Hannah Arendt, who endeavour to analyse the project of modernity. Our purpose is to compare their respective approach to the problem, considering: how the fact of crisis is stated, how they determine the relationship between modernity and tradition, and how each of them refers to the history of thought. In spite of their similar approach to the problem, those philosophers express different designs. Strauss defines modern crisis as a crisis of rationality; therefore he advocates a return to classical philosophy and to a philosophical way of life which should hold the gap between reason and political facts. On the other side, Arendt thinks this is a political crisis; we must urgently analyse it from the point view of the world, by working out a process of understanding which should radically differ from the usual quest of philosophical truth. Whereas Strauss, versus the project of modernity, proposes to bring back into favour the classical idea of human nature, with its highest goals, Arendt proves that we’d better give up the idea of human nature, so as to think properly the human condition – that is to say the forms of living in connexion with their basic conditions. Thus, this work tackles with the problem of establishing which one of those two political thoughts would be the best to help us analyse our modern situation and find out a solution to crisis
Basali, Rogério Alessandro de Mello. "Alessandro Passerin d'Entreves e Hannah Arendt = a política e a violência." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280335.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências
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Resumo: Este trabalho se propõe a apresentar um conjunto de elementos da doutrina do Estado presentes na obra de Alessandro Passerin D'Entreves (1902-1985), a partir de uma perspectiva que venha justificar sua aproximação com o pensamento de Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), visando modos de compreensão de conceitos e categorias políticos como fatos distintos de fenômenos da violência. A maneira como D'Entreves enuncia sua noção de Estado, compreendido como a tríplice articulação das categorias de força, poder e autoridade, resultado de um trabalho singular de análise e interpretação da tradição do pensamento político ocidental, foi indicada por Hannah Arendt como a única teoria política que corroborava sua própria distinção entre poder e violência. Pesquisaremos na obra desses autores parte das referências à tradição do pensamento, buscando resgatar em seus textos essa distinção e as possibilidades para pensar a política contra a violência. Concluímos que, apesar de trabalharem com experiências e análises diversas, os autores fundamentam uma perspectiva comum, que permite o entendimento da política como um fenômeno distinto da violência e vinculado à liberdade, ainda que, no pensamento de cada um desses autores, a noção e a fundamentação da liberdade sejam conceituadas distintamente
Abstract: This work proposes the apresentation of a group of elements from de "State doutrine" presented at Passerin D'Entreves (1902-1985) work, from perspectives that are able to justifie his proximity to Hannah Arendt (1906-1975), aiming to find ways of comprehension of political concepts and categories as distinct facts or phenomenons of violence. The way how D'Entreves enunciates his notion of State, comprehended as the triple articulation of the strength, power and authority, result of a singular work of analisis and interpretation of the tradition of the occidental political thought, was indicated by Hannah Arendt as the only political theory that corroborate her own distinction between power and violence. We are going to research among these authors' work part of the references of traditional thought, seeking to rescue at theirs texts this distinction and the possibilities to think the politics against violence. We conclude that, although working with various experiments and analysis, the authors establish a common perspective that allows the understanding of politics as a distinct phenomenon of violence and linked to freedom, even in the minds of each of these authors, the notion and grounds of liberty are distinctly conceptualized
Doutorado
Filosofia Politica
Doutor em Filosofia
Vaz, Celso Antônio Coelho. "L'hybris moderne : sécularisation, nihilisme et esseulement : la critique religieuse de l'Age moderne par Hannah Arendt." Paris, EHESS, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004EHES0006.
Full textThis study follows Hannah Arendt's thought in order to show that her critique of the Modern Age comes from within the real of religion rather than from the theory of methods of political theory and science. It examines what I describe as Hannah Arendt's project of redivinization of the world and her belief that it was de-devinised by the metaphysical, philosophical and theological traditions of the Occident. For her, these traditions brought about a modern hubris which conceived of the world and human beings in strictly secular terms. This hubris broke with the old religious/political foundations of public affairs. It also led the annihilation of the principles of knowledge and criteria for judgements inherited from the Judeo-Christian tradition. In the Modern Age, thought, science, literature, laws and customs all provided motifs for this hubris, of which the Nazi and Bolshevik regimes were only the worst expressions
Vasconcelos, Junior Luiz Diogo de 1969. "A dignidade de viver entre iguais = pluralidade e persuasão na ação política em Hannah Arendt." [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281064.
Full textTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O presente trabalho tem por objetivo investigar alguns conceitos centrais na obra de Hannah Arendt. Partimos do pressuposto de que a pensadora alemã compreende a esfera política a partir de conceitos mundanos como pluralidade, persuasão e imparcialidade. A investigação discorrerá sobre a posição ocupada por estes conceitos na constituição da esfera política arendtiana: postos no mundo como experiências históricas paradigmáticas, propiciaram o surgimento de uma esfera política a partir do fato de que homens vivem e agem em comum. Particularmente, nos interessa a compreensão arendtiana do lugar ocupado pelo conceito de imparcialidade na realização de uma esfera política orientada para a pluralidade e o significado de sua exigência quando se trata de trazer a público as ações humanas, bem como seus resultados. As principais reivindicações deste trabalho são: para Arendt o mundo se constitui como o resultado da pluralidade humana em meio a uma teia de relações; nesta teia, a imparcialidade não ocorre dissociada da liberdade individual de manifestar os próprios pontos de vista e opiniões, sob risco de uma parcela do mundo se perder no esquecimento. A vida pública implica a disposição de submeter as próprias opiniões, mesmo as tidas como as mais verdadeiras, ao exame dos outros na esfera pública e plural, isto é, submeter as certezas ao modelo do parece-me-que
Abstract: This work aims to investigate some central concepts of Hannah Arendt's work. We assume that the German thinker understands the political sphere from worldly concepts such as plurality, persuasion and impartiality. The investigation will discuss the position occupied by these concepts in the Arendtian constitution of the political sphere: they were put in the world as paradigmatic historical experiences and they provide the basis of a political sphere from the fact that men live and act in common. In particular, we are interested in the Arendtian comprehension of the role played by the concept of impartiality in the realization of a political sphere orientated by the plurality and in the meanings of its requirements when it comes to bring to the public human actions as well as their results. The main demands of this work are: for Arendt the world is constituted as the result of human plurality in the midst of a web of relationships. In this web, impartiality is not dissociated from the individual freedom to express one own views and opinions, under the risk of part of the world being lost in oblivion. The public life implies a willingness to submit one's own opinions, even those regarded as the truest, to the examination of others in the public sphere and plural, i.e., submitting the certainties to the seems to me that model
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia
Tonaki, Yotetsu. "Emmanuel Levinas et Hannah Arendt : croisements de l'éthique et du politique." Paris 7, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA070010.
