Journal articles on the topic 'Arctic peoples – Politics and government'
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1
Bennett, Mia M., Wilfrid Greaves, Rudolf Riedlsperger, and Alberic Botella. "Articulating the Arctic: contrasting state and Inuit maps of the Canadian north." Polar Record 52, no. 6 (May 12, 2016): 630–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247416000164.
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ABSTRACTThis paper compares four maps produced by the Canadian government and Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the indigenous peoples’ organisation representing Inuit living in the four recognised Inuit regions (Inuit Nunangat) of Canada. Our analysis is based on publicly available maps, documents, and records and extends the rich existing literature examining the history of definitions of the Canadian north. Distinctly, our research aims to understand the different ways in which the Arctic has been articulated as a geographic, political, and social region during the Harper government (2006–2015) and the effects these articulations have had on northern policy and people. We find that the federal government maintained a flexible definition of the Canadian Arctic as a region when in pursuit of its own policy objectives. However, when it comes to incorporating areas outside the boundaries of Canada's three federal territories, particularly communities along their southern fringes, those boundaries are inflexible. The people who live in these areas, which the state considers to be outside the Canadian Arctic, are marginalised within Arctic public policy in terms of access to federal funds, determination of land use, and a sense of social belonging to the Canadian Arctic. Our goal in this paper is to demonstrate that national-level disputes over what constitutes ‘the Arctic’ can significantly impact the day-to-day lives of people who live within and just outside the region, however it is conceived.
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Alfredsson, Gudmundur. "Human Rights and the Arctic." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 1, no. 1 (2009): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000013.
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Abstract This article surveys some of the many international human rights law issues that come up in connection with the Arctic, such as the rights of indigenous peoples and the formulation of these rights in a draft Nordic Sami Convention. The focus, however, is on recent developments concerning the status of Greenland as a result of an agreement concluded in 2008 between the Danish and Greenlandic authorities. This agreement foresees not only a significant increase in self-government but also opens the door for the Greenlandic people to create an independent State through the exercise of the right to external self-determination as a matter of political decolonisation of an overseas colonial territory.
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Wilson, Gary N., and Christopher Alcantara. "Mixing Politics and Business in the Canadian Arctic: Inuit Corporate Governance in Nunavik and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 4 (December 2012): 781–804. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423912000996.
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Abstract. Over the past three decades, Inuit economic development corporations (IEDCs) have played an important role in preparing the Inuit regions of Nunavik in northern Québec and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories for self-government. In addition to building vital capacity through the provision of services, programs and economic opportunities, IEDCs have also represented their respective regions in self-government negotiations with other levels of government. This corporate-led governance approach, which we call Inuit corporate governance, provides Aboriginal groups such as the Inuit with a de facto form of self-government and the opportunity to develop economic and political capacity in advance of adopting a more comprehensive and formal self-government arrangement. It also challenges existing assumptions about the relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the liberal–capitalist order that underpins the Canadian state.Résumé. Durant les trois dernières décennies, les Institutions de développement économique des Inuits ont joué un rôle important en préparation à l'auto-gouvernance de la population Inuit du Nunavik, dans le Nord-du-Québec, et de l'Inuvialuit, dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest. En plus d'avoir permis le développement d'habiletés cruciales dans le domaine de l'offre de services, de programmes et d'opportunités de développement économique, les Institutions ont également contribué, à titre de représentantes de leurs régions respectives, lors de la négociation d'ententes portant sur l'auto-gouvernance avec divers paliers de gouvernement. Cette approche de gouvernance corporative Inuit fournit aux groupes autochtones, tels les Inuits, une forme d'auto-gouvernance de facto qui génère pour eux des opportunités de se développer économiquement et politiquement, en préparation à l'adoption d'un modèle d'auto-gouvernance plus élaboré et formel. Cette approche soulève également bien des questions quant aux fondements de la relation qui existe entre les peuples autochtones et l'ordre libéral capitaliste qui sous-tend l'État canadien.
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Florini, Ann. "The Peculiar Politics of Energy." Ethics & International Affairs 26, no. 3 (2012): 293–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679412000433.
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Imagine that you could wave a magic wand and provide everyone in the world with easy access to clean and affordable energy. In one stroke you would make the world a far cleaner, richer, fairer, and safer place. Suddenly, a billion and a half of the world's poorest people could discover what it is like to turn on an electric light in the evening. The looming threat posed by climate change would largely disappear. From the South China Sea to the Middle East to the Arctic, geopolitical tensions over energy resources would fade away. Human health would benefit, too, as vaccines and perishable foods could be refrigerated the world over. And many of the world's most corrupt government officials could no longer enrich themselves by bleeding their countries dry of revenues from fossil fuel sales.
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Semenova, Tamara. "Political mobilisation of northern indigenous peoples in Russia." Polar Record 43, no. 1 (January 2007): 23–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247406005808.
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The analysis of international and national cooperation interprets relations between states, international organisations and indigenous peoples as currently being constructed in terms of political practices. Through practical work in their organisations (IPOs), indigenous peoples are building up a joint agenda to further their social and economic interests. This process is accompanied by a transformation of the agenda of sovereign states and subordinate government bodies as well as by the establishment of partnerships with indigenous peoples through their legally recognised organisations that have become new political actors. New methods are emerging in which these practices can evolve in the most efficient way: the recognition of IPOs as equal partners in the decision-making process; the allocation of resources to facilitate their participation; the incorporation of traditional knowledge; the accommodation of indigenous priorities; joint initiatives; and other collective actions. The intergovernmental forum of the Arctic Council may serve as a positive model in which both governments and indigenous peoples collaborate. IPOs fully participate in the regional decision-making process, and through building up a new collective identity, reach out to high-level international organisations and events such as the World Summit on Sustainable Development and the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. In Russia, at the national level, the process has been less successful than elsewhere. This formation of collective identity is connected to two processes: one is a search for new opportunities of interaction with the state in the legal and governmental sphere: the other comprises regional cooperation and local interpretation of sustainable development. This is an INDIPO project paper (Tennberg 2006).
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Klein, D. R. "Structures for caribou management and their status in the circumpolar north." Rangifer 16, no. 4 (January 1, 1996): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.16.4.1250.
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Large herds of caribou (Rangifer tarandus) in Canada, Alaska, and Russia that winter in northern coniferous forests and summer in tundra of the Arctic have provided a sustainable source of meat and other products for indigenous peoples for thousands of years. Several different administrative structures for management of large caribou herds have emerged throughout the circumpolar North. In Russia under the previous Soviet government, the herd of the Taimyr Region, numbering around 500 000 caribou, was managed under a harvest quota system for both subsistence use by indigenous people and commercial sale of meat and skins. In North America, as indigenous peoples have gained increasing political empowerment, systems for caribou management have been undergoing change. Establishment of the Beverly and Qamanirjuaq Caribou Management Board in Canada, with majority representation from users of the resource, provides a model and a test of the effectiveness of a comanagement system. The Western Arctic Herd in northwestern Alaska, numbering close to 500 000 caribou, has been managed under the traditional American system of game management, with user advisory groups, but with management decisions resting with a statewide Board of Game, whose major representation is from sport-hunting interests. The Porcupine Caribou Herd, which is shared by the United States and Canada, is the focus of an international agreement, in principle designed to assure its continued productivity and well-being. The diversity of systems for caribou management in the circumpolar North provides an opportunity for comparing their effectiveness.
