Journal articles on the topic 'Archivi Loret'

En este artículo se analiza la trayectoria episcopal de un franciscano recoleto procedente de la Provincia Bética andaluza, fray Francisco de San Buenaventura Martínez de Tejada, natural de Sevilla. Muestra cómo la movilidad de este personaje dentro de espacios en apariencia lejanos, pero bastante conectados de las Indias Occidentales, fue reflejo de las políticas de territorialización que la monarquía española, dirigida por los borbones, tenía para con sus posesiones ultramarinas. El trabajo se sustenta con documentación del Archivo General de Indias, en Sevilla, y se complementa con fuentes del Archivo del Convento de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, lugar del cual este personaje fue ministro guardián previo a su nombramiento episcopal.

The article highlights the issues of formation and storage of archival funds in the museum of local lore. The article gives a brief description of the personal archive funds of the employees of Altai State Museum of Local Lore - Konstantin Pavlovich Peretolchin, Porfiry Alekseevich Kazansky, Tatyana Ivanovna Anisimova, Nikolai Yakovlevich Savelyev, Timofey Afanasyevich Polukhin, Nikolai Georgievich Eroshkevich. The conclusions noted that the documents included in the personal archival funds of the museum staff are an incomplete list of museum items that reveal them as a person and a museum worker. The museum funds contain individual documents and photographs related to the activities of the employees of the local history museum.

The purpose of the article is to draw attention to the abandoned objects of the Russian mining industry with the help of a virtual museum. For the implementation of virtual reconstruction, the Vitimsky mine (Mamsko-Chuisky district of the Irkutsk region) was selected, where for several Soviet decades (1930–1980 s) successful mica mining was carried out on an industrial scale. The information base is made up of the funds of the Museum of Local Lore of the Mamsko-Chuysky district, research of the Mamsk Historical and Local Lore District Association and materials of the State Archive of the Irkutsk region. The article provides an overview of computer programs tested by groups of IT specialists from the universities of Tambov, Bryansk, Saratov and Moscow, who have implemented similar projects in the field of virtual museum development. The article discusses possible options for implementing a virtual museum project with the involvement of all interested parties.

Over the past 23 years, the Togliatti Museum of Local Lore has developed two projects of intergenerational family communication (value exchange between generations, to restore the intergenerational connection broken in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods). In the first case, adolescents and a family encounter trauma (realistically and indirectly, through a teenager who asks the family and about the family questions (the Family Alphabets project); in the second, preschoolers and families (conventionally, grandmothers and grandchildren: 20th century). This is an integrative course at the intersection of museum pedagogy, psychology, records management, uses the documentary heritage of the territory (rare books and documents of the museum and family archive), the intangible heritage of the family.

The article first published the correspondence of Oksana Semenivna Sklyarenko, the daughter of the famous Ukrainian (Soviet) fiction writer Semyon Dmytrovych Sklyarenko, to local historian Mykhailo Fedorovych Ponomarenko, the founder of local history in Cherkasy region. Also, the scientific novelty of this study is due to the fact that no fundamental study of the epistolary legacy of S. D. Sklyarenko has been carried out in modern Ukrainian historiography. Thus, this correspondence will allow solving the problem of expanding the source base of the study of the writer's biography. At the same time, the correspondence reflects the relationship of the local historian with the writer's family and his environment. The contribution of M. F. was characterized Ponomarenka in preserving the memory of S. D. Sklyarenko and popularizing his work in Zolotonyshchyna. Based on a brief overview of the fund of S. D. Sklyarenko (No. 467) from the Central State Archive-Museum of Literature and Art of Ukraine and archival materials collected by local historian M. F. Ponomarenko from the fund (5428) of the State Archive of the Cherkasy Region, this publication highlights the documents, which will complement the scientist's biography. In the process of analyzing this correspondence, it was found that M. F. Ponomarenko was engaged in collecting materials for the writer's personal exhibition in the Zolotony Museum of Local History and actively published local history articles about S. D. Sklyarenko in the regional periodical press. At the same time, the letters contain information about the professional activities of O.S. Sklyarenko and her family. In the process of developing the topic, biographical and chronological methods of historical research and the general scientific method of system analysis were used. The archeographic method of source research was also applied.

The article reveals the names of the prototypes of certain characters in Nagibin’s long story My Golden Mother-in-Law [Moya zolotaya tyoshcha] (the mother-in-law being A. Likhachyova, the wife of the director of the Moscow Car Manufacturing Plant ZIL). For the first time we read the names and learn about the destiny of M. and L. Kostromin, the real people behind the characters of Matvey Matveevich, the neighbour, and Nina Petrovna, the female protagonist’s best friend. The life story of these personalities, residents of the legendary Niernsee House in Bolshoy Gnezdnikovsky Lane, enables the authors, who are related to L. Kostromina, to explain the underpinnings of the relationships between the prototypes of Nagibin’s characters, often a mystery for the writer himself, and share first-hand accounts that confirm his amazing flair for imagination. The article uses materials of family lore, the authors’ private archive (letters and photographs), as well as hitherto unsearched materials from state archives.

Ever since Star Wars became a franchise -- immediately after the release of A New Hope - -there have been a wide variety of efforts to structure, explain, and systematize its ever-expanding narrative universe. Going under various names, including the "Extended Universe," the Star Wars franchise beyond the core films has always been somewhat contentious, both as markers of fan knowledge and as potential for nearly endless corporate profit. What was originally kept in a vast archive of narrative data at Lucasfilm led to a hierarchy of canons and canonicity, which was distributed back to fans via elaborate reference books and contained within Star Wars plots as holocrons kept as lore in Jedi and Sith temples. This paper examines the fate of that canonicity in the wake of the 2012 purchase of Lucasfilm by Disney, exploring how various aspects of these already commodified franchise elements have been contained and redeployed as Disney both continued the Skywalker saga of films and elaborated the Star Wars franchise in new ways.

The article examines the censorship policy of the Soviet government, which strictly prohibited the propaganda of the idea of Alash. Chronicle data and the creative heritage of Alash figures, as well as archival materials of the Semipalatinsk Museum of Local Lore and the archive fund of East Kazakhstan Region (now Abai region) were used as the object of research. Historical data and narrative data were analyzed on the basis of mutual historical-comparative and comparative approaches to research, evidence of hypothetical conclusions was revealed by the method of biographical parallel and content analysis (quantitative, qualitative). As a result of the study, it was determined that the main cause of various movements and uprisings, considered colonial policy and the struggle for independence, is the struggle for the idea, and the definition of the idea of Alash is given. In addition, methods of underground, secret or disguised ideological work against the censorship mechanism, which tightly controlled the propaganda work of the idea of Alash, were revealed.

The article presents a review of Russian archival funds related to the protection of historical and cultural heritage and the activities of the All-Russian Society for the Protection of Historical and Cultural Monuments (hereinafter VOOPIK, or the Society). The study is based on materials from various state organizations, including the State Ar-chive of the Russian Federation (GARF), the Perm State Archive of Socio-Political History (PermGASPI), the State Archive of the Perm Krai (GAPK), the Center for Documentation of Public Organizations of the Sverdlovsk Oblast (CDOOSO), the United State Archive of the Chelyabinsk Oblast (OGACHO), and the Perm Museum of Local Lore (PKM). The relevance of the study lies in the growing interest of the state, academia and society in both grassroots activism and mass voluntary organizations in the late Soviet Union. The Soviet experience is particularly valuable as many of its initiatives are being revisited in contemporary Russian reality. The main basis for Soviet studies are ar-chival sources, which are regularly introduced into academic circulation. The aim of the article is to study and classi-fy archival sources on the above topic. In addition to the review, the article provides a brief historiographical over-view of the problem's research status, as well as a historical note on the activities of the VOOPIK. The author identi-fies several types of sources in archival funds and provides a brief description of each. An important role in studying the activity of Soviet mass organizations is played by the determination of the levels of research – from the republi-can (RSFSR) to regional (oblast, krai, ASSR) and grassroots (district, city) levels. This division justifies the use of both central and regional archives, as the archival sources from Central Archive (GARF) provide an understanding of the specifics of the functioning of the central apparatus of the VOOPIK, while the sources of regional archives recre-ate a picture of activism on “grassroots level” where the main productive activities of the Society took place. When using archives of different levels, one can change the optics of research and study VOOPIK from different angles. The study pays particular attention to the “Letters to VOOPIK” written by Soviet citizens to authorities, media, and voluntary organizations regarding the protection of historical and cultural heritage. These letters, which were a com-mon practice in Soviet everyday life, can shed light on the motives and goals of the activists.

The purpose of the article is to reveal the content and features of functioning of university departments specializing in local history in the 1980-ies–1990-ies using the example of Omsk, since these processes have not been sufficiently studied. The basis of the publication’s source base was made up of documents from the personal archive of the head of the laboratory, P.P. Vibe. The Local History Laboratory of the Omsk State Pedagogical Institute was established on the basis of scientific research conducted at the Faculty of History under economic contracts since 1988, and was actively functioning until the mid-1990-ies. The article considers the directions of its work related to the certification of monuments of the Omsk region, the study of their history, the study of settlements, the preparation of materials for educational and methodological manuals on historical local lore. The factors influencing its functioning are determined: the cognitive situation in the field of historical local lore, the personal factor, crisis phenomena in the economy. In identifying the characteristics of the laboratory as a type of scientific local history unit at the university, a comparative analysis was carried out with the laboratory of historical local history of the Altai State Pedagogical University. The common and special features of the “Omsk” and “Altai” variants of such institutions are revealed. The thesis is put forward about the positive influence of state on local history at the present stage and support for the initiatives of local historians. However, the crisis in the economy in the 1990-ies had a negative impact on the implementation of research projects, the development of local history work in the Russian province and revealed the dependence of these institutions on financial support from the state.