Full textThe objective of this thesis is to examine, confronting the thought of Emmanuel Levinas with that of Hannah Arendt, their conceptual and theoretical convergences which appear through their works despite apparent discrepancies. Born in the same year in a Jewish family, educated in the phenomenology and especially influenced by Heidegger and having undergone, as "Jews", the world wars, they show some remarkable conceptual comparisons. In order to demonstrate this, our thesis, which consists of two parts, provides a comparative reading following the chronological order. The first part deals with their reaction to the War, to consider how they develop their thought around "Auschwitz", by posing the question of the escape from Jewishness (Ch. 1 and Ch. 2. ), and by examining their philosophical reflections on the "Hitlerism" and on the "totalitarianism" (Ch. 3 and Ch. 4. ). The second part concerns the more theoretical confrontation of the "ethics" of Levinas and the "politics" of Arendt. We argue firstly how they are elaborated by seeking another "arche" as regard to the traditional thought (Ch. 5). While the distance between them appears mainly around the question of the worldliness, these two thoughts show nevertheless some common concerns, such as concepts of work, speech or action (Ch. 6 and Ch. 7. ), phenomenon of birth (Ch. 8), problem of justice or judgment (Ch. 9) and of the temporality of human action (Ch. 10). This thesis shows finally that they reveal a philosophical exigency of the "critic" of the politics. And the part of the Prince (IV), to try to understand, from de viewpoint of men's power, how the terrorist event in Argentina could have happened
Lefebve, Vincent. "Politique des limites, limites de la politique: la place du droit dans la pensée de Hannah Arendt." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209537.
Full textPour atteindre ces différents objectifs, ma thèse est structurée en deux grandes parties qui correspondent à deux points de vue que l’on peut adopter par rapport au droit et qui se révèlent tout à fait opératoires si l’on accède à une vision panoramique des écrits dispersés qu’Arendt a consacrés au droit. Je distingue ainsi, et ne cesse de faire dialoguer dans ma thèse, le « pôle objectif » (première partie) et le « pôle subjectif » (seconde partie) de la philosophie du droit de Hannah Arendt.
1/ Dans la première partie de mon étude, je montre comment la philosophe s’attache, dans ses livres les plus célèbres, à construire des modèles politiques qui ont tous pour particularité d’être aussi – et de manière indissociable – des modèles juridiques. a) Mon premier chapitre est dédié à l’intérêt manifesté par Hannah Arendt pour les sources de l’Antiquité, et vise en particulier à clarifier le rapport qu’elle entretient vis-à-vis des sources romaines. b) Dans mon deuxième chapitre, je propose une interprétation de sa réflexion consacrée aux deux grandes révolutions modernes de la fin du XVIIIe siècle, les Révolutions française et américaine. Je mets en lumière de quelle façon Arendt, en s’inspirant du précédent américain, élabore un modèle républicain et peut ainsi approfondir sa conception de l’articulation entre droit et politique. c) Dans mon troisième chapitre, je précise les contours d’un contre-modèle élaboré par Arendt dans ses premiers écrits politiques d’envergure, ceux qu’elle a consacrés au totalitarisme.
2/ Dans la seconde partie de mon étude, je me concentre sur le « pôle subjectif » de la philosophie de mon auteur :j’indique comment Arendt mobilise des situations existentielles limites pour penser la condition de l’homme contemporain. a) Dans mon quatrième chapitre, je montre que c’est à partir de la situation des réfugiés et des apatrides de l’entre-deux-guerres que Hannah Arendt nous invite à repenser non seulement les droits de l’homme, mais aussi leur titulaire, que j’appelle l’« homme des droits de l’homme ». b) Dans mon cinquième chapitre, je m’attache à mettre en évidence, dans toutes ses nuances, la figure du « juge » que Hannah Arendt s’attache à reconstituer après avoir assisté au procès d’Adolf Eichmann, après avoir ressenti ce que je nomme le « choc » du procès Eichmann. c) Dans mon sixième et dernier chapitre, enfin, je m’interroge sur les raisons profondes qui incitent Arendt à voir dans les grandes campagnes de désobéissance civile qui éclatent aux États-Unis durant les années 1950 et 1960, non le signe d’un déclin des institutions, mais, au contraire, la marque d’une renaissance de l’action citoyenne.
Je conclus en synthétisant l’apport de Hannah Arendt à notre pensée juridique. Dans cette œuvre, le droit n’apparaît jamais comme une simple contrainte extérieure pour la politique, ni comme son « supplément d’âme », mais comme sa condition d’existence :en conférant à la liberté politique ses limites, limites spatiales mais aussi relationnelles et temporelles, en lui offrant un cadre stable au sein duquel elle peut s’épanouir, le droit n’ampute pas la politique d’une part d’elle-même mais, au contraire, participe de sa constitution. Me fondant sur trois catégories centrales de la réflexion juridique (législation, constitution, juridiction), je souligne en outre tout l’intérêt d’une confrontation approfondie et détaillée entre l’œuvre arendtienne et les questions classiques et contemporaines qui animent le champ de la théorie et de la philosophie du droit, ce qui me permet d’ouvrir un certain nombre de perspectives de recherches futures.
Doctorat en Sciences juridiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Toker-Kilinc, Nilgün. "La relation entre pouvoir et légitimité chez Hannah Arendt et Jürgen Habermas." Paris 8, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA081911.
Full textTassin, Étienne. "La phénoménologie de l'action et la question du monde : essai sur la philosophie de Hannah Arendt." Paris 8, 1996. http://octaviana.fr/document/181299704#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.
Full textThis thesis seeks to show that hannah arendt's work constitutes not just a political philosophy among others but rather the articulation of a politics of philosophy which apprehends the political condition of human beings throught a phenomenological elucidation of action understood in terms of the instituting of a common world. The arendtian analysis overcomes boths the traditional obtuseness of philosophy regarding politics and the dead and reached by contemporary phenomenology in its attemps to understand the being-in-the world dimension of existence. The core of hannah arendt's approach lies in her original and decisive analysis of what could be called the acosmic nature of the modern world (worldlessness). By tackling the human condition through its activity rather than its essence, arendt finds in the conflict of worldliness and of the acting plurality, the factors needed fot understanding the political living-together of human beings as well as the political meaning of the constitution of a common world. Having outlined the conditions for a political philosophy recognising in totalitarianism the destruction of all political experience, it is shown how, paradoxically, plurality might be in contradiction with worldliness when action, in line with its own as well as modern society's excessiveness, comes to destroy precisely what it alone could bring about. Thus, only the political constitution of a common world can circumvent the acosmic nature of modern times
Haché, Etienne. "Langage et action chez Hannah Arendt : pour comprendre la technique comme impasse au projet éthique et politique contemporain." Poitiers, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001POIT5003.
Full textMartín, Lucas Gonzalo. "Disparitions. Mensonge, vérité et pouvoir en Argentine (1976-1983) : penser le régime de terreur et de disparition à l'épreuve des catégories de Hannah Arendt." Paris 7, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA070105.
Full textThis work proposes to think the rule of terror and disappearance of the "National Process of Reorganization" (Argentine, 1976-1983) by the means of a dialogue with H. Arendt's thought. This task opens on two closely dependent objectives. On the one hand, to answer the question: how the terrorist event could have happened? On the other hand, to develop a working hypothesis: we propose to give account of the ascendancy of plural power of men as a support of the terrorist event. We will argue a double ascendancy of power: ascendancy of power over the preceding history; ascendancy of power over violence and domination. The hypothesis I propose as an answer to these two objectives is the following one: the régime of terror and disappearance can be understood, from the point of view of the power of the men, as a negative crystallization, with the advent and the permanence of which the Argentinian people^ contributed by embarking collectively in what Arendt called a modem political lie; whereas they had the power to support the truth, by diffusing it, by protecting it in private realm or simply by omitting the exercise of lie. That means that the lie was the generating or inspirer principle during the "Process". Our argumentation follows four stages through the four chapters which compose this thesis: we will analyze successively the history (I), the theory (II), the part of the people (III) and the part of the Prince (IV), to try to understand, from de viewpoint of men's power, how the terrorist event in Argentina could have happened
Cassidy, Meghann. "Les temps de l'action : Hannah Arendt, Michel Foucault et l' Antiquité." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010522.