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Paraschak, Victoria. "Variations in Race Relations: Sporting Events for Native Peoples in Canada." Sociology of Sport Journal 14, no. 1 (March 1997): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.14.1.1.
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Four native sporting practices from different parts of Canada—the Arctic Winter Games and the Northern Games from northern Canada, and the Native Sport and Recreation Program and the All-Indian Sport System from southern Canada—are analyzed within the broader context of race relations in Canada (which differentially shape, and are shaped by, the “practical consciousness” of native peoples). Within these race relations, native participants are facilitated to different degrees in sport. The Inuit and Dene of northern Canada demonstrate an ability to reshape opportunities for sport in ways which address their needs, even when they are not directly in control of the event. Meanwhile, native peoples1 in southern Canada, even when they are directly in control of the event, tend to largely reproduce the dominant eurocanadian-derived system of sport, along with government-created definitions of race.
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White, Graham. "Go North, Young Scholar, Go North." Canadian Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 747–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423911000734.
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Abstract.The North—defined as the Canadian Arctic—ranks among the most understudied and yet the most promising fields of enquiry for Canadian political scientists. It offers a host of fascinating research topics and intellectual puzzles, many of which entail the often fraught relationship between the Canadian state and Aboriginal peoples. Important conceptual issues await academics studying northern politics and governance. As well, political scientists' work can benefit the governments and the people of the North who are grappling with difficult practical problems as they develop distinctive ways of governing themselves.Academic work on northern politics can be at once intellectually stimulating, professionally rewarding and of significant practical utility. Accordingly, more Canadian political scientists, especially young scholars, should turn their attention northwards.Résumé.Le Nord, ou plus précisément l'Arctique canadien, constitue un des champs les moins explorés et pourtant les plus prometteurs pour les politologues canadiens. Son étude révèle une foule de sujets de recherche fascinants et d'énigmes intellectuelles, dont plusieurs se rapportent aux relations souvent tendues entre l'État canadien et les peuples autochtones. D'importants enjeux conceptuels se posent aux chercheurs de la politique nordique et de la gouvernance. De plus, les recherches des politologues peuvent aider les gouvernements et les habitants du Nord à résoudre des problèmes concrets associés au développement de façons distinctives de se gouverner.En somme, la recherche sur la politique nordique peut être à la fois intellectuellement stimulante, professionnellement gratifiante et pourvu d'une grande utilité pratique. En conséquence, plus de politologues canadiens, et en particulier ceux des nouvelles générations, devraient diriger leur attention vers le Nord.
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Josephson, Paul R. "EMPIRE-BUILDING AND FRONTIER OF SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET TIMES." Ural Historical Journal 73, no. 4 (2021): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30759/1728-9718-2021-4(73)-88-96.
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The paper deals with the strategies of colonization and assimilation of frontier in Soviet Union and post-Soviet Russia in relation to, Siberia and the Far East. These frontier spaces were disturbing the Soviet leadership for they were both vulnerable for an external invasion and unsupportive of the new socialist order. Thus, countryside of Soviet Russia was also seen as frontier of its own kind. The conquest of frontier and its integration into the socialist, industrial economy was implemented by Stalinist leadership through the violent collectivization, which was accompanied by colonization in the periphery strengthened by the flow of exiles and labor camp prisoners from the collectivized western areas. From the point of view of Soviet leaders, the frontier territories were both resource pantry and “empty spaces” to settle. To stimulate colonization Soviet government was establishing the “corridors of modernization”, a network of infrastructure, connecting the newly constructed “company towns”, the outposts of frontier conquest. Such politics was simultaneously integrating indigenous peoples of frontier into the socialist economy and destroying their way of life. In spite of efforts of Soviet rulers from Stalin to Brezhnev, the assimilation of frontier did not succeed. However, in the 21st century Russian leadership continues to treat Arctic, Siberia and the Far East along the Soviet lines, as frontier spaces of economic and symbolic conquest and military-political contestation. Unlike the Soviet era, though, nowadays the concept of frontier had found its way into Russian historical and political thought.
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Lytvynenko, Oleksandr. "Historical politics as a tool of the ideological justification of Russian neo-imperialism." Journal of Geography, Politics and Society 13, S1 (November 24, 2022): 23–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/jpgs.2022.s1.04.
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A number of modern Russian political discourse provisions which consist of tendentious interpretations of Russian and Ukrainian history and which result in frank and systematic manipulation of historical memory have been analyzed. Their goals are to justify Russia’s aggressive policy towards Ukraine to prove and legalize the right to decide the fate of the Ukrainian people and to determine the vectors of the Ukrainian foreign policy. At the same time, they are aimed at discrediting the Ukrainian government and delegitimizing Ukrainian statehood as well as ultimately distorting and leveling Ukrainian national identity. The outdated concept of Ancient Rus as the cradle of “three brotherly peoples”, i.e. Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, or its more archaic version about the existence of a single Russian nation, whose branches are actually Russians, Ukrainians and Belarusians, is used. A component of this concept is the idea of Russia being the direct and sole legal heir of Ancient Rus, whose historical mission was and remains the gathering of ancient Russian lands, which include the lands of Ukraine and Belarus. Accordingly, the separate existence of the Ukrainian people, and hence their right to state independence, is either denied altogether or conditionally recognized, if they maintain inseparable ties with Russia and renounce the Western vector of foreign policy. Modern Ukraine is considered by the Russian authorities and the political establishment as “anti-Russia”, which has no right to exist.
Attempts to apply the tools of the historical politics of the Russian Federation. In particular, it concerns historical education and memorial practices in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions of the Donbas, where the territory temporarily is not controlled by Ukraine. These territories are also considered a model for similar measures used on temporarily occupied territories during the 2022 war.
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Mahendra, Muhammad Dwiki. "Indigenous Peoples in Regional Institutions: A Comparative Perspective between ASEAN and the Arctic Council." IKAT: The Indonesian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (August 11, 2021): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/ikat.v5i1.64922.
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The study of Indigenous People is a vast subject and it is continuously growing. Indigenous Peoples often lack formal recognition over their lands, rights, and at worst, their identities hence they are often undermined by the government and international law. Such things were possible since the recognition of Indigenous Peoples is varied and depends on each national or regional perspective. Within Southeast Asia’s regional organization, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), no reference to the Indigenous Peoples was made on its founding document. This paper focuses on the issue of Indigenous Peoples by comparing the position of Indigenous Peoples within the framework of ASEAN to Arctic Council. By qualitatively analyzing relevant references on ASEAN, Arctic Council, and Indigenous Peoples, this article aims to understand the stark differences of how ASEAN and Arctic Council recognize the Indigenous Peoples within each region. Such understanding is necessary to drives ASEAN and its member states to accommodate broader rights to Indigenous Peoples.
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Loukacheva, Natalia. "Arctic indigenous peoples' internationalism: in search of a legal justification." Polar Record 45, no. 1 (January 2009): 51–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247408007742.
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ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on the evolution and development of the legal scope of governance and the right to autonomy in the Arctic context by considering contemporary indigenous internationalism through a legal lens and by employing examples from the Arctic indigenous peoples of Greenland and Nunavut. It argues that depending on national policy, partnerships, and relations, there are possibilities for considering direct international representation, and the participation of autonomous sub-national units or indigenous peoples, as a part of the right to autonomy/self-government or internal self-determination. Since indigenous peoples have a limited legal personality and capacity in international law, the states of which they are a part can take special measures to accommodate their needs.