The article highlights the activities of museum institutions of Ternopil Region based on the documents and materials of the State Archives of Ternopil Region. A brief description of the documents composition and a list of archival collections containing information on this issue are given. The current state of museum and archival affairs development allows numerous researchers, local lore researches and historians to find necessary information for writing scientific papers on various topics. Public interest in the historical past is growing every year, and museums, as specialized institutions, provide an opportunity to get acquainted with the artifacts of the past. Documents kept in state storage in the State Archives of Ternopil Region (hereinafter – the State Archives) allow us to better cover this issue. The emergence of this study is determined by the tasks of clarifying the content and composition of documents related to the activities of museum institutions in Ternopil and the region and stored in the State Archives. All of this together actualizes the research issues. The purpose of this study is to analyse the composition and content of the documents and materials of the State Archives related to the activities of museum institutions of Ternopil Region. The object of study is the activity of museum institutions of Ternopil Region since their foundation on the basis of documents of the national archival fond. The subject of the article is the documents of the State Archives concerning the work of museum institutions of Ternopil Region. A holistic study of the problem will allow to better highlight the activities of the museum institutions, and will give impetus to further research in this area. The work is the first to provide the most comprehensive analysis of the State Archives source base related to this issue, and this is the scientific novelty of the study. The scientific and practical value of the results and main ideas of study is that the analysed factual material, theoretical provisions and conclusions can be used in writing generalised works on the history of Ukraine, the history of museum affairs, in archival studies, historiographical and local history publications, in the preparation of relevant special courses, and in practical teaching. This study is an attempt to simplify the search for information for further researchers of Ternopil museums, local historians, and all those interested in the museum business of their native land.

This article is dedicated to the Arkhangelsk Commercial Club (Marfa’s House) – a cultural center of the port city during the late XIX – early XX centuries. The author traces the fates of the representatives of Western European dynasties of merchants and tradesmen who dwelled in the port city for several centuries and were subjected to repressions during the World War I and Soviet time. Currently, one of the paramount tasks of scientific community consists in the preservation of memory on the activity of the prominent people of the past, as not only the region, but also the country as a whole owes them for development of economy, culture, science, systems of state administration, education, and a number of other spheres of life. The theoretical-methodological framework for the research became the set of methods of new anthropologically-oriented branches of historical science, generalized by the concept of “historical anthropology”, which allowed shifting the point of attention from history of government structures towards life of households and separate individuals. The experience of working with cognate disciplines – such as historical sociology and sociology of everyday life became useful, especially when working sources of personal origin. The article employs modern methodology and introduces into the scientific discourse documents discovered by the author in the State Archive of Arkhangelsk Oblast, Archive of the Arkhangelsk Regional Museum of Local Lore, as well as biographical records on the representatives of the prominent Arkhangelsk merchant dynasties – families Leuzinger and Petz from the personal archives of the descendants.

The object of this article is based on the analysis of the published creative heritage, materials and other primary sources, to find out the unknown and little-known pages of the life, public, scientific, literary, and educational activity of J. A. Rolle, his contribution to the study of history and culture of Ukraine, to assess its place and significance in Ukrainian-Polish relations of that period and in modern Ukrainian historiography, to consider his descriptions of the archives of the XIX century, which are covered in the magazine "Kraj". The methodology consists in the application of chronological, historical and systematic methods, which allowed to distinguish the properties of documentary and historical sources in relation to the description of the Kyiv archive. The general characteristics of Dr. Anthony Rolle's activity as a researcher of the history of Podillya are also considered. Scientific novelty. The article systematically considers the scientific activity of J. A. Rolle, his direct participation in the collection, processing and organization of documents, his establishment as a researcher of the archives of the XIX century and regional studies on the history of Ukraine. Conclusions. The scientific activity of J. A. Rolle on the example of descriptions of archives of the XIX century, which are presented in the pages of the weekly "Kraj", and is an important source base for specialists to study history and culture of Ukraine in the second half of the XIX century. The works and conceptual principles of the author are analyzed. His contribution as an ethnographer, archeographer and historian in laying the foundations of modern local lore and source studies, and his contribution to study of Podillya are considered.

The subject of the study is the dates of the founding of old-age settlements in the Maslyaninsky district of the Novosibirsk region. The goal set by the authors is to clarify the dates of the settlements. The relevance lies in solving the problem of erroneous dating of old-time settlements. The scientific novelty is due to the fact that this topic is poorly studied. There are popular science books, literary collections of local lore, anniversary albums and newspaper publications on the history of the district, but they only give the dates of the founding of settlements without any indication of the source. No special works on the research topic were found. The main methods used in the work are information collection and comparative analysis. The materials of the State Archive of the Altai Territory, the data of the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts and the work of Russian scientists were used: D. N. Belikov, Y. S. Bulygin, N. A. Minenko, A. H. Elert. The authors studied the currently known dates of the founding of old-time settlements and determined the causes of their occurrence and spread. Based on archival documents, it was possible to determine the dates of occurrence of a number of settlements. The conclusion reached by the authors is that the settlement of the territory of the modern Maslyaninsky district of the Novosibirsk region begins no earlier than the middle of the XVII century. In the course of the study, it was confirmed that the foundation of a number of settlements belongs to a later period than is commonly believed. It was possible to determine the dates of the foundation of the first settlements. The data obtained will be interesting and useful to museums, libraries, teachers and anyone interested in the history of the development of Siberia.

В статье представлен обзор объектов декоративно-прикладного искусства коренного населения в Чукотском автономном округе. Материалом исследования послужили музейные коллекции Чаунского краеведческого музея, основу которых составляют предметы быта, этнографии и декоративно-прикладного искусства «оленных» (кочевых) и «сидячих» (оседлых) чукчей, эскимосов и других народов; а также архив Певекской школы искусств. Опираясь на опыт Чаунского краеведческого музея в области комплектования и экспонирования предметов декоративно-прикладного искусства, предлагается рассмотреть образцы традиционного чукотского искусства, а также его традиции в современной субкультуре. Под традиционным искусством понимается косторезное искусство народов Чукотки, а также вышивка из кожи и меха — такое разделение соответствует делению коренных жителей на кочевых и оседлых. Под современной субкультурой в данном случае понимается культура, созданная в многонациональном регионе в процессе ассимиляции местных жителей и так называемого «пришлого» населения — русских, украинцев и многих других. В результате происходили не только смешанные браки, но и взаимное обогащение культурных традиций — это ярко проявилось в проведении праздников, создании литературных произведений, а также в создании предметов декоративно-прикладного искусства. В собрании Чаунского краеведческого музея представлены подобные образцы декоративно-прикладного искусства как чукотских мастеров, так и мастеров других национальностей. The article presents an overview of objects of decorative and applied art of the indigenous population in the Chukotka. The research material was the museum collections of the Chaunsky Museum of Local Lore, which are based on household items, ethnography and decorative and applied art of the "reindeer" (nomadic) and "sedentary" Chukchi, Eskimos and other peoples; as well as the archive of the Pevek School of Arts. Based on the experience of the Chaunsky Museum of Local Lore in the field of acquiring and exhibiting objects of decorative and applied art, the author examines examples of traditional Chukchi art and its traditions in the modern subculture. Traditional art is understood as bone carving art of the peoples of Chukotka, as well as embroidery from leather and fur — this division corresponds to the division of indigenous people into nomadic and sedentary. In this case, the modern subculture is understood as a culture created in a multinational region in the process of assimilation of local residents and the so-called “newcomer” population — Russians, Ukrainians and many others. As a result, not only mixed marriages took place, but also the mutual enrichment of cultural traditions — this was clearly manifested in the celebration of holidays, the creation of literary works, as well as in the creation of objects of decorative and applied art. In the collection of the Chaunsky Museum of Local Lore, there are similar examples of decorative and applied art of both Chukchi masters and masters of other nationalities.

The article considers the role of museum exhibits in the form of photographic material of the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries in the history of Barnaul local lore. Individual copies of photographs can help to create a more complete picture of the personalities who lived and worked in the city at the turn of the century, as well as about the masters of photography and their studios in different cities of the Tomsk province, whose activities are noted in a number of historical sources. The task of the study was to compile a general description of the photographic collection for its further study. The copies of photographs that have come to the museum, but do not belong to the Barnaul photo salons, indicate the development of social ties between the cities of Siberia. The author gives a generalized class characteristic for representatives of the photo business at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, and also identifies the main stylistic features that distinguish some specific master photographers. The study identified links between individual historical figures and activities in the region and beyond and resulted in the course for further study of the material. Keywords: history, LOCAL history, archive, city history, photo history, historical connections

Folklorist Elmar Daniel Päss (1901–1970) was one of the first researchers who was educated in folklore at the University of Tartu: the Chair of Folklore started work in the autumn of 1919, and Elmar Päss entered university in the autumn of 1922. Already as a student, he attracted the attention of folklore professor Walter Anderson with his study about drinking in Estonian proverbs and folk songs, submitted for a students’ competition in 1924. There was no unified folklore archive in Tartu at the time (it was established in 1927). The study by Päss testified to his diligence (he examined collections of Estonian folklore both in Tartu and in Helsinki) as well as his ability to systematise and analyse voluminous material. He elaborated this study and defended it as his master’s degree in 1926. After a year in military service, he started work as a folklore assistant at the University of Tartu. In 1933 he became a scientific grantee, to work on a dissertation about Estonian and Ingrian Martinmas songs. Although the first version of the manuscript was completed in 1935, he did not defend the thesis. On the one hand, new material on Martinmas customs was constantly piling up, on the other hand, the defence seemed to be postponed due to economic difficulties. The establishment of the Soviet rule in 1940 and the following war further distanced Päss from research work. In 1947 the Institute of Estonian Language and Literature was founded at the Academy of Sciences, and for three years he worked there as a folklore researcher. However, his main occupation was a schoolteacher. So his most fertile scientific career remained in the 1920s–1930s. Three different intertwining directions can be distinguished in Päss’ scientific work: a comparative study of songs, customs related to calendar, wedding, and work, and the lore of border regions. Against the more general background of folkloristics, Päss’ research approaches are up to date: on the one hand, comparative and international research prevailing in the first decades of the century, on the other hand, considering the syncretic and functionalist viewpoint of lore that emerged in the late 1920s and in the 1930s. His studies of the customs and songs of Shrovetide and Martinmas could be part of classical Estonian folkloristics.