Full textThe starting point of our reflections here concerns the concept of the event in contemporary philosophy. After an evaluation of the many meanings reattached to the term, we isolate two related concerns within contemporary political philosophy’s use of it : the inability to produce effective criteria for determining specific “events”; a tendency to reduce political action to its emergence within a larger and all-pervading historical framework. Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault (in his “ethical turn”) avoid these pitfalls, defining the term while at the same time reflecting upon the conditions of political participation, particularly the role of the philosopher/theorist attempting to understand specific events and determine their meaning. But in thinking about this relationship, the two authors do not focus their attention on the concept of the eventν they look to “pre-modern” concepts, practices and events, particularly in Greece and Rome.At this point we ask an essentially historical question: given the “event’s” reduction of political action within history, given the critique of the modern subject and of modern history what are some of the relationships between history and political action in Ancient and Medieval historical practices? After identifying a number of historical themes during these periods, we return to Foucault and Arendt to enquire about their own representations of ancient thought and “forms of life”: the care of self and the philosopher, the polis, Roman authority and the idea of the actor… These descriptions will lead to ananalysis of the historical time that these representations presuppose, on the one hand, and of theirperformative and transformative functions, on the other. These enquiries will confirm our hypothesis,to wit, some pre-modern historical concepts are in fact renewed in the writings of Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault
Sec̨kin, Sertdemir Ozdemir. "Recherches sur la liberté politique chez H. Arendt et A. De Tocqueville." Paris 7, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA070134.
Full textIn this study, we compare political thinkers H. Arendt and A. De Tocqueville's perceptions of political freedom, based on the following three relations: Firstly, the distinction between free will and political freedom, which corresponds with the distinction between traditional philosophy and the tradition of the political thought. Secondly, the ambiguous relation between equality and freedom which appeared with the birth of political modernity. Finally, the distinction between the social and the political which has been problematic since the birth of the concept of society. Each type of relation helps us to better understand the thoughts of Arendt and that of Tocqueville. They also give us the conceptual framework for reflecting on the superiority of the political, and show the distinction between the traditional political philosophy and the tradition of political thinking
Lacroix, Yannick. "L'horreur et le quotidien : l'Holocauste dans les œuvres de Theodor W. Adorno et Hannah Arendt." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2003. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=766571601&sid=34&Fmt=2&clientId=9268&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
Full textParedes, Goicochea Diego Felipe. "L' action politique chez Karl Marx : une lecture à partir de Hannah Arendt et Maurice Merleau-Ponty." Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCC002.
Full textThis thesis proposes an interpretation of the problem of political action in Karl Marx based on Hannah Arendt's and Maurice Merleau-Ponty's readings. Against Arendt's critique, which considers that Marx denies politics by substituting the event character of action and the specificity of the political link for historical necessity, the administration of life and socialized humanity, in this thesis Marx is read from the viewpoint of "praxis" and in this manner from the perspective of contingence, coexistence, conflict and democratization. This interpretation is based to some extent on Merleau-Ponty's analysis but also in an understanding of Marx that takes into account Arendt's phenomenology of political action. As it is highlighted throughout this thesis, this approach demands addressing the internai tensions of Marxian thought and thus the equivocal character of his writings
Lepage, Dominique. "Finitude et nouveauté : promesses et périls du nouveau au XXe siècle." Thesis, Université Laval, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30038/document.
Full textThis dissertation stems from the growing importance of the new throughout modernity, and its radicalization during the 20th century. The overwhelming presence of a notion so potent and yet so familiar raises the questions of the definition and of the value of novelty itself, beyond its modern appropriation. The problem with establishing its meaning lies in the polysemous nature of the notion. We show that novelty, in its multiple modalities, distinguishes itself not only as different from the past, something modernist discourses consistently insist upon, but more importantly, as a beginning. We understand this feature as a gain of power and an opening into the future. We also show that this constitutes the prime criteria for any novelty, and makes it a fundamental human issue. Novelty is at the core of how we experience time, our finitude and particularly our mortality. It does not follow, however, that novelty is a value or has value in itself. This must be examined through a study of the plurality of human temporalities and activities. Thus we also examine how novelty concretely manifests itself in human existence. This part of the dissertation is developed through a dialog with the thought of Hannah Arendt. Her conception of man as a being of birth and innovation, and her articulation of the multiple temporalities pertaining to human activity allows us to establish a differential and reasoned approach to the multiple meanings of novelty, in relation with the conditions of natality and mortality. The question of the value of novelty thus arises in relation to the context and reality in which it appears. As we get closer to the issue of human freedom, the more radical novelty gets, and the more the question of its value appears as a problem and as a task with which our judgment must deal
Devette, Pascale. "La pensée tragique d'Albert Camus, de Simone Weil et d'Hannah Arendt." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC195/document.
Full textThis dissertation argues for a conception of the tragic based on the thought of Albert Camus (1913-1960), Simone Weil (1909-1943) and Hannah Arendt (1906-1975). The goal is to compare not only their thought in general, but to reveal in each a vision of the tragic that develops a sketch of the contours of a tragic thought. Tragic thought is the thought of existence, of the human, of the political, and of mediation through storytelling and labour. The tragic emerges when one is dispossessed from a part of one’s sovereignty. This destitution is a radical opening to self and to the world because, for a moment, it snatches away whatever strength had been gathered in the self. On the political level, the tragic appears in a context of plurality and it implies a capacity to debate with others, to look at them and to listen to them. In so doing, the tragic integrates a non-sovereign conception of “self” and of collective life. It constantly tries to fix the excessiveness of certain actions to the extent of the shared and common world. On the individual level, the tragic attitude can be described as a capacity to perceive beyond the self. The individual who has a tragic relationship to the world is submerged in exteriority, in the sense that she notices the non-sovereignty of others and of herself with respect to action; she directly faces the necessity and often the suffering of life. This confrontation allows her to distinguish outside of herself that which must be changed from that of the natural order of things. For the tragic of the political to align itself with the tragic as lived individually certain mediations must be present, notably the circulation of storytelling (presenting the non-sovereignty of political actors and the fragility of the common), on the one hand, and the conditions of labour that favour the reception of this storytelling, on the other
Mréjen, Aurore. "La réhabilitation de la figure de l’homme chez Hannah Arendt et Emmanuel Lévinas." Thesis, Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040209.
Full textThe victims and the torturers attest to both the human and moral degradation suffered by the figure of man at Auschwitz.Hannah Arendt and Emmanuel Lévinas, both Jews and born in 1906, attempted to recover the meaning of human dignity after the Holocaust. Despite sharing the same embarrassed admiration for the thought of Martin Heidegger, whose courses they followed, they choose very different philosophical paths.While Arendt emphasizes the political space as the place where plurality is expressed and individual differences are publicly acknowledged, Lévinas makes ethics « first philosophy » and situates what is essentially human within infinite responsibility for the Other. Where Arendt insists on the importance of thought and judgment in the search for moral standards, Lévinas holds that the struggle against evil is inseparable from responding to the call of the Good.In this thesis, two critical themes guide the comparison between each philosopher: the connection between universality and diversity on one hand; and, the link between ethics and politics on the other. The issue at stake is the organization of a shared world for the expression and the preservation of human dignity
Le, Ny Marc. "Arendt:le temps politique des hommes : le temps comme dimension de la phénoménologie existentielle et politique d'Arendt." Paris 7, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA070107.