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Slezkine, Yuri. "From Savages to Citizens: The Cultural Revolution in the Soviet Far North, 1928-1938." Slavic Review 51, no. 1 (1992): 52–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500261.
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In the mid-1920s the Soviet government singled out about 150,000 ; citizens for an administrative category designated the "small peoples of the north." These were the indigenous inhabitants of the Arctic and sub-Arctic zones of the Soviet Union who subsisted on hunting, fishing and reindeer herding and who were seen by bolshevik officials as the most backward peoples of the new republic, languishing in a pitiful and unacceptable state of "semi-savagery and outright savagery." As such, they needed to be understood as a peculiar phenomenon and governed differently from their more "cultured" countrymen.
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Idil, Akbar, and Nurlia Elly. "The Government's Power and Democracy Participation to Eradicating Inequalities in Local." E3S Web of Conferences 73 (2018): 09010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/20187309010.
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One of path to implement of democracy's values to eradicating inequalities is opened widely for public participation. As democracy's value for government is how the government must present democracy participate on its people. The government must create democracy participate in every level, including in local. This part will become differentiator how is the government's run. This article purposed to description and discussion how is the government's power and democracy participate frequent contradiction complicated, full dynamics, and conflict. Despite of government has given ample opportunities for peoples, but sometimes peoples must face the policies which uncompromised with this participation. This article based on research with qualitative descriptive method and data collected by literature. Resulted that Undang-Undang (Indonesian laws) has given the amble opportunities for peoples to participate in local politics and governance. The laws also giving generous to peoples to run participation based on local's values. Nevertheless, the freedom to participate frequent confronted with government interest which dominated by elite. Thus, in fact the local's peoples truly had efforts to participate in local politics and governance actively must face with government's power dominantly and determinately.
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Huebert, Rob. "Ice and Water: Politics, Peoples, and the Arctic Council, by John English." International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 72, no. 2 (June 2017): 285–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020702017707503.
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Borodin, E. "Canada's arctic strategy in 2010s." Diplomatic Service, no. 4 (August 1, 2020): 64–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2004-07.
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The article analyzes the text of the «Canada's Arctic and Northern Policy Framework», published in September 2019. The author conducted a comparative analysis with a comparable document «Canada’s Northern Strategy: Our North, Our Heritage, Our Future» of 2009. As a result, new approaches to the development of Canada's Northern policy were revealed. There were detected unchanged priorities and goals, as well as emphases of the Canadian government in the shaping of Arctic and Northern policy on addressing the socio-economic problems of indigenous peoples and residents of the North of Canada.
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Eide, Asbjørn. "Indigenous Self-Government in the Arctic, and their Right to Land and Natural Resources." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 1, no. 1 (2009): 245–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000014.
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Abstract The article examines the evolution in international law of indigenous self-government and their control over their land and resources, and explores the extent to which this is being followed up at the national level with particular emphasis on Arctic and other Northern indigenous peoples. It starts by discussing the concept of ‘indigenous peoples’, noting that most of them live in areas that have until recently been considered to be marginal by the dominant parts of society, and observes that two contradictory trends can presently be observed: On the one hand a growing pressure, in the context of expanding economic globalisation and intensification of consumption, for access to the natural resources in the areas where they live, but on the other hand a growing resistance through improved organisation by the indigenous peoples themselves and by a growing recognition of their rights under international law. The impact of this general evolution at the global level on specific cases are examined with regards to the Inuit-controlled self-government of Nunavut in Canada, the move towards full independence of Inuit-controlled Greenland, and the evolution of Sámi self-management in Sámi land of Fenno-Scandinavia.
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Chuffart, Romain. "Speaking of Rights: Indigenous Linguistic Rights in the Arctic." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 9, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_009010002.
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This paper discusses and compares the evolution of language policies, laws and rights for indigenous peoples and minorities living in six of the eight Arctic states. It focuses on language rights of indigenous peoples living in the Fennoscandian Arctic (Sami people of Norway, Sweden, and Finland), in the American Arctic (Alaska) and in the Canadian Arctic (Nunavut, Northwest Territories, and Yukon). This paper also focuses on linguistic rights in Greenland. The aim of this study is to add to the discussion about how the use of indigenous languages in the public sphere (education, the judicial system, and interactions with the government) helps indigenous-language speakers who live in the Arctic to preserve their ways of life and their cultural identities. This paper posits that asymmetrical management is key to fulfilling indigenous linguistic rights. Devolution of language planning and policy implementation to the relevant local authorities often makes sense from a state viewpoint and, although it is not enough, it can be beneficial to indigenous speakers.
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Mais, Asrorul, and Lailil Aflahkul Yaum. "Aksesibiltas dan Partisipasi Politik Penyandang Disabilitas di Kabupaten Jember." Kaganga:Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Riset Sosial-Humaniora 2, no. 2 (December 29, 2019): 78–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31539/kaganga.v2i2.830.
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This study aims to describe 1) regulations related to election implementation for disability, 2) constraints in realizing election access for peoples with disabilities, 3) efforts to realize election access for peoples with disabilities and 4) the role of peoples with disabilities to participate in politics. The method in this research uses descriptive qualitative. The results of the study indicate that the election law and peoples with disabilities have accommodated the rights of persons with disabilities in politics. While the obstacles are structural and cultural constraints from the government, the society and people with disabilities. As for the efforts made by the Jember Ellection Committee to realize elections access is to build communication with disability organizations and form democratic volunteers from the disability segment. Peoples with disabilities both personally and in organizations actively carry out the discourse and provide advice to the government and Jember Ellection Committee for the realization to improve electoral access. From the results of the study it can be concluded that in accordance with the Election Law on disability the KPU continues to make efforts to include persons with disabilities in elections to reduce and disability to vote.
Keywords: Accessibility, Participation, Politics, Disability
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Cattelino, Jessica R. "From Locke to Slots: Money and the Politics of Indigeneity." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 2 (March 27, 2018): 274–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000051.
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AbstractWith ongoing consequences for American Indians, the New World Indian has been a pervasive figure of constitutive exclusion in modern theories of money, property, and government. This paradoxical exclusion of indigenous peoples from the money/property/government complex is intrinsic to, and constitutive of, modern theories of money. What is more, it haunts the cultural politics of indigenous peoples’ economic actions. In Part I, I establish that, and how, indigeneity has been constitutively present at the foundation of modern theories of money, as Europeans and settlers defined indigenous peoples in part by the absence of money and property (of which money is a special form). In turn, and more to the point here, they defined money and property in part as that which modern non-indigenous people have and use. These are not solely economic matters: the conceptual exclusions from money/property were coproduced with juridical ones insofar as liberal political theory grounded the authority of modern government in private property (and, in turn, in money). To show how this formation of money and indigeneity has mattered both for disciplinary anthropology and for American public culture at several historical moments, Part II traces how the dilemmas expressed by these texts haunt subsequent debates about the function of wampum, the logic of potlatch, and the impact of tribal gaming. Such debates inform scholarship beyond the boundaries of anthropology and, as each case shows in brief, they create harms and benefits for peoples in ways that perpetuate the (il)logics and everyday practices of settler colonialism.
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Katamadze, Aleksandr. "Prospects for the development of the Arctic through consideration of the sociopolitical role of the indigenous peoples in Canada." Международные отношения, no. 1 (January 2022): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2022.1.35120.