The city-forming role of the North Selkup state farms, as also the farms themselves, has not yet been the subject of a special research; the author had to «develop the virgin soil» exploring this topic. The study is based on materials from the Krasnoselkup Municipal Archive. Carried out was the analysis of the records for the Pol-yarny state farm for 1974–2000, the Tolkinskiy state farm for 1970–2004, the report of the Krasnoselkup Village Council for 1978, and the summary report on the performance of five local collective farms for the period of 1951–1961. Some information was gathered from the report of the Krasnoselkup oil and gas exploration expedition in 1979 stored in the Krasnoselkup Museum of Local Lore. Materials from conversations with the Krasnoselkup Dis-trict residents from the author’s field archive were also used. This study confirms that the state farms, built on traditional economic activities, played the role of town-forming enterprises for the Selkup villages and served as guarantors of the Selkup economic and social well-being. The dependence of the inhabitants of the villages (or the Selkup part of the villages’ population) on the state farms was expressed in the opportunity of employment in the traditional economic sector, as well as in the use of the village infrastructure created by the state farms. The city-forming function of the northern agricultural enterprises was the result of the state policy of supporting the indigenous peoples of the North; it originated during the collective farm time and reached its maximum develop-ment during the state farm period. Socialist modernization is generally considered to be an unprecedented disin-tegration, destruction and breakage of a stable economic culture, and associated with the strong turbulence of the everyday environment. Owing to the city-forming function of the Selkup state farms, as well as their social orienta-tion, the process of socialist changes among the Selkups proceeded gently, overall painlessly, improving the qual-ity of life and being associated with an understanding of its normality and the absence of practices for avoiding and leaving for the informal economy. Selkup state farms, together with the villagers entrusted to them, began to experience strong turbulence with the onset of the state crisis in 1991. The 1990s decade ended with collapse of the state farms, and with the social tragedy for the Selkup population.

The article presents a methodological elaboration of a syllabus for a university course. The purpose of the course and this presentation is to offer a new focus for teaching the theory and history of silent film within the framework of New Film History concepts. The article is addressed to the expert community of historians, film critics, media researchers, archivists and future specialists in these fields. As a consequence of its rediscovery, early cinema is today an important construct of historical and film studies knowledge. And early cinema itself, with its non-linear development, forgotten histories of color and “talking” films, and huge screens, requires new historiographical models. The dossier of early cinema pushes to investigate the filming schemes, screen technologies, and aspects of music, noise, and verbal accompaniment, as well as draws attention to the potential of film tape restoration. In addition to the traditional teaching methods including lectures and seminars with discussion of theoretical and historiographical texts, the course engages students in doing research using little-studied written sources and technical artifacts available in archives and museum collections. In the cases of Perm, these include materials deposited at the Perm Museum of Local Lore, the Perm State Archive, and the Perm Cinematheque. Students get acquainted with the latest methods of attribution of film archival documents, celluloid, samples of film equipment and film carriers, the vocabulary of archivists and film historians. As a result, students are introduced to current research practices, new horizons of studying the history of cinema through the prism of technical advances and technological experiments. The course attunes the future specialists to the values of the obsolete, the forgotten, and, thanks to new cultural histories, sets a precedent for a conceptual and practical exercise in identifying the facets of contemporary media.

В статье на основе новых документов, отложившихся в фондах Государственного архива Республики Татарстан, осуществлена реконструкция одного из переломных и во многом определяющих периодов в биографии известного историка-сибиреведа Владимира Ивановича Огородникова (1886–1938). Этот период, начавшись в 1906 г. с поступления В.И. Огородникова на историко-филологический факультет Казанского университета, продолжился во время его обучения в магистратуре, а затем и преподавания на кафедре русской истории Казанского университета и завершился в сентябре 1918 г. поспешным оставлением Казани накануне взятия города частями Красной армии. Обращение к новым документам позволило не только восполнить некоторые пробелы и внести ряд уточнений в биографию этого человека, но и проследить особенности становления его как ученого и как личности, выявить истоки его будущих научных пристрастий, профессиональных и общественных интересов, объяснить выстраиваемую им впоследствии модель поведения в условиях нового советского бытия. This article reconstructs one of the crucial and in many ways decisive periods in the biography of Vladimir Ivanovich Ogorodnikov (1886-1938), a famous historian and expert on Siberian lore, on the basis of new documents from the State Archive of the Republic of Tatarstan. This period began in 1906, when V.I. Ogorodnikov became a student of the History and Philology Faculty of Kazan University. It continued while he was obtaining his Master's degree, and then taught at the Kazan University Russian History Department. It ended in September 1918 with Ogorodnikov’s hasty departure from Kazan on the eve of the capture of the city by the Red Army. The appeal to new documents allowed filling some gaps and making a number of clarifications in the biography of this man. Besides this, it helped to trace the features of his formation as a scientist and as a person, to identify the origins of his future scientific preferences, professional and social interests, to explain the model of behavior he subsequently built in the conditions of the new Soviet existence.

Introduction. The article considers to the features of pottery and brings the results of the research of pottery technology which was common on the territory of Mordovia. An in-depth, systematically organized culturological approach to the study of artistic ceramics and ancient ornaments on pottery allows the author to study a wide range of issues of ancient history, which until now have been resolved mainly on an intuitive level and not within the framework of cultural studies, if they were the subject of the attention of researchers at all. Materials and methods. The article discusses a specific aspect of the study of pottery ceramics, technological. The analysis is based on the historical, cultural and morphological principles of the study. It employed the documents stored in the Scientific Archive of the Research Institute for the Humanities under the Government of the Republic of Mordovia, as well as the ethnographic material of the S. D. Erzia Mordovian Republican Museum of Fine Arts, Mordovian Republican United Museum of Local Lore, Museum of Folk Culture of Mordovia. Results and discussion. An attempt to build a typology of pottery ceramics on the territory of Mordovia traces both the preservation of all-Russian functional, formal-morphological features, names of objects, and the emergence of new regional, local features, which was the result of adaptation and mutual influence of various ethnographic groups of the population. The design of this typology suggests the possibility of introducing additional levels when revealing new samples of clay utensils. Conclusion. In the economy of the ancient Mordovians up to the middle of I thousand AD a large role was played by various crafts. The appearance and development of pottery is inextricably linked with the productive activities of the Mordovians. For many centuries, dishes were made by stucco, and later by an exhaust method. Pottery ceramics played an important role in developing the basis of peasant farming and occupied a special niche in the ethno-economic structure of the peasants.

The purpose of the article is to investigate the current state of the interior of the palace building of the Uzhhorod Castle of the Transcarpathian Regional Museum of Local Lore (TRMLL) named after T. Legotskyi and to analyze the newest interpretation design models of expositional space. The obtained results, interpret them through philosophical models of interior design, take into account stylistic features; needs of society, trends and advanced technologies in the field of environment design. Research methods. The research is based on ideology, imagery, philosophical interpretation, art history and source studies. As well as modern methods of three-dimensional modeling, texturing, rendering and post-production of the obtained visualizations. The scientific novelty. The article suggests and theoretically substantiates design concepts, philosophical interpretation of interior design and technological equipment. New ideas dealing with exhibitional space and museum exhibition arrangement were put forward. It was successfully managed to combine medieval, Renaissance and baroque fortification architecture, historical design of residential palace interior with modern technologies and plastics. Conclusions. Nowadays interior of palace building of T.Legoskyi TRMLL Uzhhorod Castle is in the state of emergency condition, needs capital repair and restoration. Having analyzed academic works of Transcarpathian historians and having studied the modern condition of Uzhhorod Castle, it appeared to be possible to reveal problems pertaining expositional space arrangement of T.Legoskyi TRMLL- old equipment, the necessity to heat premises and their repair, and the main issue- the need to renovate, create new interior design, which is to be based on sources and at the same time on rethinking of stylistic layers. The achieved interpretation models demonstrare possible ways to renovate exhibition space of the palace building, fully open author ambitions and ideas. The imsges found symbolize continuity of time, rethink medieval, Renaissance and baroque aesthetics-combine the new technologies, modern art trends and authentic paintings and reliefs. Museum T.Legotskyi TRMLL archive exhibits do not fall out from the context, they emphasize specificity of premises and architectural complex in general. Historic continuity and strong stylistic onnection in suggested interpretation models is observed.

In this proposed review article analyzes the literary and archive data that devoted to the study of floristic diversity within the territory of Podillya. Research in this region is historicall divided into four stages. From research directions of ecological and coenotic groups of different types of vegetation were allocated ecological, geobotanical, floristic, systematic, phytososological directions. It was determined, that the results of researches of such leading ecological and coenotic groups as forest, meadow, meadow-steppe, steppe, meadow-swamp and water-swamp vegetation were of great scientific importance and reflection of the specifics of species distribution within the region. We have determined, that descriptions of typical flora species appeared in the XIX century within the general characteristics of the region. It was established, that the first knowledge about the floristic diversity of the region was obtained with the activities of educational institutions, academies of sciences and the local lore scientific-research communities, one of their activities was thorough expeditionary research. During this period, were published the results of research of such authors as V. Besser, A. Andrzhievsky, V. Montresor, O. Rogovich, I. Schmalhausen. These works were of a general nature, but on the basis of the acquired knowledge and collected herbarium material, were formed consolidated lists of plant species, which gave a general idea of the specifics of the distribution of species in the region. Further research concerned the study of the genesis of flora, the definition of plant groups, species differentiation, habitats of individual and rare species, which became a prerequisite for floristic and geobotanical zoning. In this area, most famous studies were studies of J. Pachosky, M. Kotov, W. Szafer, Ye. Bradis, A. Barbarych, G. Kukovitsaetс. As a result of long-term expeditions and vegetation research, many well-known nature protection objects have been founded: Medobory Reserve, the national nature parks «Podilski Tovtry», «Karmeliukove Podillia», «Kremenets Mountains», «Dniester Canyon», «Lower Polissia», «Upper Pobuzhia», regional landscape parks «Maliovanka», «Zagrebellia», «Middle Pobuzhia», «Dniester», «Murafa», «Nemyrivske Po­buzhia» etc. At present, ansozological area of research is important and priority way in context of conservation and protection of phytodiversity, the creation of new and expansion of existing protected areas, the formation of the Emerald Network, the implementation of the regional ecological network of the Podillya region.