Full textThe existential and phenomenological inspiration led Arendt to ascribe a decisive meaning to time in her analysis of the human condition. Labor is understood as a daily activity which we are compelled to carry out. Work is aimed at the production of things whose durability guarantees the permanence of the anthropical and shared world. Action is the experience of the irreversible of which men are capable do together. The other activities (thought, will, violence, etc. ) do not escape this general analysis. Arendt's thought provide an original understanding of human life, fundamentally structured by a plurality of temporalities : the daily time of labor and work, as well as the mutability which continuously shakes up the existence of men. This understanding implies a critique of the ontology of time one finds in traditional philosophy and phenomenology. This temporal determination of human life governs analysis of political phenoma. Though it, she is able to grasp the destruction of human time by the totalitarian regime. Revolution also proves to be a political event with a complex temporality, between beginning and duration, the law and authority. Finally, it leads Arendt to offer an hermeneutics of historicity of every age. This essay is an attempt to reveal the originality, the fruitfulness and the strength of Arendt's thought, owes a great deal to this attention to the temporalities of the homo temporalis
Allard, Julie. "Approche des représentations philosophiques du jugement judiciaire: le modèle réfléchissant de Kant." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211201.
Full textEn référence à ce concept, il s’agissait d’échapper à deux représentations classiques du travail judiciaire, qui semblent faire l’économie de la question du fondement et de la légitimité de jugement, et par conséquent passer à côté de la spécificité du droit :l’idée que le jugement est irrémédiablement soit une application du droit, soit une décision du juge. Même dans sa définition la plus courante, le jugement semble combiner une pensée et une décision, une connaissance et une évaluation. Deux caractéristiques du jugement judiciaire, qui rappellent cet aspect, peuvent alors servir de point de départ :ce jugement, à la fois, entretient un rapport à la loi, que le juge doit connaître et appliquer, et tranche pour mettre fin à une situation d’incertitude. Or, d’une part, la loi – la règle ou la norme - que le juge est chargé d’appliquer, est souvent générale et abstraite. D’autre part, le jugement met un terme au débat en instituant une vérité et en engageant le plus souvent une série de sanctions. A ce titre, le juge possède un pouvoir de décision. Autrement dit, la représentation du jugement judiciaire oscille entre l’application d’une règle générale à un cas concret, et une forme de décision, qui permet de trancher dans un conflit entre deux parties. Ces deux faces du jugement semblent alors requérir de la part du juge deux vertus, le discernement et l’impartialité. L’étude consistait à montrer que ces deux propriétés du jugement ne sont pas des vertus personnelles que l’on doit exiger des juges, mais des conditions de possibilité de l’exercice d’un jugement dans le cadre judiciaire.
Si on se représente assez facilement le jugement judiciaire comme une application du droit, on suppose également que cette application, la plupart du temps, ne pose pas de problème particulier. Elle correspond à ce que Kant appelle un jugement déterminant. Un jugement consiste, chez Kant, à subsumer ce qui est donné dans l’intuition sous un concept de l’entendement, c’est-à-dire à penser un élément particulier comme étant contenu sous un élément universel. Le jugement rapporte donc des objets d’expérience ou des actes individuels à des normes plus générales et plus abstraites. Le jugement est déterminant quand l’universel, le concept ou la règle, est donné, et par conséquent s’impose. Dans ce cas, l’expérience est déterminée par le concept qu’on y applique et qui lui correspond, de telle sorte que ce concept dit ce qu’est l’expérience. Au niveau du droit, ce type de jugement détermine une solution au litige par l’application d’une règle à un cas, le cas lui-même étant éclairé par la règle. Le jugement réfléchissant, au contraire, intervient quand le concept ou la règle, sous lesquels rapporter le cas particulier, ne sont pas donnés à la faculté de juger selon un principe, et ne lui permettent donc pas de juger, c’est-à-dire de déterminer l’expérience. Dans ce cas, une opération supplémentaire sera attendue de la faculté de juger, une opération de réflexion.
Or on constate en droit qu’il existe de nombreux cas où l’application ne va pas de soi, notamment parce que le juge ne dispose pas d’une règle claire pour juger du cas qui lui est soumis. Ainsi, par exemple, lors du procès de Nuremberg :la notion de « crime contre l’humanité » avait été inscrite dans les statuts du tribunal de Nuremberg, mais ce qu’est l’homme, où se situe la frontière entre l’humain et l’inhumain, à partir de quand y a-t-il un crime contre l’humanité ?sont autant de questions auxquelles le concept de « crime contre l’humanité » ne permettait pas de répondre et dont, pourtant, dépendait son application. Souvent, on est donc confronté à un « défaut » de règle, ou plutôt à un « défaut de la règle » :ce n’est pas tant que la règle n’existe pas, mais plutôt, comme le pensait Aristote, qu’elle ne règle pas sa propre application. Le rapport du jugement à la règle ne peut donc être déterminant.
Hannah Arendt a très bien illustré ce « défaut » de règle au sujet du procès Eichmann. Elle y pose deux questions qui concernent le talent propre de la faculté de juger. La première question porte sur notre aptitude à juger en situation et à nous mettre à la place des autres :« Comment juger l’impardonnable, questionne Arendt, et qu’aurions-nous fait à la place d’Eichmann ?». La seconde interrogation, quant à elle, porte sur notre faculté critique :« Sommes-nous capables de juger de manière autonome, c’est-à-dire pas seulement en fonction de règles instituées ?». Ces questions se rapportent à un même problème, qui mobilise toutes les grandes réflexions sur la justice :comment juger quand la règle est silencieuse, et comment juger quand la règle est injuste ?Sommes-nous capables, en d’autres termes, de juger les règles et les jugements eux-mêmes ?
Car confronté à un « défaut de règle », on peut aussi se représenter le jugement judiciaire comme l’expression de la volonté personnelle des juges, qui doivent au minimum « aménager » la règle pour l’appliquer. On peut alors s’interroger sur le fondement et la légitimité d’un tel jugement. Le plus souvent, on en dénoncera la subjectivité, et par conséquent l’arbitraire.
Mon travail consistait notamment à montrer qu’un jugement subjectif peut ne pas être arbitraire. Il s’agissait donc de récuser le raisonnement qui conclut de l’impossibilité d’une application stricte de la loi, à une décision personnelle et arbitraire des juges. Cette conclusion correspond en effet à l’impasse du pouvoir discrétionnaire :face au « défaut » de la règle, le juge exerce un pouvoir de décision qui lui permet de trancher en fonction de critères pour la plupart non rationnels, comme les intérêts du juge, sa classe sociale ou son humeur par exemple. Tout au plus le juge « habille » ou « maquille » sa décision, pour la rendre acceptable aux yeux des autres. Le juge dispose ainsi d’une liberté de décision et d’interprétation, mais seulement pour autant qu’il n’y ait aucune règle qui le contraigne à trancher dans un sens déterminé. Les présupposés de cette conclusion sont donc les suivants :d’un côté la règle est par elle-même contraignante, de l’autre ses lacunes conduisent à l’exercice d’un pouvoir coupé de la raison.