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The object of this research is the sustainable development of the Canadian Arctic. The subject of this research is the interaction between the government and the indigenous population of Canada in relation to the development of social infrastructure of the Arctic region and protection of the interests of northerners living in this territory. The goal lies in determination of common ground between the indigenous population of Canada and the governing administration of the country through consideration of the official state documents that establish the rights and freedoms of the indigenous people and their role in the formation of the Arctic agenda. The analysis of correspondence of the government objectives towards the indigenous peoples with the process of their implementation in modern reality draws particular interest. The acquired results lie in the analysis of planning policy of Canada and examination of the practical activity of the state pertinent to the development of the Arctic and its population. The author’s special contribution lies in the universal approach towards consideration of the sociopolitical component of purposeful transformation of the Arctic into the region with exceptional prospects for the future fundamental changes in the public sphere, as well as global cooperation within the framework of the activity of international organizations that regulate relations in the Arctic not only through the official representatives of the Canadian State, but also through the delegates of indigenous peoples who defend their own rights and freedoms on the international level.
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Gladun, Elena, and Gennady Chebotarev. "Participation of the Northern Indigenous Peoples in the Management of the Russian Arctic Territories and Its Legal Protection." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nispa-2015-0006.
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Abstract The paper is an overview of the participation of the northern indigenous peoples in the public management of the Arctic territories in Russia. Different forms of participation are described, and most attention is paid to the co-management of the governments and the indigenous peoples when their mutual aim is protecting the Arctic and its natural landscapes in the period of extensive industrial development. The principle objective of the paper is to analyze the international and national legal regulations and to show some effective legal mechanisms through which participation can be developed in Russia. The authors study definitions of participation, the main international principles of participation and give a deep analysis of the legislation of the Russian Federation, which provides the framework for indigenous participation. Much attention is paid to the legislation of the federative regions of Russia which are inhabited by the northern indigenous peoples. Mostly the authors study the example of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Area, the Arctic area of Russia with the biggest gas reserves, inhabited by the Nenets. The first conclusion made in the paper is that the Arctic countries must not only prioritize the exploitation of rich Arctic resources, but also be aware that the Arctic is primarily the home and the area of the traditional lifestyle and occupations of the northern indigenous peoples who have lived there for a long time. The northern indigenous peoples are interested in cooperation with the governments according to their traditional values and knowledge; they want to be involved in the decision-making process and management of their territories and resources. The second conclusion is that a patchwork of federal laws regulating indigenous issues in Russia does not grant any special rights that let the northern indigenous peoples participate in the decision-making process concerning the lands and resources in the Arctic areas. The federal government mostly implements the concept of paternalism but not the concept of participation. The federative regions in their regulations provide considerably more opportunities for participation. However, the regions are quite restricted by the federal legislation. The regulations are fragmentary on both the federal and the regional levels, there is no system of public authorities providing for consultation, cooperation, agreements and other forms of indigenous participation. Moreover, in Russia there is very little experience in the realization of the participation of the Arctic territories and resources. The third, and most important, conclusion is that participation in the management of the Arctic territories should become a new element of the Russian Arctic policy. From this perspective it is necessary to ratify and sign two international documents – Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention No. 169 and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples – and to incorporate the basic principles of participation into the Russian federal legislation. Also it is vital to establish a specialized federal body on indigenous issues with a special focus on the northern indigenous peoples. Lastly, the legal and administrative capabilities of regions and local authorities should be increased, and the regional and local bodies should be vested with the power to involve indigenous peoples in the management of the northern territories.
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Greaves, Wilfrid. "Arctic (in)security and Indigenous peoples: Comparing Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway." Security Dialogue 47, no. 6 (September 21, 2016): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010616665957.
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While international relations has increasingly begun to recognize the political salience of Indigenous peoples, the related field of security studies has not significantly incorporated Indigenous peoples either theoretically or empirically. This article helps to address this gap by comparing two Arctic Indigenous peoples – Inuit in Canada and Sámi in Norway – as ‘securitizing actors’ within their respective states. It examines how organizations representing Inuit and Sámi each articulate the meaning of security in the circumpolar Arctic region. It finds that Inuit representatives have framed environmental and social challenges as security issues, identifying a conception of Arctic security that emphasizes environmental protection, preservation of cultural identity, and maintenance of Indigenous political autonomy. While there are some similarities between the two, Sámi generally do not employ securitizing language to discuss environmental and social issues, rarely characterizing them as existential issues threatening their survival or wellbeing. Drawing on securitization theory, this article proposes three factors to explain why Inuit have sought to construct serious challenges in the Arctic as security issues while Sámi have not: ecological differences between the Canadian and Norwegian Arctic regions, and resulting differences in experience of environmental change; the relative degree of social inclusion of Inuit and Sámi within their non-Indigenous majority societies; and geography, particularly the proximity of Norway to Russia, which results in a more robust conception of national security that restricts space for alternative, non-state security discourses. This article thus links recent developments in security studies and international relations with key trends in Indigenous politics, environmental change, and the geopolitics of the Arctic region.
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Probotrianto, Andy Fernanda. "Masyarakat Adat dan Diskursus Representasi di Lingkar Artik: Tinjauan Kosmopolitanisme dan Geopolitik Kritis." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 14, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v14i1.19621.
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The Arctic Circle, without a doubt, has turned into a region of various complexities and holds a huge prominence in the contemporary world; especially if one link it with discourses regarding energy, resources, and maritime issues which have helped in triggering wide international contestations. These discourses, consequently, are getting more proliferated as the polar ice melting. However, the existing paradigm carried about within the research of the region tends to be ignorant of those whom are marginalized, yet distinctly significant to the shaping of the Arctic environment, under the shadows of nation-states and high politics agendas: the indigenous peoples. This article, therefore, would contribute to the political discourse of the Arctic by elaborating the perspective of indigenous people in regards of the ongoing dynamics. Utilizing Critical Cosmopolitanism as a normative basis, as well as taking the approach offered by Critical Geopolitics, this writing will try to deconstruct how the nation state’s prolonged hegemony impacting the Arctic Circle, displaying the significance held by indigenous communities, as well as factors leading to its heighten representation—with a more through focus on Inuit Peoples in regard of their population and prominence within the discourse. This article reveals that the shifting global paradigm which, in time, echoing Cosmopolitanism values, such as inclusivity, paves a way to the growing representation to the indigenous peoples.
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Beauvais, Edana, and Dietlind Stolle. "The Politics of White Identity and Settlers’ Indigenous Resentment in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 55, no. 1 (March 2022): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423921000986.
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AbstractThis article introduces White identity as an understudied concept in Canadian politics and compares how White settlers’ ingroup attachments and their outgroup attitudes—specifically, White settlers’ anti-Indigenous attitudes—shape Canadian politics. We find that White identity is associated with greater support for government spending on policies that disproportionately benefit White Canadians, such as pensions, whereas Indigenous resentment is associated with greater opposition toward government spending on policies that are often perceived as disproportionately benefiting Indigenous peoples, such as welfare. In Canada outside Quebec, both White identity and anti-Indigenous attitudes are associated with voting Conservative. In Quebec, White identity mobilizes support for the Bloc Québécois, while White settlers’ negative attitudes toward Indigenous peoples are not associated with vote choice.
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Vine, David. "What If You Can’t Protest the Base? The Chagossian Exile, the Struggle for Democracy, and the Military Base on Diego Garcia." South Atlantic Quarterly 111, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 847–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1724228.