The article discusses the methods of scientific and artistic propaganda (Museum and local history tour, lesson at the exhibition, lecture, conversation with slides). Museum employees at places of temporary storage of monuments carried out educational work among the population. Working with the audience in the Museum serves as a support for the positive state of mind of people in the conditions of intense wartime. Meeting with evacuees collections of art monuments allowed residents of Perm, Gorky, Solikamsk and other regional centers in 1941–1945 to expand their horizons, aesthetically evaluate the famous masterpieces of Russian art, which had a beneficial effect on the entire cultural climate of the provincial society. During the great Patriotic war, the main part of the art collections of the State Russian Museum was evacuated to Molotov (Perm). Paintings, sculptures, works of iconography are placed in the Perm Museum of local lore, in the Trinity Cathedral of Solikamsk. Conducting excursions and consultations at temporary exhibitions, conversations with slides are methods of scientific and educational work. This work was important and necessary for the residents of Perm. The meeting with art organized for visitors of the Museum in Perm by the staff of the Russian Museum provided great spiritual support during the great Patriotic war, which can be regarded as an unprecedented case of aesthetic education of the younger generation and spiritual support of the residents of Perm in wartime conditions. The relevance of the material presented in the article is undeniable. In the last years of the twenty-fi rst century, there have been increasing calls for a review of the role of the Soviet Army in the great Patriotic war (1941–1945). It is necessary to take responsibility for historical truth. The importance of the Victory, which brought liberation from Hitlerism not only to our Homeland, but also to the Western world, is great, and the merits are invaluable. It is necessary to preserve the truth for future generations of residents of the former Soviet space, as well as citizens of other countries. Special importance in the preservation of memory belongs to documentary sources, which include archive materials. Along with them, works of art created during the war or in the first post-war years play an invaluable role in restoring the truth.

At the end of the 19th century archival commissions as historical societies began to work in the provinces of the Imperial state. The application about opening of Katerinoslav province scientific commission was prepared in 1902. It was signed by famous elective district council members, public figures, cultural and educational leaders. The society of historians, archivists, ethnographers, archeologists and specialists in regional studies worked in Katerinoslav in 1903?1916. The author shows history and activity of the library of a local society as a province centre of local lore history. The printed editions of the society called “Chronocles” (volumes I?X) which contain proceedings of the commission meetings were the main source of research. The library collected works on history, archeology, ethnography and historical geography of Katerinoslav province. From the beginning of the library foundation it played an important part in the development of the society. The members of the society paid great attention to forming of book collections on regional history. From the first years of its activity the commission constantly supported book exchange with other institutions and organizations which favoured the spreading of knowledge and exchanging of experience. The sources contain information about people who gladly gave necessary and useful literature to the commission. Professors, teachers of local educational institutions, museum workers, cultural and educational leaders of Ukraine were among the members of the commission. In 1910 the commission totaled 11 honoured and 54 full members. Local activists paid special attention to keeping of church archive. In particular, D. I. Yavornitsky defended the thought about studying of archival documents as written evidence on the history of Ukrainian people. The library collection according to its content, subject, and chronology is considered in the article; authors groups are analyzed. Donations from different organizations and private persons were a valuable source of supplement of the commission’s book stock. The members of the commission had the opportunity to work with scientific editions of Kharkiv, Lviv and Odessa universities. The article reveals the role of A. S. Sinyavsky, V. O. Bidnov and I. Y. Akinfiev in the process of formation of readers’ tastes, scientific interest and professional level of Katerinoslav inhabitants at the beginning of the 20th century. Library activists maintained an active position in the activity of the society. For the period of existence 6 surnames of persons who took an active part in the commission’s librarianship are known.

The aim of the work is to analyze the domestic scientific and journalistic literature devoted to the characteristics of the state of education during the Holodomor of 1932–1933 in Ukraine on the example of Kharkiv region. To achieve it, the most widely used methods are historical-comparative and hermeneutic.Results. The process of studying the state of education and the role of educators during the Holodomor of 1932–1933 in modern domestic journalistic literature is considered. It was revealed that the most thorough local lore studies on the history of the state of education during the Holodomor of 1932–1933 in the Kharkiv region belong to T. Polishchuk. Fragmentary information and mentions about the living conditions of educators of Kharkiv region in 1932–1933 were found in the local lore works of L. Isaiv, I. Skotar, V. Strilets, I. Putria and other researchers.Conclusions. The biggest problem in the study of the situation of educators in 1932–1933 in Kharkiv and Kharkiv region is that there is no historiographical aspect of thorough works that would comprehensively consider and analyze both the achievements and problems of educators. In the journalistic literature, descriptions of pictures of socio-economic life of educators often lack specifics, the facts are presented separately, some information needs further study and explanation, at least because modern realities and living standards of that time are extremely different. Modern scientific and journalistic literature reports on the obvious achievements of educators in the early 1930s: the steady increase in literacy, the law on compulsory secondary education, the expansion of the network of secondary, vocational and higher education institutions. However, no thorough work devoted to comprehensive coverage of the historiography of this issue has been found.To describe the holistic picture of the situation of educators in 1932–1933 in Kharkiv and Kharkiv region, further research requires expanding the source base of this problem, historical assessments of various researchers, as well as biographies of prominent educators and the uniqueness of their teaching methods.Key words: publicist literature, famine of 1932–1933, archive materials, Kharkiv region, historiography, historiographical sources. Метою роботи є аналіз вітчизняної наукової та публіцистичної літератури, присвяченої характеристиці стану освіти в роки Голодомору 1932–1933 рр. в Україні на прикладі Харківської області. Для її досягнення найбільше застосовувалися такі методи, як історико-порівняльний і герменевтичний.Результати. Розглянуто процес дослідження стану освіти та ролі освітян у роки Голодомору 1932–1933 рр. у сучасній вітчизняній публіцистичній літературі. Виявлено, що найґрунтовніші краєзнавчі дослідження з історії стану освіти в роки Голодомору 1932–1933 рр. на Харківщині належать Т. Поліщук. Фрагментарні відомості та згадки про умови життя освітян Харківщини в 1932–1933 рр. знайдено у краєзнавчих роботах Л. Ісаїва, І. Скотаря, В. Стрільця, І. Путрі та інших дослідників.Висновки. Найбільшою проблемою в дослідженні становища освітян у 1932–1933 рр. у місті Харкові та на Харківщині є те, що ґрунтовних праць, у яких би комплексно розглядалися й аналізувалися як здобутки, так і проблеми освітян, в історіографічному аспекті немає. У публіцистичній літературі, в описах картин соціально-економічного життя освітян часто бракує конкретики, факти подаються розрізнено, деяка інформація потребує додаткового вивчення й пояснення хоча би тому, що сучасні реалії та стандарти життя того часу надзвичайно різняться. У сучасній науковій і публіцистичній літературі повідомляється про очевидні здобутки освітян на початку 30-х рр. ХХ ст.: невпинне зростання рівня грамотності населення, дію закону про обов’язкову середню освіту, збільшення мережі закладів середньої, професійно-технічної та вищої освіти. Однак ґрунтовних робіт, присвячених усебічному висвітленню історіографії зазначеного питання, не знайдено.Для опису цілісної картини становища освітян у 1932–1933 рр. у Харкові та на Харківщині подальших досліджень потребує розширення джерельної бази зазначеної проблеми, історичні оцінки різних дослідників, а також біографії видатних освітян та унікальність їхніх методик навчальної і виховної роботи.Ключові слова: публіцистична література, голод 1932–1933 рр., матеріали архівів, Харківська область, історіографія, історіографічні джерела.

Preparation of a training manual “A reader’s problem in Tomsk and Tomsk province at the end of XIX - beginning of XX century” by a group of Tomsk researchers is seen as not only relevant and natural but also as a long-awaited phenomenon in the sphere of modern liberal education. Book culture and reading practices in the context of a certain epoch represent interest to specialists not only from theoretical but also from practical and metodological point of view. The purpose of the manual stated by the authors is to “identify the main trends regarding building reading practices at the end of XIX - beginning of XX centuries and determine their value in book culture at the turn of the century” is being implemened based on the unique archival materials from the collections of the Tomsk State University Scientific Library, the Tomsk Local Lore Museum, the Tomsk Regional Archive. Diversity, richness and originality of the factual material coupled with research sensivity and thoroughness make it possible to trace the dynamics of reading practices becoming and developing in Tomsk and Tomsk province and to evaluate their impact on both regional literary process and social and spiritual changes taking place in society as a whole. Study of a reader in the context of the famous N. A. Rubakin’ triad “society - author -work” enables to understand the complex interaction mechanism of literary process, publishing strategies and reading practices existing in inextricable link and in many aspects defining the life of society in its spiritual dimension. The training manual aimed at youth audiences is written in clear language, filled with vivid images of people - readers and book lovers as well as with archaeographic factors introduced by the authors in scientific circulation. Publication has a clear-cut structure set by the logic of promoting a book - from the centre of a province to a rural reader, from the state publishing policy to the forms of readers’ amateur activities. For the convenience of readers, sections are prefaced with annotation, include questions and tasks for self-study as well as the list of additional literature on the topic of study. Such an approach updates research issues, introduces them in the context of vital pedagogical objectives and designates prospects of developing a conscious and qualified reader. And this is the central task, which - in our opinion - the authors of the training manual are well aware of. We believe that this noble task has been perfectly implemented in the book: uniqueness and diversity of the material, depth of its comprehenson, methodical thoroughness make the presented work a modern and timely educational publication and reveal rich traditions in preservation and continuation of high literary culture. That is precisely why the training manual is useful not only for publishers and philologists but also for future specialists with the broad range of expertise who together with professional knowledge in the high school acquire skills of meaningful and productive work with a book.