La solution apportée par Kant à cette alternative entre connaissance déterminante et rationnelle, d’un côté, et volonté arbitraire, de l’autre, consiste à postuler une raison pratique, qui puisse déterminer rationnellement la volonté. Deux problèmes subsistent pourtant chez Kant par rapport à la question du jugement judiciaire. Premier problème :les jugements pratiques portent sur ce qui doit être et sur ce qu’il faut faire, et non sur ce qui est. Ils expriment donc notre autonomie par rapport à toutes déterminations empiriques. Mais, comme tels, ils visent des idées de la raison dont on ne peut pas percevoir la réalisation dans le monde phénoménal, le monde des affaires humaines. Le jugement pratique ne dispose en effet d’aucune intuition qui lui permettrait de vérifier l’adéquation entre la loi morale et une action commise dans le monde sensible. Second problème :Kant distingue le jugement judiciaire des autres jugements pratiques, dans la mesure où ce dernier est établi conformément à une loi positive. Ainsi, le jugement judiciaire, notamment dans la Doctrine du droit, continue d’être présenté en termes d’adéquation. Ce jugement ne dispose donc d’aucune rationalité propre, qui lui permettrait de s’exercer dans les cas difficiles, quand la règle positive n’est pas déterminante.
Le modèle réfléchissant apporte une solution à ce double problème. D’une part, le jugement réfléchissant est l’œuvre de l’homme phénoménal. Il s’exerce donc toujours sur le plan de l’expérience. D’autre part, il renonce au principe de l’adéquation et de la conformité qui caractérise le jugement déterminant. Placé face à une règle qui n’est pas déterminante, un jugement de type réfléchissant peut mettre en relation les idées de la raison pratique avec le domaine des affaires humaines, sans prétendre à la conformité des uns et des autres.
En cherchant à représenter le jugement judiciaire non comme un jugement déterminant, mais comme un jugement réfléchissant de ce type, les concepts d’application et de décision ont été renvoyés dos à dos au bénéfice d’une troisième représentation, susceptible d’illustrer une raison spécifiquement juridique, c’est-à-dire une raison qui agisse sur le plan de l’expérience, sans répondre pour autant à un principe d’adéquation. Dans une perspective réfléchissante, une raison juridique spécifique émerge donc, qui ne trouve de représentation concluante ni dans la raison théorique, ni dans la raison pratique, mais emprunte aux deux législations. Comme la raison théorique tout d’abord, la raison à l’œuvre dans le droit s’applique à des phénomènes. Le jugement judiciaire n’a pas accès au monde intelligible. Lois et juges sont institués précisément parce que règnent dans l’expérience sociale la finitude, la convention et l’apparence. L’exercice d’une rationalité sur un tel plan se caractérise donc par une modalité spécifique que le jugement réfléchissant permet de représenter et qui élève la pratique judiciaire au rang de ce que Ricœur appelle une « instance paradigmatique ». Mais la raison juridique partage aussi avec la raison pratique une forme d’autonomie et d’indépendance du jugement. Le jugement judiciaire, c’est l’une de ses caractéristiques les plus fondamentales, doit être un jugement impartial. Il doit donc pouvoir se placer en retrait de toute détermination partiale, qui dépendrait des intérêts du juge, de sa classe sociale ou de son humeur.
Le modèle réfléchissant permet ainsi de représenter l’activité judiciaire de manière inédite pour deux raisons principales. En premier lieu, il s’exerce par définition face à un « défaut de règle ». Ce jugement rapporte bien l’expérience à une règle, mais ce rapport ne permet pas de déterminer cette expérience, car il est difficile d’évaluer l’adéquation entre l’expérience et la règle. Appliqué au domaine judiciaire, ce modèle ébranle donc le dogme du primat absolu de la règle et l’idée que le juge « applique le droit » de haut en bas, de la norme vers le cas particulier. Au contraire, ce modèle rend compte du fait que le jugement judiciaire, la plupart du temps, ne dispose d’aucune règle qui puisse guider l’application de la règle elle-même. Le respect de la règle ne peut donc suffire pour apprécier la qualité du jugement. L’application stricte de la loi, même si elle était possible, n’équivaut pas un jugement, qui consiste lui à discriminer le vrai et le faux, le bien et le mal, ou le juste et l’injuste. En second lieu, le jugement réfléchissant n’est pas un acte volontaire ou arbitraire. Il tient sa force de sa réflexivité :apte à se juger lui-même, il est capable de recul, faisant preuve à la fois de discernement et d’impartialité. Le jugement réfléchissant est donc une faculté de retrait et de distance critique que j’ai comparé dans mon étude au travail du magistrat. Comme tel, ce jugement incarne une autonomie, qui est aussi le propre de la raison pratique.
La force du modèle réfléchissant est de concrétiser cette autonomie non plus dans la volonté, mais dans la réflexion. L’impartialité requise n’est donc plus une vertu morale. Etre impartial, c’est pouvoir se faire juge de sa propre pensée. On peut ainsi se placer en retrait de ses déterminations phénoménales, mais cette position n’est ni morale, ni ontologique. C’est en pensée que l’on prend du recul, que l’on se défait de ses déterminations partiales et qu’on se place en retrait de l’apparence. Cela est rendu possible parce qu’on ne cherche plus à produire une représentation adéquate de la réalité, mais seulement à rendre possible un jugement, et donc à répondre aux besoins de la faculté de juger elle-même. On peut ainsi, pour juger de l’expérience, recourir à des idées indéterminées, qui ne peuvent pas normalement s’appliquer à l’expérience.
Les jugements sur les crimes contre l’humanité peuvent être interprétés en ce sens, en montrant par exemple que les magistrats de Nuremberg ont jugé en référence à une forme d’idée indéterminée, l’idée d’humanité. Cette idée ne correspondait pas à la réalité objective de l’époque, où régnait surtout l’inhumanité, mais cette idée leur a permis de juger. L’idée d’humanité a donc fonctionné comme une idée régulatrice :elle a répondu aux besoins de la faculté de juger (qui a besoin d’un principe universel), sans pour autant permettre de connaître ou de déterminer ce qu’est l’homme. Ce type d’idées pallie en quelque sorte le « défaut » de règle, qui prive la faculté de juger de concepts déterminants. Le juge fait « comme si » il disposait pour son jugement d’un fondement objectif :il utilise ces idées « comme si » c’était des concepts déterminés. Mais cet usage n’est que régulateur. Dans la CRP, Kant dit qu’il s’agit de « rapprocher la règle de l’universalité ». Sur le plan judiciaire, cet usage ne détermine donc pas la règle, mais permet au juge de la trouver, en « remontant », selon un principe qu’il s’est donné à lui-même, du cas particulier à l’universel. Ma thèse consistait à montrer comment ce retour sur elle-même conduit la faculté de juger à évaluer son jugement et lui interdit de produire n’importe quel jugement.