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The people of the Chagos Archipelago were forcibly removed from their homeland in the Indian Ocean’s Chagos Archipelago in the late 1960s and early 1970s when the US and British governments created a military base on the people’s largest island, Diego Garcia. Since their expulsion, the people, known as Chagossians, have struggled to return to their homeland and win proper compensation. Because US and UK law bar most suits challenging military and foreign policy and because the Chagossians are a people of around five thousand taking on two world powers, they have generally avoided protesting the base responsible for their exile. On the one hand, this peculiar situation has constrained the people’s movement by impeding coalition building and causing tensions with some antibase activists. On the other hand, while theirs is explicitly not an antibase struggle, it shares much in common with other antibase struggles in challenging the loss of sovereignty over occupied land, in demanding fundamental democratic rights, and in opposing unchecked government power and the archaic vestiges of colonialism on which all extraterritorial bases rely.
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Bogdanova, Elena, Konstantin Filant, Medeya Ivanova, Tatiana Romanenko, Ludmila Voronina, Kamrul Hossain, Praskovia Filant, Sergei Andronov, and Andrey Lobanov. "Strengthening Collaboration of the Indigenous Peoples in the Russian Arctic: Adaptation in the COVID-19 Pandemic Times." Sustainability 14, no. 6 (March 9, 2022): 3225. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su14063225.
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The article presents the challenges of the Indigenous peoples’ interplay with the key actors (Indigenous communities, Indigenous associations, regional governments, corporate businesses, and scientific institutions) in the Russian Arctic. Invoking actor–network theory offered knowledge to analyse how the effectiveness of this collaboration may lead to Indigenous peoples’ social adaptation in the COVID-19 times. It revealed the main problems increasing their vulnerability and making barriers to meeting sustainable development goals (SDGs). The primary sources included the data collected from expert interviews in the Yamal-Nenets Autonomous Okrug, the Nenets Autonomous Okrug, and the Murmansk region in 2020–2021. The main findings proved the gaps in the interplay of Indigenous peoples with key actors in the Russian Arctic due to insufficient interregional and international cooperation, indirect communication of governments with Indigenous peoples via Indigenous associations and communities focused mostly on supporting elites, and the lack of systematic feedback of all key actors. This collaboration must be focused on meeting SDGs and guaranteeing their economic, social, and cultural rights to maintain a traditional lifestyle and livelihoods, involving them in natural resource management, improving quality of life and well-being, increasing access to ethnocultural education, reducing inequality, and promoting Indigenous peoples’ self-government.
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Anwar, Arman, and Richard Marsilio Waas. "Hak Atas Informasi, Edukasi Dan Pelayanan Kesehatan Terhadap Masyarakat Adat Di Maluku Selama Pandemi Covid-19." SASI 27, no. 2 (June 4, 2021): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.47268/sasi.v27i2.454.
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The main objective of this research is to determine the fulfillment of the right to information, education and health services to indigenous peoples carried out by the Maluku Provincial Government and the relationship patterns that need to be built through the Maluku Provincial Government's public policies towards indigenous peoples so that dynamic interactions can be established in an effort to accelerate the spread of the virus. Covid 19 at the local level. The research was conducted using the Social Legal Research method. Approach the problem using a statutory approach, and concepts. The results of this study found that the Maluku Provincial Government has carried out its responsibilities in fulfilling the right to information, education and health services to indigenous peoples, but it is still not optimal. Likewise, a public policy framework that favors the interests of indigenous peoples as a form of protection for the vulnerability of indigenous peoples from the dangers of the spread of the Covid-19 virus is also not optimal. The Maluku Provincial Government needs to formulate a formulation of a public policy framework that is oriented towards the goal of fulfilling the basic rights of indigenous peoples during the Covid-19 pandemic. The vulnerability of indigenous peoples needs to be protected with the political will of the Maluku Provincial government through budget politics, preparation of human and material resources and infrastructure that supports performance achievement in fulfilling the right to information, education and health services to indigenous peoples at the local level.
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Sleptsov, A. N. "The tribal community of the indigenous peoples of the North in the system of traditional nature management." Arctic: Ecology and Economy 11, no. 4 (December 2021): 568–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25283/2223-4594-2021-4-568-581.
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The article considers the role and place of nomadic tribal communities of indigenous peoples of the North in administration of traditional nature management. It is shown that the emergence of such communities is due to a profound transformation of economic relations in the Arctic in the context of the transition to new economic conditions in the 90s of the XX century. The author gives the characteristic of such tribal communities in the municipal areas of the Arctic zone of the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia). Using the example of the nomadic tribal community “Omoloy” in the Ust-Yansky district of the republic, he shows its role in the development of traditional nature management, ensuring employment and income of the local population. The author presents the scheme of interaction of the tribal community as a primary production unit with government authorities and other economic entities to ensure the socio-economic development of the Arctic territories and substantiates the measures for the harmonization of relations between tribal communities and mining companies in the context of the Arctic industrial development.
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Tsukerman, V. A., and A. A. Kozlov. "Innovation Development of Mining Enterprises in the Arctic Territory of Canada." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 988, no. 2 (February 1, 2022): 022078. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/988/2/022078.
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Abstract The work considers the experience of innovation development of mining enterprises in the Arctic territory of Canada. For the innovation development of mining enterprises in the Arctic territory of Canada appropriate support mechanisms were created. The government of the country created a specialized organization, the Canadian Northern Economic Development Agency, acting as the main coordinator and investor of the innovation development of Arctic mining enterprises. The Yukon University which offers training of professional personnel and the development of innovation technologies and projects for mining enterprises was established. Specialized service companies are involved to improve the level of technical and technological development of mining enterprises. Mining enterprises interact with indigenous peoples through long-term agreements aimed at increasing their socio-economic well-being and creating new highly paid jobs. Taking into account the similar climatic and demographic conditions the experience of the Arctic territory of Canada is recommended to be used to increase the innovation activity of mining enterprises in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation.
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Newell, Sarah Lynn, Michelle L. Dion, and Nancy C. Doubleday. "Cultural continuity and Inuit health in Arctic Canada." Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health 74, no. 1 (October 29, 2019): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jech-2018-211856.
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BackgroundPrevious research association increased levels of cultural continuity and decreased rates of youth suicide in First Nations communities. We investigate the relationship between cultural continuity and self-rated health looking specifically at Inuit living in the Canadian Arctic.MethodsThe Arctic Supplements of the Aboriginal Peoples Survey from years 2001 and 2006 were appended to explore the relationship between various measures of cultural continuity and self-rated health. These measures include access to government services in an Aboriginal language, Inuit cultural variables, community involvement and governance. Literature related to Inuit social determinants of health and health-related behaviours were used to build the models.ResultsAll measures of cultural continuity were shown to have a positive association with self-rated health for Inuit participants. Background and other control variables influenced the strength of the association but not the direction of the association. Access to services in an Aboriginal language, harvesting activities and government satisfaction were all significantly related to the odds of better health outcomes. Finally, the study contributes a baseline from a known data horizon against which future studies can assess changes and understand future impacts of changes.ConclusionThe Canadian government and other agencies should address health inequalities between Inuit and non-Inuit people through programmes designed to foster cultural continuity at a community level. Providing access to services in an Aboriginal language is a superficial way of promoting cultural alignment of these services; however, more inclusion of Inuit traditional knowledge is needed to have a positive influence on health.