As the former capital of Dalmatia, Zadar abounded in monuments produced during the 17th and 18th century, especially altars, statues, and paintings. Most of this cultural heritage had been lost by the late 18th and the first decades of the 19th century, when the former Venetian Dalmatia was taken over by Austrian administration, followed by the French and then again by the Austrian one. Many churches were closed down, their furnishings were sold away or lost, and the buildings were either repurposed or demolished. One of them had been home to two hitherto unpublished angels-putti located on the top of the inner side of the arch in the sanctuary of Zadar’s church of Our Lady of Health (Kaštel) at the end of Kalelarga (Fig. 1). Both marble statues were obviously adjusted and then placed next to the marble cartouche with a subsequently added inscription from 1938, which tells of a reconstruction of the church during the time it was administered by the Capuchins. The drapery of the right angel-putto bears the initials I. G., which should be interpreted as the signature of the Venetian sculptor Giuseppe Groppelli (Venice, 1675-1735). This master signed his full name as IOSEPH GROPPELLI on the base of a statue of St Chrysogonus, now preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art in Zadar (Fig. 2). Same as the signed statue of St Anastasia by master Antonio Corradini (Fig. 3), it used to form part of the main altar in Zadar’s monumental church of St Donatus, desacralized in 1798. Recently, two more angels have been discovered, inserted in the tympanum of the main altar in the church of Madonna of Loreto in Zadar’s district of Arbanasi, the one to the right likewise bearing the initials I. G. (Fig. 4). Undoubtedly, these two artworks were once part of a single composition: the abovementioned former altar in the church of St Donatus, transferred to the cathedral in 1822 and reconstructed to become the new altar in the chapel of St Anastasia. Giuseppe and his younger brother, Paolo Groppelli, led the family workshop from 1708, producing and signing sculptures together. Therefore, the newly discovered statues produced by Giuseppe are a significant contribution to his personal 174 Damir Tulić: Nepoznati anđeli Giuseppea Groppellija u Zadru... Ars Adriatica 6/2016. (155-174) oeuvre. It is difficult to distinguish between his statues and those by his brother, but it is generally believed that Paolo was a better artist. It is therefore important to compare the two sculptures, as they are believed to have been made independently. Paolo’s statue of Our Lady of the Rosary (1708) was originally located in the former Benedictine church of Santa Croce at Giudecca in Venice, and acquired early in the 19th century for the parish church of Veli Lošinj. If one compares the phisiognomy of the Christ Child by Paolo to that of Giuseppe’s signed sculpture of angel-putto in Zadar, one can observe considerable similarities (Figs. 5 and 6). However, Paolo’s sculptures are somewhat subtler and softer than Giuseppe’s. The workshop of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli has also been credited with two large marble angels on the main altar of the parish church in Concadirame near Treviso, as they show great similarity in style to the angels in Ljubljana’s cathedral, made around 1710 (Figs. 7, 8, 9, and 10). The oeuvre of Giuseppe and Paolo Gropelli can also be extended to two kneeling marble angels at the altar of the Holy Sacrament in the Venetian church of Santa Maria Formosa, with their marble surface somewhat damaged (Figs. 11 and 12). Coming back to the former main altar in Zadar’s church of St Donatus, it should be emphasized that it was erected following the last will of Archbishop Vettore Priuli (1688-1712), that contains a clearly expressed desire that the altar should be decorated as lavishly as possible. As the construction contract has been lost and the appearance of the altar remains unknown, it can only be supposed what it may have looked like (Fig. 13). It is known that the altar included an older, 13th-century icon of Madonna with the Child, which was later transferred to the Cathedral and is today preserved in the Permanent Exhibition of Religious Art. Scholars have presumed that the altar may had the form of a triumphal arch, with pillars enclosing the pala portante with an older icon and statues placed lateraly. However, it can also be presumed that the executors of the archbishop’s last will, canons Giovanni Grisogono and Giovanni Battista Nicoli, found a model for the lavish altar in Venice, in the former altar of the demolished oratory of Madonna della Pace. That altar had been erected in 1685 and included an older Byzantine icon of Madonna with the Child. It was later relocated to Trieste and its original appearance remains unknown, but can be reconstructed on the basis of its depiction on the medal of Doge Alvise IV Mocenigo (1764), preserved in the parish church of Plomin (Fig. 14). This popular solution undoubtedly served as a model for the main altar in the church of Madonna delle Grazie at Este (Fig. 15), constructed between 1692 and 1697. Today’s appearance of the chapel of St Anastasia does not reveal much about its previous altars (Fig. 16). A recently discovered document at the State Archive of Zadar sheds a new light on the hypothesis that the old main altar was transferred from St Donatus in 1822 and became, with minor revisions, the new altar of St Anastasia, demolished in 1905. According to a contract from 1821, the saint’s altar was designed by Zadar’s engineer and architect Petar Pekota, and built by parish priest Giovanni Degano by using segments from older altars, including that of St Donatus. The painting ordered for the new altar, Martyrdom of St Anastasia by Giuseppe Rambelli from Forli (Fig. 17), is the only surviving part of the 19thcentury altar. The overall reconstruction of the chapel of St Anastasia took place between 1903 and 1906, according to a project of architect Ćiril Metod Iveković, which intended to have the chapel covered in mosaics ordered from Venice. However, during the reconstruction works, remnants of 13th-century frescos were discovered in the apse and the project had to be altered. The altar from 1822 was nevertheless demolished and a new marble mensa was built, with a new urn for the saint’s relics, made in the Viennese workshop of Nicholas Mund, as attested by receipts from 1906 (Fig. 18). A hundred years after the intervention, another one took place, in which the marble altar was disassembled and replaced by a new one, made of glass and steel, yet bearing the old marble urn of Bishop Donatus.