A ce titre, le jugement esthétique joue le rôle d’exemple. Quand nous jugeons de la beauté des choses, nous prononçons un avis subjectif sur un objet singulier :« cette rose est belle » ou « ce tableau est beau ». Aucune règle ne peut déterminer de manière universelle ce qui est beau. Le jugement sur le beau est donc un jugement réfléchissant. Nous savons que ce jugement exprime notre goût personnel et ne sera pas effectivement partagé par tout le monde. Pourtant, nous disons :« cette rose ou cette peinture sont belles », comme si la beauté était une qualité intrinsèque à la chose et par conséquent observable de tous. Nous supposons donc que notre goût personnel pourrait être partagé. La faculté de juger se procure donc l’universel qui lui manque en produisant un jugement qui dit « cette rose est belle », supposant par là que d’autres devraient également la trouver belle. Le principe universel consiste à penser que ce jugement n’est pas seulement personnel. Il ne s’agit pas seulement d’un fantasme ou d’une illusion. Il s’agit d’une prétention de la faculté de juger, qui accompagne selon Kant tout jugement esthétique. Cette prétention est subjective, mais, d’une part, elle s’impose à quiconque porte un jugement et, d’autre part, elle contraint en retour le jugement. Seul un jugement tout à fait autonome, qui n’est influencé ni par un préjugé, ni par l’avis de la majorité, ni par un intérêt, peut prétendre valoir pour tous.
En d’autres termes, quand il n’est pas déterminé directement par une règle, le jugement se retourne sur la faculté de juger pour y trouver le principe de la subsomption. Ce jugement ne repose sur aucun fondement objectif, mais la faculté de juger prétend qu’il peut être partagé. Ce n’est donc pas le contenu du jugement qui est universel, dit Kant, mais la prétention qui accompagne nécessairement ce type de jugement. Ce qui est universel et constitue le principe transcendantal du jugement réfléchissant, c’est donc la faculté de juger elle-même, que l’on suppose commune à ceux auxquels on s’adresse. En exigeant des autres l’adhésion, on sollicite leur propre faculté de juger de manière autonome et on s’expose à son tour à leur jugement. Supposant que les autres sont capables de juger, la faculté de juger imagine en effet qu’ils évalueront son jugement et qu’à leurs yeux, tous les jugements ne seront pas aussi bons les uns que les autres. Elle peut alors apprécier son propre jugement en prenant la place des autres, en le considérant de leur point de vue, ce qui l’oblige à prononcer un jugement le plus impartial possible.
Cet exemple permet de montrer que le fait, dénoncé par les réalistes, que le juge éprouve le besoin de « maquiller » sa décision pour la rendre acceptable aux yeux des autres, n’est pas sans conséquence sur le jugement qu’il va produire. Le processus de réflexion est en effet un processus par lequel le juge se met à la place des autres pour voir si, de leur point de vue, son jugement est acceptable, et ce processus agit en retour sur la manière dont il juge. Dans un jugement réfléchissant, le juge prétend produire un jugement universel, alors qu’il sait que ce jugement ne peut être objectivement déterminé. La raison juridique suppose un tel modèle de jugement parce qu’il tient compte des difficultés de l’acte de juger et des limites inhérentes aux capacités cognitives du juge, tout en démontrant la possibilité de faire preuve d’impartialité et d’autonomie dans le jugement. Le processus de réflexion implique en effet une prise en compte de la finitude – c’est-à-dire l’absence de fondement objectif – et un recul par rapport aux déterminations partiales.
Le « défaut de règle » auquel s’affrontent les juges prive donc le jugement d’un appui objectif, mais ouvre en même temps un champ d’autonomie au juge, qui devient responsable de sa propre pensée. Le jugement réfléchissant, en déplaçant l’autonomie de la volonté vers la réflexion, permet de penser que des exigences de la raison juridique, telles que l’impartialité ou la responsabilité, ne sont pas seulement des réquisits moraux ou déontologiques, mais sont au contraire immanentes à l’exercice de la faculté de juger réfléchissante elle-même. Ce ne sont pas des vertus du juge, mais des présupposés transcendantaux, propres non à des personnes mais à la faculté de juger. S’il y a de la provocation à soutenir que le jugement judiciaire s’exerce structurellement, comme le jugement réfléchissant, dans un « défaut » de règle, alors même que tout le droit semble tenir dans la représentation d’un système de règles, c’est que le jugement judiciaire n’est pas vraiment une application, mais plutôt une appréciation, difficile et souvent manquée.
Aussi la « passion du juge », qu’éprouve parfois notre société, est-elle indissociable de la « crise du juge », qu’elle traverse sans cesse, c’est-à-dire la mise en risque perpétuelle et nécessaire de la légitimité des jugements. Ce lien est particulièrement évident dans les procès pour crimes contre l’humanité. Bien que ces cas soient marginaux et ne représentent pas la pratique judiciaire courante, ils laissent apparaître clairement la radicale singularité à laquelle sont confrontés les magistrats dans la plupart des cas, qui les place toujours déjà dans un défaut de règles. Un jugement déterminant était impossible à Nuremberg et pas uniquement pour des raisons de circonstances. La finitude, rappelons-le, est un élément structurel de la pratique judiciaire. Le jugement du Tribunal de Nuremberg était réfléchissant non seulement parce qu’aucun crime contre l’humanité n’avait jamais été sanctionné, mais en outre parce que ce type de crimes rappelle aussi les limites du droit et des catégories juridiques. Les juges semblaient alors contraints, pour juger, de réfléchir et d’évaluer leur propre activité, à savoir le jugement. A la place d’Eichmann, interroge d’ailleurs Arendt, aurions-nous été capables de juger ?
Cette étude suggère que la difficulté de juger Eichmann, c’est-à-dire la difficulté du travail judiciaire, répond à la stricte obéissance à la loi que revendiquait Eichmann et qui l’empêchait, selon Arendt, de juger la loi elle-même. Sûr de la loi, parce qu’elle est la loi, Eichmann n’est par définition jamais confronté à un quelconque « défaut » de règle. Or la conscience de la finitude et des limites de la règle est un préambule indispensable au jugement réfléchissant, qui n’est possible que si la faculté de juger se tourne sur elle-même. Il manquait donc à Eichmann ce qui au fond est en jeu dans le jugement, c’est-à-dire la faculté de distinguer le juste et l’injuste. L’œuvre de justice consiste à réintroduire « du jugement » dans le monde commun, à rendre à nouveau possible l’exercice de la faculté de juger. L’incapacité à juger dont font preuve certains criminels peut donc en quelque sorte être « guérie » ou « réparée » par l’œuvre des magistrats.
Pourtant, la difficulté de juger ne s’estompe pas pour autant, mais redouble sur le plan judiciaire, dans la mesure où elle s’accompagne dans ce cas d’une force de contrainte, d’une puissance de sanction et d’une violence légitime. Le modèle réfléchissant du jugement judiciaire, que j’ai tenté de développer, n’impliquait donc pas que tous les juges sont conscients de leur responsabilité et qu’ils font tous preuve d’impartialité. Le principe même d’autonomie illustre à son tour la contingence :le droit pourrait tout aussi bien ne pas être juste, ni le jugement rationnel. Le modèle réfléchissant rappelle seulement que les juges peuvent tirer les conséquences de leur responsabilité pour tenter de bien juger, et illustre selon moi le processus par lequel cette lucidité, ce discernement leur arrive. Le jugement réfléchissant est en effet de manière indissociable, chez Kant lui-même, une pensée des limites et une limite de la pensée.
Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation philosophie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
Herzog, Annabel. "Penser autrement la politique. Elements pour une critique de la philosophie politique." Paris 7, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA070110.