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Pareke, JT. "REFORMA AGRARIA: MEMBANGUN ULANG RELASI NEGARA DAN MASYARAKAT ADAT MELALUI PENGAKUAN DAN PERLINDUNGAN MASYARAKAT ADAT." AL IMARAH : JURNAL PEMERINTAHAN DAN POLITIK ISLAM 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.29300/imr.v5i1.2915.
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Abstract: This study aims to describe the efforts to reestablish the relations between the State and indigenous peoples in the protection of indigenous peoples. The benefits of this study are expected to be used by interested parties to formulate policy options in the protection of indigenous peoples through the establishment of Regional Regulations. This study uses a combination of empirical and normative juridical approaches. An empirical juridical approach is an approach used to view social phenomena related to law and its practice. Normative juridical approach is an approach that uses secondary data in the form of primary, secondary and tertiary legal materials. The results of this study show that: First, As long as there are no laws that specifically regulate indigenous peoples, the regulation of indigenous peoples through Government Regulations and Regional Regulations can be justified to fill the legal vacuum to ensure fair legal certainty; Second, the legal product of Lebong Regency Regional Regulation No. 4 of 2017 concerning to Recognition and Protection of Rejang Indigenous Peoples in Lebong Regency, and Rejang Lebong Regency Regional Regulation No. 5 of 2018 concerning to Recognition and Protection of Indigenous Peoples in Rejang Lebong Regency is a role model of how local government efforts in reestablish state and indigenous peoples relations to solve structural agrarian problems by recognizing territories along with traditional rights of Rejang indigenous peoples through legal politics of recognition and the protection of indigenous peoples by establishing regional regulations. Keywords: Agrarian Reform; Relations; State; Indigenous People;
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Næsborg-Andersen, Ayo, and Bassah Khalaf. "The Right of Indigenous Peoples to Education in Their Own Language – Greenlanders in Denmark and in Greenland." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 9, no. 1 (December 8, 2018): 79–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427_009010005.
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Previous studies show a lack of deference and activities when it comes to women’s human rights and gender equality in the multi-level governance of the Arctic. According to the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women, women in the Arctic are vulnerable, in particular indigenous and rural women. Their rights are not upheld in the Arctic states for example when it comes to exposure to violence, equal participation in governing bodies, and economic self-support. The public governing bodies have almost no focus on gender equality at all, despite far-reaching international obligations and, for several of the states, national ambitious agendas for gender equality politics. International instruments with obligations to strive for gender equality, such as the CEDAW, the ILO Convention 169 and UNDRIP, are scarcely referred to and not sufficiently implemented by the public governance bodies.The aim of this article is to raise awareness of the obligations set up by human rights documents to promote women’s rights in the governance of the Arctic, in order to put pressure on the states to develop strategies for a future gender equal governance. We have a special focus on the general lack of awareness within public governance, and on men’s intimate partner violence against indigenous women.
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Ishak, Ishak, and Oksa Ernanda. "Regional Politics: Penetrating Indigenous Rights in Regional Expansion in Nagari Salareh Aia, Palembayan District, Agam Regency, West Sumatra Province in 2020." Jurnal Bina Praja 13, no. 3 (December 30, 2021): 501–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.21787/jbp.13.2021.501-511.
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Abstract: The regional expansion was carried out to facilitate access to public services. The implementation of regional expansion was initially carried out in defining territorial boundaries. In the demarcation of this territory, there are protests due to the lack of involvement of indigenous peoples. As residents of the original domicile, the indigenous peoples fight for their land ownership rights, which are involved in the regional expansion plan. It happened in the expansion of the Nagari Salareh Aia area, Palembayan District, Agam Regency. After the enactment of Regent Regulation No. 15 of 2017 regarding the preparation of Nagari guardians. There were many protests against the boundaries set by the government through these instruments. Researchers try to explore this phenomenon through social law by examining aspects of regional politics, in this case, the rights of indigenous peoples, social capital in conflict resolution, and an assessment of the impact of these two issues in resolving regional division conflicts. Through a set of studies and discussions, it was found that the government and the community must work together and make decisions that do not ignore regional wisdom. Through this synergy, it was hoped that regional expansion would be conducted appropriately, which can provide benefits to the community and regional government.
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Wardana, Dodi Jaya. "Potik Hukum Pemerintahan Desa." Jurnal Justiciabelen 1, no. 2 (April 9, 2019): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.30587/justiciabelen.v1i2.827.
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The State recognizes and respects regional government units that are special or special in nature which are regulated by law. Second, the State recognizes indigenous and tribal peoples' units along with their traditional rights insofar as they are alive and in accordance with the development of society and the principles of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, which are regulated in law. Politics of village government law, it cannot be separated from 3 (three) main bases, namely philosophical, sociological and juridical basis. The politics of regulatory law above are the basis for legal politics for regulations that are below, so that there should not be any universal inconsistencies. In addition, horizontally the legal politics of legislation must also be consistent
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Willmott, Kyle. "From self-government to government of the self: Fiscal subjectivity, Indigenous governance and the politics of transparency." Critical Social Policy 40, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 471–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018319857169.
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In 2013 the Canadian Parliament passed the First Nations Financial Transparency Act (FNFTA). Subject to immediate controversy, the law generated legal and political resistance from Indigenous leaders and scholars. The law requires First Nations governments to post audited consolidated financial statements and the salaries of chiefs and councillors online for public consumption. The article traces the use of transparency as a technology of government to examine how disclosure acts as an organizing mechanism of commensuration and moral scrutiny. The article then shows how transparency and disclosure was directed to rescale critique of the state away from the Canadian government, and toward First Nations governments. The article concludes by examining how bureaucrats envisioned how Indigenous peoples would use transparency and disclosure to reform their political conducts into that of a calculating taxpayer citizenship.
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Young, Oran R. "Can the Arctic Council and the Northern Forum find common ground?" Polar Record 38, no. 207 (October 2002): 289–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247400017976.
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AbstractThe Arctic Environmental Protection Strategy (the forerunner of the Arctic Council) and the Northern Forum are both products of the sea change in Arctic politics occurring in the wake of the end of the Cold War. Both are soft law arrangements and both are lightly institutionalized. Yet these similarities have not provided a basis for collaboration between the Arctic Council (AC) and the Northern Forum (NF). For the most part, the two bodies have behaved like ships passing in the night. This article seeks to explain this lack of collaboration and to evaluate future prospects in this realm. The lack of collaboration is attributable in part to a number of sources of tension or fault lines, including issues relating to core-periphery relations, the concerns of indigenous peoples, divergent constituencies, the Russian connection, and bureaucratic politics and the complexities of political leadership. In part, it stems from ambiguities about the status of the AC and the NF combined with restrictions on the roles these bodies can play. There is little prospect of combining the two bodies into a more comprehensive Arctic regime. But there are opportunities to devise a realistic division of labor and to develop useful coordination mechanisms. The AC, for example, is the appropriate vehicle for efforts to strengthen the voice of the Arctic regarding global issues; the NF is well-suited to dealing with matters of community viability. Ultimately, the two bodies might consider creating a joint working group on sustainable development or organizing occasional joint meetings of the AC's Senior Arctic Officials and the NF's Executive Committee.
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Naguib, Nefissa. "MIDDLE EAST ENCOUNTERS 69 DEGREES NORTH LATITUDE: SYRIAN REFUGEES AND EVERYDAY HUMANITARIANISM IN THE ARCTIC." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 4 (October 16, 2017): 645–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000630.