Introducción: El objetivo principal en el manejo de los pacientes receptores de trasplante renal, es mantener el estado de inmunosupresión adecuado para evitar la presentación de un rechazo inmunológico del injerto. El rechazo activo mediado por anticuerpos es una de las causas más frecuentes de disfunción del injerto en el periodo postrasplante temprano, además de representar una causa importante de disminución en su sobrevida, sin embargo, en México son escasos los reportes de la prevalencia de este evento, sobre todo en lo referente a la población pediátrica. Métodos: Estudio retrospectivo, transversal, descriptivo. Todos los niños con trasplante renal que hayan sido trasplantados en la UMAE Hospital de Pediatría CMNO. Se solicitó en el archivo médico el listado de pacientes con diagnóstico de “rechazo de injerto”, “rechazo humoral”, “rechazo agudo de injerto”, “rechazo agudo humoral” “rechazo mediado por anticuerpos” de Enero 2018 a Diciembre 2020, posteriormente, con el número de afiliación, se revisaron los expedientes electrónicos. En una hoja de captura se vaciaron los datos necesarios para la investigación, los cuales fueron analizados. Resultados: Se estudiaron 103 pacientes que recibieron un trasplante de riñón en un período de 3 años, de estos, 2 fueron excluidos, quedando 101 pacientes. De ellos, 15 pacientes presentaron rechazo agudo catalogado por biopsia de injerto renal, con 1 (6.6%) clasificado como rechazo celular, 3 (20%) clasificados como rechazo mixto y 11 (73.3%) catalogados como rechazo mediado por anticuerpos, representando un 10.9% de los pacientes trasplantados, de los cuales 8 (72.7%) recibieron trasplante de donador vivo relacionado y 3 (27.3%) lo recibieron de donador cadavérico. Se encontró una distribución equitativa por género, hubo un total de 6 (54.5%) pacientes del género masculino y 5 (45.4%) del género femenino. El rango de edad fue de 7 a 19 años, con una media de 13 años. Conclusión: La prevalencia de rechazo mediado por anticuerpos en pacientes pediátricos de la UMAE Hospital de Pediatría CMNO fue de 10.9%. Recibido: Agosto 01, 2022 Aceptado: Septiembre 30, 2022 Publicado: Septiembre 30, 2022 Editor: Dr. Franklin Mora Bravo. Introducción El rechazo mediado por anticuerpos es la mayor causa de disfunción y pérdida del injerto después del trasplante renal. Actuamente están descritos tres categorías de cambios de la función renal mediados por anticuerpo: Presencia del marcador C4d sin rechazo, rechazo agudo mediado por anticuerpos (RAMA) y rechazo crónico mediado por anticuerpos (RCMA) [1]. Para el diagnóstico de RAMA se requiere el diagnóstico de lesiones histológicas (glomerulitis, capilaritis peritubular, microangiopatía trombótica, necrosis tubular aguda, arteritis intimal), evidencia latente de interacción entre anticuerpos y endotelio (C4d peritubular, glomerulitis + capilaritis, activación endotelial) y la presencia de anticuerpos donante específico [2]. El RAMA se clasifica en 2 fenotipos : el rechazo precoz durante los primeros 3 mses posttrasplante y el recrhazo tradía que ocurre luego del primer año de trasplante, el primero ocurre en paciente con panel reactivo de anticuerpo positivos pretrasplante, usualmente C4D positivo y el segundo con anticuerpos anti HLA de novo usualmente C4D negativo, asociado a la falta de adherencia farmacológica con peor respuesta terapéutica [3]. El RCMA constituye una de las causas principales de pérdida de los injertos, y se asocia a mal pronóstico. La característica que permite el diagnóstico es el hallazgo histológico de la glomerulopatía del trasplante (GT) [4]. La GT se diagnostica en etapas avanzadas por microscopia óptica por la aparición de dobles contornos y expansión de la matriz mesangial. Los cambios preceden a cualquier manifestación clínica. En la microscopia electrónica se aprecia la multilaminación de la membrana basal capilar y/o engrosamiento y duplicación de la membrana basal glomerular. Desde el punto de vista clínico cursa en 2 etapas. Una etapa subclínica sin alteraciones en la función renal ni proteinuria, cuyo único hallazgo es la GT en las biopsias de protocolo y una segunda etapa clínica, caracterizada por disfunción crónica del injerto, con proteinuria e hipertensión arterial [5]. Los pacientes con rechazo crónico pueden asociar elementos de daño activo en la microcirculación mediada por anticuerpos, conocido como rechazo crónico activo, que se define por la presencia concomitante de: Evidencia histológica de daño tisular crónico como: GT, si no hay microangiopatía crónica; delaminación severa de la membrana basal de los capilares peritubulares (en la microscopia electrónica; fibrosis de la íntima arterial de inicio reciente, descartando otras causas; evidencia de interacción de anticuerpos (actual o reciente) dado por cualquiera de los siguientes: C4d en los capilares peritubulares, inflamación de la microcirculación moderada, marcadores moleculares (endothelial-associated transcripts), Evidencia de anticuerpos donantes específico (HLA y no HLA) [6, 7]. Aunque se ha referido una prevalencia baja de rechazo de injerto mediado por anticuerpos en pacientes no sensibilizados, ésta aumenta de forma muy importante en pacientes de alto riesgo, como pacientes previamente sensibilizados, en quienes puede alcanzar de un 10 a un 35% [6]. Esta cifra es alarmante, pues el rechazo de injerto mediado por anticuerpos es el principal factor de riesgo para pérdida del injerto renal en el primer año postrasplante, además de que todo rechazo mediado por anticuerpos no tratado culmina en la pérdida del injerto renal. En México existen escasos datos que aporten la prevalencia de este evento en la población pediátrica, por lo que el objetivo del presente estudio fue determinar la prevalencia de rechazo de injerto mediado por anticuerpos en pacientes pediátricos trasplantados de riñón en la UMAE Hospital de pediatría CMNO. Materiales y métodos Diseño del estudio El presente estudio es observacional, descriptivo, de tipo retrospectivo. Escenario El estudio se realizó en el departamento de nefrología en la Unidad Médica de Alta Especialidad, Hospital de Pediatría, Centro Médico Nacional de Occidente, Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, Guadalajara, Jalisco-México, durante el periodo de 1ro de enero del 2017 al 30 de diciembre del 2020. Participantes Se incluyeron pacientes pediátricos con el diagnóstico de enfermedad renal crónica estadio 1-3-T que requirieron hospitalización por necesidad de tratamiento de rechazo agudo, catalogado como mediado por anticuerpos. Se excluyeron paciente con anticuerpos pre-formados. Se eliminaron casos con datos incompletos para el análisis, con historias clínicas incompletas o sin seguimiento posterior al ingreso. Variables Las variables fueron: edad, sexo, tipo de trasplante, tiempo transcurrido del trasplante, grupo sanguíneo, fuente de donación, HLA receptor-donador, inducción, esquema de inducción, esquema de inmunosupresión, biopsia del injerto, dosis acumulada de timoglobulina, identificación de anticuerpos HLA donante específico. Fuentes de datos/mediciones La fuente fue indirecta, se revisó el expediente electrónico institucional, el registro de los servicios de estadística, nefrología y la unidad de trasplantes. Sesgos Con el fin de evitar posibles sesgos de entrevistador, de información y de memoria, los datos fueron custodiados durante todo el tiempo por el investigador principal con una guía y registros aprobados en el protocolo de investigación. El sesgo de observación y selección fueron evitados con la aplicación de los criterios de selección de los participantes. Se consignaron todas las variables clínicas y paraclínicas del periodo ya comentado. Dos investigadores de manera independiente analizaron cada uno de los registros por duplicado y se consignaron las variables en la base de datos una vez verificada su concordancia. Tamaño del estudio La muestra fue no probabilística, tipo censo, en donde se incluyeron todos los casos posibles del período en estudio. Variables cuantitativas Se utilizó estadística descriptiva. Se expresaron los resultados en escala en medias y desviación estándar. Los datos categóricos como el sexo se presentan en proporciones. Análisis estadístico Se utiliza estadística no inferencial. Se calculó la prevalencia de RAMA con intervalo de confianza para una proporción. El paquete estadístico utilizado fue SPSS 25.0 (IBM Corp. Released 2017. IBM SPSS Statistics for Windows, Version 25.0. Armonk, NY: IBM Corp.). Resultados Participantes Se estudiaron 103 pacientes que recibieron un trasplante de riñón en un período de 3 años, de estos, 2 fueron excluidos, uno por no contar con expediente clínico completo y el otro por tener anticuerpos preformados, quedando 101 pacientes que contaban con expedientes clínicos completos. Características basales de la población de estudio De los 101 pacientes trasplantados, 60 (59.4%) corresponden al sexo masculino y 41 (40.6%) corresponden al sexo mujer. La edad media de los pacientes al momento del trasplante fue 12 años. En la mayoría de los trasplantes se realizaron de injertos provenientes de donador vivo 80 (79.2%), y 21 (20.7%) pertenecían a donante cadavérico. Durante el periodo revisado, se encontró un total de 15 pacientes que presentaron rechazo agudo catalogado por biopsia de injerto renal (histopatología), con 1 (6.7%) clasificado como rechazo celular, 3 (20%) clasificados como rechazo mixto y 11 (73.3%) catalogados como rechazo mediado por anticuerpos. Rechazo mediado por anticuerpos Los 11 pacientes con rechazo mediado por anticuerpos representan un 10.9% de los pacientes trasplantados, de los cuales 8 (72.7%) recibieron trasplante de donador vivo relacionado y 3 (27.3%) lo recibieron de donador cadavérico. Del total de pacientes catalogados con rechazo mediado por anticuerpos, se encontró una distribución equitativa por género, ya que hubo un total de 6 (54.5%) pacientes del género masculino y 5 (45.4%) del género femenino. El rango de edad fue de 7 a 19 años, con una media de 13 años y una moda de 14 años de edad. En la figura 1, se presenta la distribución por edad de la población de pacientes con rechazo. Tomando en cuenta el tiempo transcurrido de la fecha del trasplante a la fecha de la presentación del rechazo, el período de tiempo más corto fue de un mes y el más largo fue de 23 meses, con un promedio de tiempo de presentación de 11 meses, como se muestra en la figura 2. Análisis secundarios La variable compatibilidad se definió como una variable dicotómica: < 3 antígenos y ≥3 antígenos. De los 11 pacientes que presentaron rechazo mediado por anticuerpos, sólo fue posible obtener los datos de compatibilidad de 8 de ellos, los cuales fueron en su totalidad trasplantes de donador vivo, los 8 pacientes compartían más de 3 antígenos. Descrito con más detalle, uno de ellos compartía dos haplotipos, cinco de ellos compartían un haplotipo y dos de ellos compartían únicamente antígenos de la clase II. No contamos con los HLA de los 3 pacientes cuyo trasplante fue de donador cadavérico. La inducción recibida durante el trasplante renal se realizó con Basiliximab en 10 casos (90.9%) y 1 (9%) con Timoglobulina. El único paciente que recibió inducción con Timoglobulina presentó rechazo a los 23 meses del trasplante renal. En cuanto al esquema de inmunosupresión de mantenimiento que recibían los pacientes al momento de la presentación del rechazo, la totalidad de ellos tenía triple esquema, teniendo corticosteroide (Prednisona) en común, sin embargo existieron variaciones en el uso de antimetabolitos e inhibidores de calcineurina como se presenta en el Gráfico 8. Se encontraron 6 pacientes en el grupo de Prednisona + Tacrolimus + MMF, 4 pacientes en el grupo de Prednisona + CsA + MMF y solo un paciente tenía Azatioprina como antimetabolito. El periodo de tiempo transcurrido del trasplante a la presentación del rechazo en el grupo de Prednisona + CsA+ MMF fue de 1 a 23 meses, en el grupo de Prednisona + Tacrolimus + MMF fue de 1 a 22 meses y en el paciente con Prednisona + Tacrolimus + Azatioprina fue de 16 meses. No existió diferencia significativa en el tiempo de presentación del rechazo (p= 0.66) al comparar los grupos de Prednisona + CsA+ MMF y Prednisona + Tacrolimus + MMF. Del total de los pacientes, 6 tenían mal apego a tratamiento confirmado por cuidadores