Full textThis thesis criticises the links between a traditionnal way of philosophizing, and the political practice that lead in our century to totalitarianism. Its project is to point out the urgency of emancipating political thought from this tradition which can be said -if not responsible of totalitarianism- at least co-responsible, because of its resistance to think the conditions of totalitarianism. Thhis work is made of 4 studies about hannah arendt, max stirner, franz rosenzweig and emmanuel levinas. Each of these thinkers tried to get rid of the traditionnal way of thinking, opposing philosophical tradition or opening it to new references of thought. A common theme, the "in-between" one, allows communication between these different thoughts, and opens an other way of thinking politics
Veinstein, Léa. "Penser la métamorphose : quatre lectures de Kafka dans la philosophie allemande : (Walter Benjamin, Theodor W. Adorno, Hannah Arendt, Günther Anders)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014STRAC035.
Full textWe are focusing on studying four readings of Kafka in german philosophy. Why have these philosophers met and interpreted Kafka ? Our first hypothesis is a biographical one : their reading of Kafka’s books are influenced by the feeling of a proximity between his life and their experiences. Kafka represents a crisis : in his work, the language is not innate anymore, experiencing exile is prevailing, the historical mutations affect the concept of subjectivity. The second hypothesis concerns the philosophy itself : because of these mutations, the traditional metaphysical categories of sense or consiousness are obsolete ideas. The subject is becoming a stranger. Kafka is challenging philosophers to « think out the metamorphosis », the subject’s metamorphosis, the philosophy’s metamorphosis, and finally, the one Kafka invented, which is everpresent in his works, the notion of a « becoming-animal »
Vigneault, Luc. "L'itinéraire de pensée de Hannah Arendt." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/41508.
Full textChollet, Antoine. "Les temps de la démocratie : incertitude et autonomie du présent." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D5442%26nu%3D69.
Full textThis thesis discusses various researches on time in sociology, historiography and anthropology. These lead to a definition of time as recollection and coordination of changes, on a theoretical (the discourses), social (the institutions) and political (the conflicts between the former) level, and of temporality as the different relations to pasts, presents and futures. A lengthy historical and theoretical “detour” works as a research field for this thesis. It represents its major contribution, and aims to show as precisely as possible the authors’ (Machiavelli, de Tocqueville, Arendt, Merleau-Ponty, and Benjamin) conceptions of time. The conclusions we were able to draw from this detour are the following. First past and future, related to the present, are in a position of “otherness”, whereas the present must itself be thought of as autonomous (both regarding itself, and past or future). Democratic time is built upon uncertainty of changes. It is thus incomplete, first recognizing other conceptions of time, and then open to the apparition of unforeseeable events. Among them we find this specific kind of unforeseeable events that Benjamin describes under the concept of revolutionary time, which forms in a way the other time of democracy. Therefore democracy has an ordinary time interrupted by extraordinary events that need another conception of time. Finally, we show that it is the praxis (set of actions orientated by a common project) that creates democratic time
Berger, Josiane. "Condition humaine, culture, éducation chez Hannah Arendt." Lille 3, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989LIL3A002.
Full textPasquier, Sylvain. "Les formes sociales de l'apparaître." Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100139.
Full textThis work points the importance of the visibility and of publicity in the social reality constitution understood as stage putting, at both interaction and political space levels. The anthropologic basis of such forms putting is that men claim a singular image of them-selves and, more widely, a humanity conception, when they appear to each other in social situations. The thesis follows a progression which try to grasp the intentional and reflexive objects of social forms to different institutional levels. Starting with H. Arendt's normative conception of an appear desire which can only be realize on a politic gratefulness stage, it follows with the Simmel's and Goffman's interactionnist approaches. Simmel's association forms (Vergesellschaftung) reveal the difficulty about thinking institutions different levels. We can also question with him the contemporary social forms conditions. Such a visibility socio-anthropology can be developed with Goffman's radical interationnism study. At the end, the association intermediate spaces, taken as appear social forms, are the best revelator of actual visibility conditions. In associations, the personal or collective gratefulness quests find a new visibility mode and articulation. It represents new sociability an socialisation ways for contemporary personalities
Silva, Cacilda Bonfim e. "Hannah Arendt : justiça como julgamento." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2011. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/10171.
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Abordagem que visa equacionar o sentido da justiça, em Hannah Arendt, com suas reflexões sobre a faculdade humana de julgar. Analisa-se o comportamento do carrasco nazista Adolf Eichmann durante seu julgamento em Israel, a partir das impressões suscitadas em Arendt, com vistas a delinear a problemática que envolve a jurisdição frente a crimes sem precedentes, tal como o genocídio. Descrevem-se os elementos que compõem o totalitarismo, destacando seu caráter inédito e, mediante a constatação do esfacelamento da tradição frente ao fenômeno totalitário, caracteriza-se a vita activa com o objetivo de demonstrar que no pensamento da filósofa, o sentido original da política se radica no conceito de liberdade. Partindo da problemática do mal, se traça uma diferenciação entre a concepção de sua radicalidade e de sua banalidade engendrando uma leitura interpretativa das três atividades básicas do espírito a fim de evidenciar as relações que estas mantém entre si, extraindo daí as implicações e abrangência da faculdade de julgar como atividade eminentemente política. Com base na crítica arendtiana à modernidade e em seu posicionamento filosófico de desconstruir a argumentação metafísica delineia-se a importância da capacidade de pensar, querer e julgar, em seus modos autônomos visando identificar a compreensão e a busca pelo sentido como algo imprescindível à existência humana, à política e à compreensão de um sentido de justiça cujo significado perpassa a inclusão do outro em uma perspectiva que só pode ser política se for também intersubjetiva. Avalia-se a figura do espectador, identificando os elementos que os compõem como atributos indispensáveis ao ato de julgar como viabilizador do paradigma de compreensão, que promove a reconciliação dos homens com o mundo cuja dimensão política carece mais do que nunca, na atualidade, ser dignamente resgatada. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
Approach considering the sense of justice in Hannah Arendt through her reflection on the human faculty of judging. We analyze the behavior of Nazi murderer Adolf Eichmann during his trial in Israel from Arendt’s feelings in order to outline problems involved in the jurisdiction in the face of unprecedented crimes such as genocide. We describe elements of totalitarianism, highlighting its unprecedented nature and, by establishing the disintegration of tradition against the totalitarian phenomenon, the vita activa is characterized in order to demonstrate that within the philosopher’s thought, the original meaning of politics lies in the concept of freedom. Starting from the problem of evil, a distinction is drawn between the design of its radicalism and its banality engendering an interpretative reading of the three basic activities of the spirit in order to show relations between them drawing implications and scope of judgment faculty as political activity eminently. Based on Arendt's critique to modernity and its philosophical position to deconstruct, the metaphysical reasoning outlines the importance of thinking, willing and judging abilities in their autonomous ways to identify the comprehension and the quest for meaning as something essential to human existence, policy, and understanding the sense of justice whose meaning runs through the inclusion of the other in a perspective that can only be political if it is also intersubjective. We investigate the figure of the spectator, identifying elements that compose him as essential attributes to judge as facilitator of understanding paradigm, which promotes individuals reconciliation with the world whose political dimension is needed more than ever, at present, be worthily redeemed.