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AbstractIn late 2015, approximately 2,000 Syrian asylum seekers made their way into Norway via the Arctic passage from Russia. What ensued are “global moments,” breakthrough events that have reshaped lives and futures for both the refugees and those who aided them, and it is the latter group on which this article focuses. As refugees began arriving in Arctic Norway, Refugees Welcome to the Arctic, an ad hoc grassroots organization, was formed to assist them. This group of ordinary people, most of them with no previous humanitarian experience, took action in defiance of Norwegian government policies, and providing food became the focus of their efforts. Refugees Welcome to the Arctic members often described being motived to act by their own traumatic memories of the region's experience of World War II, a time of deprivation and brutality suffered at the hands of the retreating German army. Food, as an enactment of compassion, is shown to be a powerful means through which people connect in very personal, concrete ways to the humanitarian enterprise.
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Kazakov, M. A., and M. S. Lystsev. "THE ARCTIC REGION IN POLITICS OF AMERICAN STATES: PAST AND PRESENT." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2017-2-44-49.
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The article analyzes the historical experience and the basic stages of development of the North American Arctic states in the twentieth century. With the new data, and based on the historical method, the article reveals changing relationships of these states to the Arctic in their successive temporary development during the second half of XX – beginning of XXI centuries. The article features the evolution of the position of the authorities in Ottawa and Washington to the region in the context of developing and conducting them in the national interests and security policy.The conclusion is that the policy of the US government and Canada to coordinate their actions in the region under the pretext of defending national interests and to counter external threats, has some historical positive outcome, along with some well-known commitments. Security Policy in these countries limits the competence of the state threats to their territorial integrity, which does not give the government the authority to undue interference in areas that are governed by market forces and civil society. In the light of the impending changes caused by the election of D. Trump, this circumstance should be exploited for excluding the very possibility of military conflict from the political process the Arctic countries.
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Cusdiawan and Mudiyati Rahmatunnisa. "Indigenous Peoples Movement in Maintaining Living Spaces Perspective of Recognition Politics (Study on Indigenous Peoples in Lake Toba)." PERSPEKTIF 12, no. 1 (January 10, 2023): 37–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/perspektif.v12i1.7946.
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This study aims to explore the process of indigenous peoples' movement in Lake Toba in maintaining their living space from the perspective of political recognition. The method used in this study is qualitative, because the strength of a qualitative study is when examining the process. This study argues that the politics of recognition is an important aspect in the struggle of indigenous peoples in Lake Toba in maintaining their living space in the midst of developments carried out by corporations and the State that threaten the existence of local communities. For the community, land is ancestral heritage that needs to be maintained and is a symbol of self-esteem for them. Development that destroys and threatens their land also threatens their cultural identity. They also demanded that the values of their identity as indigenous peoples be recognized by the State. Recognition is also an effective value in mobilizing citizens to carry out social movements. The relationship between the indigenous peoples' movement and the state itself, on the one hand, the state seeks to accommodate people's demands, but on the other hand, society accepts repressive measures. In this context, the state is seen as a tool for the interests of investors or corporations, because the state has the authority to make regulations, including licensing matters. This study further confirms the importance of recognition politics in the civic politics discourse. As for social movements from indigenous peoples in the form of protests to direct dialogue with the government.
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Bodenhorn, Barbara, and Olga Ulturgasheva. "Climate strategies: thinking through Arctic examples." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society A: Mathematical, Physical and Engineering Sciences 375, no. 2095 (May 2017): 20160363. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsta.2016.0363.
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Frequent and unpredictable extreme weather events in Siberia and Alaska destroy infrastructure and threaten the livelihoods of circumpolar peoples. Local responses are inventive and flexible. However, the distinct politics of post-Soviet Siberia and Alaska play a key role in the pragmatics of strategic planning. The Arctic is a planetary climate driver, but also holds the promise of massive resources in an ice-free future, producing tensions between ‘environmental’ and ‘development’ goals. Drawing on material from Siberia and Alaska we argue: (i) that extreme events in the Arctic are becoming normal; material demands are in a state of flux making it difficult to assess future material needs. We must consider material substitutions as much as material reduction; (ii) local-level responsive strategies should be taken into account. Core/periphery thinking tends to assume that answers come from ‘the centre’; this is, in our view, limited; (iii) we suggest that ‘flexibility’ may become a core survival value that is as important for city planners and public health officials as it is for Siberian reindeer herders. In this, we see not only the simultaneous need for mitigation and adaptation policies, but also for a concerted effort in promoting such capacities in young people. This article is part of the themed issue ‘Material demand reduction’.
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Gassiy, Violetta, and Vasiliy Stoikov. "Environment protection during mining in the Russian Arctic: modern trends and perspectives." E3S Web of Conferences 177 (2020): 04005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202017704005.
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The paper is devoted to the fundamental issues of the environment protection and mining in the Arctic territory. The author considers the main trends of the industrial development and its impact on the specific ecosystem of the Arctic. The newest laws adopted in the Russian Federation on Arctic development and state policy is researched. In the paper the analysis of the data on the investment to the environment protection in Russia is also performed. It allows developing recommendations for the improvement of environment protection including organizational, legal and scientific measures. The author also researches the industrial development impact on human living conditions and health decreased by the worsening environment of the Arctic. In the paper the necessity of the partnership and cooperation between subsoil user, government and local communities (including indigenous peoples) is justified. The recommendations given in the conclusions include the community councils’ formation for the monitoring the quality of the environment on the local level. It could help to prevent conflicts in the Arctic during mining. Other recommendations consider possible ways for the improvement of state policy in the Arctic as well as the mechanisms of the environment economics.
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Tennberg, Monica. "Indigenous peoples as international political actors: presenting the INDIPO project." Polar Record 42, no. 2 (April 2006): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247406005286.
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Indigenous peoples have emerged as active participants in international relations. They claim the right to participation and to consultation in international political decision-making and to represent their interests based on principles of self-determination. Indigenous peoples' organizations in the Arctic have been in the forefront of the political mobilization of indigenous peoples in different international forums. The aim of the INDIPO project is to study the dynamics of interactions between states, international organizations, and indigenous peoples. This research project draws on theories and practices in international politics and international law in order to analyse how ‘indigenousness’ is used politically as a claim to self-determination and sovereignty in the international system and what the political consequences of this claim will be. The research objective consists in seeking answers to two interrelated questions. Firstly, how relations between states, international organizations and indigenous peoples have been and are currently constructed as legal and political practices? Secondly, how indigenous peoples, through different strategies, construct political agencies to further their political interest? The research project advances knowledge about the construction of the political agency of indigenous peoples and their participation in international policy-making. The researchers seek to establish a constructive dialogue with the representatives of major stakeholders and to organise two workshops with them in order to discuss the objectives and results of the project. The first one was held in Inari, Finland in January 2006.
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Moilanen, Mikko, and Stein Østbye. "Doublespeak? Sustainability in the Arctic—A Text Mining Analysis of Norwegian Parliamentary Speeches." Sustainability 13, no. 16 (August 21, 2021): 9397. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su13169397.
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This paper contributes to the recent literature on sustainability in the Arctic as a political concept. Parliamentary proceedings have increasingly been recognized as an important source of information for eliciting political issues. In this paper, we use unsupervised text mining techniques to analyze parliamentary speeches for Norway from the period from 2009 to 2016 to answer whether political coalitions talk differently about sustainability in the Arctic depending on being in opposition or government. We find that the difference between being in government and opposition, controlling for political label (left-right), is far more important than the difference between left and right, controlling for role (opposition-government). The results suggest that in the trade-off between political preferences and election success, the balance is tilted in favour of the latter. Our interpretation is that opportunistic behavior seems to dominate partisan behavior in the politics related to sustainability in the Arctic.