y los pacientes mismos, sin embargo, incluso entre estos pacientes, el tiempo transcurrido del trasplante al rechazo fue muy variable, encontrando periodos tan cortos como 6 meses hasta períodos de 23 meses. Entre estos pacientes, se encuentra el que recibió inducción con Timoglobulina. De estos pacientes, 10 (90.9%) fueron tratado con plasmaféresis, en cantidad de 5 sesiones con inmunoglobulina endovenosa a dosis de 2g/kg/dosis, además del uso de anticuerpo monoclonal anti CD20 (Rituximab) al haber completado las 5 sesiones de plasmaféresis, uno de los 11 pacientes recibió Timoglobulina además del tratamiento mencionado. El paciente restante fue dado de alta por edad antes de poder recibir tratamiento. Discusión Para la realización de este estudio se estudiaron de forma retrospectiva los expedientes de pacientes que habían tenido diagnóstico de disfunción de injerto, rechazo agudo o rechazo de injerto. La prevalencia de rechazo de injerto mediada por anticuerpos encontrada en este estudio fue de 10.9%, lo que correlaciona con la prevalencia en adultos encontrada en estudios en Europa y Latinoamérica, como los realizados por Lorent [8] y Borroto Diaz [9], donde se reportó en 16.2% y 11.23% respectivamente. En México no encontramos reportes de este evento en edad pediátrica. El tiempo transcurrido desde la fecha del trasplante renal hasta la presentación del rechazo fue muy variable, ocurriendo desde 1 hasta 23 meses después. La inducción recibida en los pacientes trasplantado fue con un mayor porcentaje a base de Basiliximab, sin embargo, aunque no se cuenta con una muestra representativa de pacientes con inducción a base de Timoglobulina, si se observa que en estos pacientes el tiempo de presentación de rechazo fue mayor y la incidencia de rechazo agudo confirmado por biopsia fue significativamente más alta en el grupo que recibió inducción con Basiliximab. Aunque otros estudios no se reportado diferencias significativas en la supervivencia del injerto en los dos grupos de estudio [10]. En cuanto a la inmunosupresión de mantenimiento recibida al momento de la presentación del rechazo no se observaron diferencias al comparar los grupos (PDN+ Tacrolimus + MMF vs PDN + CsA + MMF) (P=0.66), sin embargo, el no apego al tratamiento de mantenimiento fue una variable importante en la presentación de rechazo; la no adherencia es un factor de riesgo significativo e independiente para la pérdida del injerto; por ello consideramos que la vigilancia del paciente pediátrico, sobre todo el adolescente, debe ser extremadamente estrecha por el alto riesgo de no apego, y en toda la población pediátrica trasplantada, esta vigilancia debe ser estricta con el objetivo de mantener sus niveles de inmunosupresión dentro de parámetros recomendados y con ello evitar la presentación de rechazo mediado por anticuerpos. Estos pacientes recibieron tratamiento en varias líneas, tanto plasmaféresis como Rituximab y utilización de gamaglobulina endovenosa; se plantea a futuro la realización de estudios posteriores los cuales pudiesen demostrar la eficacia de algunas de estas medidas. Se pretendió conocer la compatibilidad de los antígenos HLA, ya que en investigaciones anteriores, se ha evaluado y concluido que la compatibilidad HLA influye sobre la supervivencia del injerto y la mortalidad en el trasplante renal, por ejemplo, un estudio observacional y encontró que la incompatibilidad HLA en general se asoció significativamente con mayor riesgo de falla del injerto, incluso mayor mortalidad [11]. Un sesgo muy importante en este estudio es la falta de conocimiento de la compatibilidad en los antígenos HLA en los tres pacientes que presentaron rechazo mediado por anticuerpos, que habían recibido su injerto de donante cadavérico. Sin embargo, cabe mencionar que muchos de los órganos procurados de donante cadavérico provienen de otros estados y el envío de muestras para la realización de estudios así como el tiempo necesario para tener los resultados disponibles dificulta la realización de los mismos, por lo que estos pacientes deben de ser considerado como de alto riesgo independientemente de la edad y deberán ser inducidos a base de Timoglobulina. Los 8 pacientes restantes, recibieron su injerto de donador vivo y todos compartían más de 3 antígenos. Se decidió no excluir a los pacientes de donador cadavérico para contar con este grupo de pacientes y dar a conocer la evolución de los mismos, además de que, de haberlos eliminado, se habría reportado una menor prevalencia. Conclusiones De los 101 pacientes trasplantados, 60 (59.4%) corresponden al género masculino y 41 (40.5%) corresponden al género femenino. La prevalencia de rechazo mediado por anticuerpos fue de 10.9%. Del total de pacientes catalogados con rechazo mediado por anticuerpos, 6 (54.5%) pacientes del género masculino y 5 (45.4%) del género femenino. En los pacientes catalogados con rechazo mediado por anticuerpos, el rango de edad fue de 7 a 19 años, con una media de 13 años y una moda de 14 años de edad. El tiempo transcurrido de la fecha del trasplante a la fecha de la presentación del rechazo fue desde 1 hasta 23 meses. El tiempo de presentación del rechazo en pacientes de donante cadavérico, en quienes se desconoce la compatibilidad HLA, fue muy variable, abarcando desde 8 hasta 22 meses. No existió diferencia estadísticamente significativa al comparar el esquema de inducción recibido y la presencia de rechazo. El tiempo de presentación más largo fue en dos pacientes, que habían recibido Basiliximab y Timoglulina cada uno. No existió diferencia estadísticamente significativa en el tiempo de presentación del rechazo al comparar los distintos esquemas de inmunosupresión de mantenimiento recibidos. Sin embargo, se observó poca adherencia al tratamiento como variable interviniente. Abreviaturas ABMR: Rechazo mediado por anticuerpos (Antibodies mediated rejection) ADCC: Citotoxicidad dependiente de anticuerpos CAM: Complejo de ataque de membrana CD: Célula dendrítica. CDC: Citotoxicidad dependiente de complemento CMH: Complejo Mayor de Histocompatibilidad. CMNO: Centro Médico Nacional de Occidente. CPA: Célula presentadora de antígeno. CXCL: Ligando de quimiocina (Chemokine Ligand) DC: Donador cadavérico. DSA: Anticuerpos Donante Específicos (Donor Specific Antibodies). DVR: Donador vivo relacionado. ERC: Enfermedad renal crónica ERO: Especies reactivas de oxígeno. FDA: Administración de fármacos y alimentos (Food and drug administration). GT: Glomerulopatía del trasplante HLA: Antígeno Leucocitario Humano (Human Leucocitary Antigen) ICAM: Molécula de adhesión intercelular (Intercellular Adhesion Molecule 1) IFN: Interferón Ig: Inmunoglobulina IKK: Cinasa inhibidora del factor Kappa B (I Kappa B Kinase) IMSS: Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social. LRA: Lesión renal aguda MAPK: Proteincinasa activada por mitógeno (mitogen-activated protein kinase) MMP: Metalopeptidasa de la matriz (Matrix Metallopeptidase) NLRs: Receptores tipo NOD (NOD like receptors). PMAD: Productos moleculares asociados a daño. PRA: Panel reactivo de anticuerpos rATG: Globulina antitimocito de conejo (rATG) RRP: receptores de reconocimiento de patrones TLRs: Receptores tipo Toll (Toll like receptors). TNF: Factor de necrosis tumoral (Tumoral necrosis factor) TRIF: Interferón-B inductor de adaptadores que contienen dominios de Tirosina UMAE: Unidad Médica de Alta Especialidad. VCAM-1: Molécula de adhesión celular vascular (vascular cell adhesion molecule 1) VEGF: Factor de crecimiento endotelial vascular (vascular endotelial grown factor). Información suplementaria Materiales suplementarios no han sido declarados. Agradecimientos No aplica. Contribuciones de los autores Mónica Verenice Cámara Carrillo: Conceptualización, Curación de datos, Análisis formal, Adquisición de fondos, Investigación, Metodología, Administración de proyecto, Recursos, Software, Escritura – borrador original. Santa Ramírez Godinez: Conceptualización, Supervisión, Validación, Visualización, Redacción: revisión y edición. Juan Carlos Barrera de León: Metodología, validación, supervisión, redacción: Revisión y edición. Todos los autores leyeron y aprobaron la versión final del manuscrito. Financiamiento Los autores proveyeron los gastos de la investigación. Disponibilidad de datos o materiales Los conjuntos de datos generados y analizados durante el estudio actual no están disponibles públicamente debido a la confidencialidad de los participantes, pero están disponibles a través del autor correspondiente a pedido académico razonable. Declaraciones Aprobación del comité de ética y consentimiento para participar Este estudio fue aprobado por el comité de ética en investigación de la Unidad Médica de Alta Especialidad Hospital de Pediatría CMNO, aprobación número R-2021-1302-077. Consentimiento para publicación No aplica cuando no se publican imágenes o fotografías del examen físico o radiografías/tomografías/resonancias de pacientes. Conflictos de interés Los autores reportan no tener conflictos de interés. Referencias Loupy A, Lefaucheur C. Antibody-Mediated Rejection of Solid-Organ Allografts. N Engl J Med. 2018 Sep 20;379(12):1150-1160. DOI: 10.1056/NEJMra1802677. PMID: 30231232. Zorn E, See SB. Is There a Role for Natural Antibodies in Rejection Following Transplantation? Transplantation. 2019 Aug;103(8):1612-1619. DOI: 10.1097/TP.0000000000002743. PMID: 30951015; PMCID: PMC6660357. Haas M, Mirocha J, Reinsmoen NL, Vo AA, Choi J, Kahwaji JM, Peng A, Villicana R, Jordan SC. Differences in pathologic features and graft outcomes in antibody-mediated rejection of renal allografts due to persistent/recurrent versus de novo donor-specific antibodies. Kidney Int. 2017 Mar;91(3):729-737. DOI: 10.1016/j.kint.2016.10.040. Epub 2017 Jan 16. PMID: 28104301. Chapman JR, Wavamunno M, O'Connell PJ, Nankivell BJ. Unravelling the connections between donor specific antibodies and renal allograft pathology. Clin Transpl. 2013:361-5. PMID: 25095530. Asante-Korang A, Jacobs JP, Ringewald J, Carapellucci J, Rosenberg K, McKenna D, McCormack J, Wilmot I, Gjeldum A, Lopez-Cepero M, Sleasman J. Management of children undergoing cardiac transplantation with high Panel Reactive Antibodies. Cardiol Young. 2011 Dec;21 Suppl 2:124-32. DOI: 10.1017/S1047951111001703. PMID: 22152539. Velez M, Johnson MR. Management of allosensitized cardiac transplant candidates. Transplant Rev (Orlando). 2009 Oct;23(4):235-47. DOI: 10.1016/j.trre.2009.07.001. PMID: 19778695; PMCID: PMC2796825. Jeong HJ. Diagnosis of renal transplant rejection: Banff classification and beyond. Kidney Res Clin Pract. 2020 Mar 31;39(1):17-31. DOI: 10.23876/j.krcp.20.003. PMID: 32164120; PMCID: PMC7105630. Lorent M, Foucher Y, Kerleau K, Brouard S, Baayen C, Lebouter S, Naesens M, Bestard Matamoros O, Åsberg A, Giral M; EKiTE consortium. The EKiTE network (epidemiology in kidney transplantation - a European validated database): an initiative epidemiological and translational European collaborative research. BMC Nephrol. 2019 Oct 11;20(1):365. DOI: 10.1186/s12882-019-1522-8. PMID: 31601177; PMCID: PMC6788117. Borroto Díaz G, Caballero Gonzalez M, Chong López A. Relación entre los resultados de biopsia del trasplante renal, según la clasificación de Banff del 2011, y el tiempo de vida del injerto. Revista Cubana de Medicina 2016;554(2):97-113. SCIELO: S0034-7523 Newland DM, Royston MJ, McDonald DR, Nemeth TL, Wallace-Boughter K, Carlin K, Horslen S. Analysis of rabbit anti-thymocyte globulin vs basiliximab induction in pediatric liver transplant recipients. Pediatr Transplant. 2019 Dec;23(8):e13573. DOI: 10.1111/petr.13573. Epub 2019 Sep 12. PMID: 31512802. Senev A, Coemans M, Lerut E, Van Sandt V, Kerkhofs J, Daniëls L, Driessche MV, Compernolle V, Sprangers B, Van Loon E, Callemeyn J, Claas F, Tambur AR, Verbeke G, Kuypers D, Emonds MP, Naesens M. Eplet Mismatch Load and De Novo Occurrence of Donor-Specific Anti-HLA Antibodies, Rejection, and Graft Failure after Kidney Transplantation: An Observational Cohort Study. J Am Soc Nephrol. 2020 Sep;31(9):2193-2204. DOI: 10.1681/ASN.2020010019. Epub 2020 Aug 6. PMID: 32764139; PMCID: PMC7461684. DOI: Digital Object Identifier. PMID: PubMed Identifier. Nota del Editor La REV SEN se mantiene neutral con respecto a los reclamos jurisdiccionales sobre mapas publicados y afiliaciones institucionales.