Silva, Cícero Samuel Dias. "A permanência e a ruptura : arte e política em Hannah Arendt." www.teses.ufc.br, 2013. http://www.repositorio.ufc.br/handle/riufc/6581.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between art and politics in Hannah Arendt’s thought. The objective is to present the way the issue is viewed by the author. To achieve this end, concepts of rupture and permanece will be articulated. Therefore, it resorts to such works as The Human Condition (1951), Between Past and Future (1968), Men in Dark Times (1968) and The Life of the Mind (1978), inasmuch as these writings seem to condense fundamental traces of this discussion, given as effective means of aproximation to this problem. The first chapter focuses on the analysis of the general environment from which Arendt composes its reflexive web, ie: that one consisting on political issues that emerge in the events of the twentieth century. One diagnoses a broad context of crisis drawn from the understanding of an undeniable fraying of Western moral and political tradition. When the traditional political and moral categories that guide action and thought are broken, one experiences the radical inability to judge, linked to the inaccessibility of the past that reverberates in the very opacity of the present. Before the confirmation of a crisis given as a synonym for the darkening of the world, to which art and politics - dimensions par excellence ruled in permanence - do not pass unscathed, one moves to a second chapter whose reflection adheres to the idea of culture in the face of the lost of tradition; one travels up the topic of culture in a mass society, linking it to concepts like philistinism and entertainment. Taking the breaking theme, chained by the preceding chapters, the third chapter highlights the rehabilitation of appearence as able to demonstrate the relationship between contemporary art and politics, coming thus to the core point of our proposal.
O presente trabalho assume por escopo a exposição da relação entre arte e política no pensamento de Hannah Arendt, tendo em vista apresentar o modo tal qual esta autora a visualiza por meio da articulação dos conceitos de ruptura e de permanência. Para tanto, recorre-se a obras como A condição humana (1951), Entre o passado e o futuro (1968), Homens em tempos sombrios (1968) e A vida do espírito (1978), na medida em que esses escritos parecem condensar traços fundamentais dessa discussão, dados como via efetiva de aproximação dessa problemática. Um primeiro capítulo concentra-se no enfoque do quadro geral entorno do qual Arendt compõe sua teia reflexiva, isto é: aquele constituído pelas questões políticas que emergem nos eventos do século XX. Afere-se o diagnóstico de um contexto amplo de crise extraído da compreensão de um inegável esgarçamento da tradição política e moral ocidental. Fissuradas as categorias políticas e morais tradicionais orientadoras de ação e pensamento, experimenta-se a radicalidade da incapacidade de julgar, vinculada à inacessibilidade do passado que reverbera na própria opacidade do presente. Em face da constatação da crise dada como sinônimo de obscurecimento do mundo, à qual arte e política – dimensões por excelência pautadas na permanência – não passam incólumes, transita-se a um segundo capítulo cuja reflexão atém-se à ideia de cultura diante da perda da tradição; percorre-se o tema da cultura em uma sociedade de massas, articulando-o a conceitos como filisteísmo e entretenimento. O terceiro momento, assumindo o tema da ruptura encadeado pelos capítulos anteriores, evidencia a reabilitação da aparência como horizonte capaz de demonstrar a relação existente entre arte e política contemporânea, chegando, portanto, ao ponto central de nossa proposta.
Ripamonti, Paula Cristina. "Hannah Arendt." Doctoral thesis, Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, 2013. http://bdigital.uncu.edu.ar/13223.
Full textFil: Ripamonti, Paula Cristina. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras.
Mrovlje, Maša. "Judging for the world : philosophies of existence, narrative imagination, and the ambiguity of political judgement." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/7450.
Full textTurbay, Luana [UNESP]. "A dimensão política da dignidade humana em Hannah Arendt." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93159.
Full textCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A dignidade humana é um tema que Hannah Arendt debate ao longo de toda sua obra. A partir do fenômeno totalitário, por conta do qual se torna pensadora da política, Arendt entenderá que a despeito do caráter universal que a tradição ocidental atribuía à dignidade do homem, esta só é real, só adentra o plano da efetividade e resguarda o respeito aos indivíduos, quando eles fazem parte de uma comunidade pela qual compartilhem responsabilidade. De acordo com o pensamento de Arendt os governos totalitários representaram uma verdadeira ruptura com a tradição de pensamento e com o conjunto de valores ocidentais. Através do controle total do comportamento humano os governos nazista e stalinista conseguiram dissolver os limites entre o domínio público e a esfera privada, entre o Estado e as massas, entre o poder e a violência, entre a política e a administração da vida humana, deste modo forjaram um mundo em que o sentido das ações humanas passou a remeter a finalidades voltadas ao progresso biológico ou social do processo da história da espécie humana, neste mundo o princípio da dignidade humana poderá ser substituído pela descartabilidade em massa de seres humanos, sob uma aparente legitimidade. Nesta dissertação serão apresentadas as relações que estabelece Arendt entre este fenômeno e a instabilidade inerente à própria estrutura do Estado-nação, agravada pelo capitalismo, bem como os limites que a própria tradição de pensamento apresenta na compreensão da gravidade de tal evento, de seu real impacto sobre os seres humanos ali sujeitos à aniquilação, e dos perigos que representam as novas formas de dominação nele descobertas em relação à cultura ocidental e à própria humanidade. Também será abordada a fenomenologia da vita activa elaborada por Arendt, segundo a qual a natalidade – a permanente possibilidade de surgimento...
The human dignity is a subject presented by Hannah Arendt through all long her thought work. From the emergency of totalitarian government, because of which she becomes a political thinker, Arendt will understand that despite the universality that occidental tradition establishes to human dignity, it just come to be real, only rises to effectiveness and protects the respect to individuals, when they are part of a community for which they share responsibility. According to Arendt’s thought totalitarian governments represented a real break with the thought tradition and the values system of the occident. Through the total control of human behavior the Nazi and Stalinist governments could dissolve the limits between public and private spheres, between the State and the masses groups, between power and violence, between politics and administration of human life, thereby, it was forged a world in which the meaning of human actions became to be related to finalities directed to biological or social progress of the historical process of human kind. In this world the human dignity principle may be replaced by a massive disposability of human beings, under a supposed legitimacy. In this dissertation will be presented the relations established by Arendt between this phenomenon and the instability into the own structure of Nation-State, exacerbated by capitalism, and also the limits that the own thought tradition presents on the comprehension of the gravity of such event, it’s real impact over the human beings exposed to annihilation, and the danger that represents the new forms of domination through it developed, not only on the occidental culture but also on the own humanity. Will be here also approached the vita activa’s phenomenology developed by Arendt, according to which the natality – the permanent possibility of emergency... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Vossier, Frédéric. "Arendt et la question du totalitarisme : genèse et structure d'un concept." Paris 12, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA120056.
Full textFerreirós, Matus Facundo. "Vita narrativa: aproximaciones al concepto de narración de Hannah Arendt." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2009. http://repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/109909.
Full textLa presente tesina tiene el objetivo de aproximarse a lo que Hannah Arendt concibió bajo el concepto de narración. Aproximación y no definición porque la autora no delimita con claridad dicho concepto y lo que tenemos de él no son más que fragmentos en los que fue utilizado en el contexto de otras explicaciones. ¿Por qué entonces la narración? Porque estimamos que el carácter implícito con el que actúa transversalmente en la escritura arendtiana podría funcionar como un elemento conciliador, una clave de lectura capaz de arrojar luz para la comprensión de su pensamiento. Por tanto, lo que sigue se configura, y quizás allí reside su valor, como un esfuerzo interpretativo por establecer puentes entre lo escrito, por sobre aquellos espacios que han quedado inevitablemente vacíos.
Montanaro, Mara. "Françoise Collin : La révolution permanente d'une pensée discontinue." Phd thesis, Université René Descartes - Paris V, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00974109.
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