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Чеботарев, Геннадий, Gyennadiy CHyebotaryev, Елена Гладун, and Elena Gladun. "Co-Management by Indigenous Minorities of the North over Arctic Territories in the Period of Their Commercial Development." Journal of Russian Law 3, no. 5 (April 29, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/10719.
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The authors explain the significance of the presented subject by the current intensive industrial development of the Arctic territories of the Russian Federation and other Northern countries, which apart from positive economic and social benefits, also brings climate change, environmental problems and destroys traditional lifestyle and economy management of indigenous minorities of the North. The article proves that in many countries indigenous minorities of the North are interested not only in enforcement and guarantees of their rights on the part of the state, but also in making managerial decisions on the use and protection of territories which is the traditional place of their inhabitance and economic activity, together with government authorities and resource-users. The authors view co-management as an efficient model of interrelations between the state, local self-government and indigenous minorities of the North. The authors analyze international rules, foreign laws and regulations, and legislation of the Russian Federation that create legal framework for the implementation of the co-management model in the Arctic territories of Russia. In their article the authors indicate gaps in federal legislation in the area of protection of the Northern indigenous peoples’ rights to govern the territories of their traditional inhabitance and economic activity. In the end the authors state the possibilities to fill the gaps in the federal and regional legislation on the indigenous minorities’ rights, in particular, they suggest approving and ratifying international documents on indigenous peoples, including co-management norms, into the RF legislation, and also expanding possibilities of government and local authorities on indigenous minorities’ involvement into management over the Northern territories.
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Tully, James. "Aboriginal Property and Western Theory: Recovering a Middle Ground." Social Philosophy and Policy 11, no. 2 (1994): 153–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004477.
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During the last forty years, the Aboriginal peoples of the Americas, of the British Commonwealth, and of other countries colonized by Europeans over the last five hundred years have demanded that their forms of property and government be recognized in international law and in the constitutional law of their countries. This broad movement of 250 million Aboriginal people has involved court cases, parliamentary politics, constitutional amendments, the United Nations, the International Court of Justice, the development of an international law of Aboriginal peoples, and countless nonviolent and violent actions in defense of Aboriginal systems of property and cultures. The Aboriginal peoples of New Zealand, Canada, and the United States have been at the forefront of the movement, and it is in these countries that the greatest legal recognition has been achieved.
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Tennberg, Monica. "Indigenous peoples as international political actors: a summary." Polar Record 46, no. 3 (December 9, 2009): 264–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247409990398.
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ABSTRACTThe article discusses the results of a three year research project studying international indigenous political activism using case studies from the Arctic. Drawing on two different disciplinary starting points, international relations and international law, the project addressed two interrelated questions. The first of these was how relations between states, international organisations and indigenous peoples have been and are currently constructed as legal and political practices; the second was how indigenous peoples construct their political agency through different strategies to further their political interests. These questions are addressed from the point of view of power relations. The power to act is the basic form of political agency. However, this power may take different forms of political action, for example, self-identification, participation, influence, and representation. The main conclusions of the article are: 1) indigenous political agency is based on multiple forms of power; 2) practices of power that enable and constrain indigenous political agency change over time; 3) power circulates and produces multiple sites of encounters for states, international organisations and indigenous people; 4) indigenous political agency is a question of acting; and 5) there are new challenges ahead for indigenous peoples in claiming a political voice, in particular in global climate politics.
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Axworthy, Thomas S., and Ryan Dean. "Changing the Arctic Paradigm from Cold War to Cooperation: How Canada’s Indigenous Leaders Shaped the Arctic Council." Yearbook of Polar Law Online 5, no. 1 (2013): 7–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116427-91000117.
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Abstract Between 1987 and 1997, through an impressive coalition of Nordic governments, the Government of Canada, scientists, environmentalists, foundations and Indigenous groups, the world witnessed the creation of a new body, the Arctic Council, a breakthrough in co-operative Arctic governance. Impressive for the relative speed of its creation, the Council – made up of eight states, six Permanent Participants and several observers – has continued to evolve at a steady pace, and recently became the primary forum for negotiating an Arctic search and rescue treaty. Many contributed to the creation of the Arctic Council, but insofar as a Canadian contribution, one of the leading drivers of the effort was a skilled group of Indigenous leaders. Aboriginal leaders like Mary Simon, supported by foundations, became the advocates of an Arctic Council that gave unprecedented status to Indigenous representatives to sit at the same table as foreign ministers through the innovation of a Permanent Participant category. This victory for the Indigenous community in the creation of the Arctic Council was an early indication of the growing presence and sophistication of the world’s Indigenous populations. Their current importance, as highlighted by the U.N. Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2007, has as a precedent the invention of the Permanent Participant membership category of the Arctic Council a decade earlier.
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Соколова, Ф. Х., and А. Е. Шапаров. "The Arctic Vector of US Foreign Policy: Dynamics of Development in the Late 20th – Early 21st Centuries." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v085.
Full textAbstract:
The current international political agenda has seen a growing importance of the Arctic region, which in the last century remained on the periphery of world politics. The interest in the Arctic is clearly manifested in the global socio-political discourse, with national interests in this region being advanced not only by the Arctic states, but also by countries having no direct geographical connection with it. Based on the analysis of key strategic documents, this article presents the dynamics of the development of the US Arctic policy in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. It is demonstrated that Barack Obama’s and Donald Trump’s Arctic policies were interconnected and had common grounds, including the following: protection of the country’s national interests in the region; environmental priorities and ensuring sustainable development of the region; participation of indigenous peoples in the decision-making process concerning their interests; development of international cooperation; freedom of navigation; responsible management of the Arctic under the leadership of the United States. However, according to the authors, Obama’s and Trump’s Arctic policies had two significant differences. Firstly, Obama viewed the Arctic as a territory of cooperation and dialogue, while Trump, as an area of rivalry and competition. Secondly, in Obama’s policy, the ecological component was more pronounced, while Trump primarily focused on the country’s economic interests. In general, the two presidents’ Arctic policies were in line with the corresponding foreign policies of the Democratic and Republican Parties. Thus, it can be predicted that Joe Biden’s Arctic policy will be a continuation of Obama’s policy.
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Prelevic, Dusko. "The classical cosmopolitanian idea: Arguments for the world government." Filozofija i drustvo 19, no. 2 (2008): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0802161p.
Full textAbstract:
The Cosmopolitan idea of the World Government is quite rarely proposed in theory of international relations. Kant already claimed that this idea oscillates between anarchy and brute despotism. This is the reason why he described this standpoint as naive. The author tries to show that alternative theories, such as realism, Kantian and Rawlsian versions of statism and the conception of multilayered scheme of sovereignty, lead to more serious problems. The first one is rejected for the reason of the 'prisoner's dilemma' it implies. It is also argued that the Kantian version of statism is either inconsistent, or allows for totalitarian states if they have peaceful international politics. Many liberals reject Rawls's position because of his tolerant attitude towards 'decent peoples'. On the other hand, the conception of multilayered scheme of sovereignty is dismissed because of the non-existence of a unified decision-making procedure in global politics. At the end of the paper, the author defends Classical Cosmopolitanism theory from Kant's objections and indicates the main obstacles to its realization.