En el presente trabajo estudiamos los principales hechos que se sucedieron a lo largo del siglo XIX en el santuario de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, situado en término de la localidad sevillana de Espartinas, y en el convento de frailes franciscanos que lo custodiaban. Para ello ofrecemos un conjunto de noticias inéditas procedentes de dos fuentes documentales, el archivo del Arzobispado de Sevilla y el del propio convento.

SUMARIO: 1. Introducción. —2. La biblioteca de la Cámara de los Comunes.—2.1. Historia, fondos y catálogos.—2.1.1. Desde sus orígenes hasta 1830.—2.1.2. Desde 1834 hasta la Segunda Guerra Mundial. — 2.1.3. Desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días. 2.2 Situación dministrativa.—2.3. Instalaciones.—2.4. Servicios.—2.5. Informatización.— 2.6. Publicaciones.—3. La biblioteca de la Cámara de los Lores.—3.1. Historia, fondos y catálogos.—3.2. Situación administrativa.—3.3 Instalaciones.—3.4. Servicios.—3.5. Informatización. — 3.6. Publicaciones. — 4. Archivo.—5. Publicaciones.—6. Bibliografía consultada.

The article is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of Perm State Art Gallery, opened on November 7, 1922. The first director was Alexander Konstantinovich Syropyatov, and the second Nikolai Nikolaevich Serebrennikov was a collector and researcher of Perm wooden sculpture. The article enumerates some little known facts in the biographies of the founders of the museum. Documents from the archives of Perm State Art Gallery, Perm Museum of Local Lore, and Perm Archive of Social and Political History are used.

At present, the study of "gender" is a young direction for Kazakhstani science. Today, the role of men and women in the concept of gender in society, their role and associated social trends are becoming more and more important. The article summarizes the cultural monuments of Shymkent, in particular sculptures, monuments, installations, exhibits and performances of the Turkestan Regional Museum of Local Lore, photographs of the Central State Archive of Turkestan, a general image of gender images in the film. Attempts have been made to demonstrate the scientific potential of these cultural monuments. The history of women in the region, their role in society, and social activity were also described. The role of family values for city residents, the level of preservation of traditions are indicated. The issues of urban agglomeration and urbanization were also considered. Trends in the development of Shymkent today. Trends in the development of culture in a modern city, new institutions and buildings that reflect the values of culture. Historical tone and harmony of ideas and inspirations that motivate the work of decorating cities with modernity. The connection between the image and the image of a Shymkent woman with the present day, the evolution of development and her place in the memory of society are revealed.

Bumdes Makmur Anugerah Lestari is located in the city of Ciomas, Bogor, with a clean water management business. The reach of the service area is the Sukamakmur village community and the pagelaran village. By managing 4 springs, Bumdes can distribute clean water to surrounding communities. However, the administration is still done manually and the manager does not understand how to book and record finances, the archives are not well organized, and payments are still made door to door. The abdimas team provides training on simple bookkeeping and simple filing. The results felt by the BUMDes management after conducting this training were being able to make financial records with a simple financial notebook, there was a consumer archive book to record monthly fee payments, and several people had made payments through the counter.Bumdes Makmur Anugerah Lestari berlokasi di kota Ciomas, Bogor, dengan bidang usaha pengelolaan air bersih. Jangkauan wilayah pelayanan adalah masyarakat desa sukamakmur dan desa pagelaran. Dengan mengelola 4 mata air, Bumdes dapat menyalurkan air bersih ke masyarakat sekitar. Namun administrasi masih dilakukan secara manual dan pihak pengelola belum memahami cara pembukuan dan pencatatan keuangan, arsip yang belum tertata dengan baik, dan pembayaran masih dilakukan dari rumah ke rumah. Tim abdimas memberikan pelatihan tentang pembukuan sederhana dan pengarsipan sederhana. Hasil yang dirasakan oleh pengurus BUMDes setelah melakukan pelatihan ini adalah mampu membuat pencatatan keuangan dengan buku catatan keuangan sederhana, terdapat buku arsip konsumen untuk mencatat pembayaran iuran bulanan, dan beberapa orang telah melakukan pembayaran melalui loket.

Статья содержит описание надзорных археологических работ, произведенных Кировским областным краеведческим музеем. Церковь Рождества Иоанна Предтечи была первой каменной церковью, поставленной на территории посада г. Хлынова. В 1930-х гг. она была закрыта. В советское время в ее здании располагался партийный архив, а с 1969 года планетарий. В 1991 г. был принят Проект реставрации церкви Иоанна Предтечи . В период реставрации Кировским государственным объединенным историко-архитектурным и литературным музеем под руководством Е.А.Кошелевой проводились работы по археологическому надзору. С южной стороны вплотную к стене церкви был заложен шурф-траншея с целью обследования фундамента. В траншее был найден наперсный крест, который стал древнейшим найденным на территории г. Кирова. Находки других крестов косвенно подтверждают факт существования приходского кладбища вокруг этой церкви на протяжении XVIII в. Это позволяет включить данную территорию в одну из перспективных для изучения погребальных памятников на территории современного г.Кирова, так как подавляющее их большинство в настоящее время застроено различными городскими постройками и сооружениями, а некоторые почти полностью уничтожены. The article contains a description of the supervising archaeological works carried out by the Kirov Regional Museum of Local Lore. The Church of the Nativity of John the Baptist was the first stone church erected on the territory of the town of Khlynov. It was closed in the 1930s. In Soviet times, its building housed the party archive, and since 1969 the planetarium. In 1991, the Project of restoration of the Church of John the Baptist was adopted. During the restoration of the Kirov State United Historical, Architectural and Literary Museum under the direction of E. A.Kosheleva carried out work on archaeological supervision. On the South side, close to the wall of the church, a pit-trench was laid for the purpose of inspecting the foundation. A pectoral cross was found in the trench, which became the oldest found on the territory of Kirov. The findings of other crosses indirectly confirm the existence of a parish cemetery around this Church during the XVIII century. This allows us to include this area in one of the promising for the study of funerary monuments in the territory of modern Kirov, as the vast majority of them are now built up with various urban buildings and structures, and some are almost completely destroyed.

The word LOCAL shouldn’t mean restriction but nearness, a closeness which allows an active collaboration of studens, from just a visit to the station to an active involvement in programme planning (either participating or producing reports, news, or TV game shows). We give a chance to viewers to be part of the process and learning by doing. But nearness isn’t just something physical it also means “typical”, so we try to spread and preserve our local lore, which sometimes is close to become extinct. In short with all these experiences we try to form & inform our learners and provide them with a critical vision a good knowledge of the media and always having in mind their ages. TELEVINTE es una televisión local que apuesta por el empleo de los medios de comunicación como instrumento de desarrollo social, de educación a la sociedad. Basándose en teorías pedagógicas renovadoras intentamos llevar a cabo proyectos de investigación- acción- participativa. Buscamos ideas y ponemos en práctica experimentos de televisión educativa. Contamos para ello con la colaboración de mucha gente de todas las edades y profesiones que enriquecen nuestro trabajo. Centrándonos en el campo educativo podemos destacar las siguientes actividades: - De referencia: consisten en visitas a los centros educativos donde damos a conocer los distintos aspectos de nuestra tele, posibilidades de participar en la programación de la misma tanto para alumnos como profesores. Invitamos a que vengan a conocer nuestras instalaciones. - Programas didácticos: tienen una clara finalidad didáctica y en colaboración con centros educativos, asociaciones de padres hacemos programas en los que niños, padres y profes participan activamente. Tenemos varias experiencias al respecto que constituirán básicamente el desarrollo de la ponencia: - Atinar e ganar (acertar y ganar): programa concurso con alumnos de 4º de ESO con una dotación económica para los 3 primeros equipos, destinada a recaudar fondos para la excursión de final de ciclo. Consta de dos partes bien diferenciadas, en la 1ª son 10 preguntas de historia, literatura y cultura de Galicia y dos específicas de la comarca donde estamos ubicados (Chantada). La 2ª son 5 preguntas donde los concursantes han de poner a prueba su creatividad e ingenio, capacidad crítica etc. - Telenenos (teleniños): especie de informativo que elaboran alumnos junto con sus profes. - A Hora Do Conto (La hora del cuento): donde hacemos animación a la lectura desde la tv. Infantil y Primaria - Un día con… la banda de música de Chantada, un panadero, un veterinario etc. donde alumnos de bachillerato elaboran un guión y acompañan a las personas elegidas durante todo el día con la cámara para hacer un reportaje. - Otras actividades: - Videos culturales que recogen las tradiciones, costumbres, oficios de nuestra comarca, algunos de ellos a punto de desaparecer: - Las barcas del rio Miño. - Las fachas (ritual celta en un castro) - Proceso de transformación del lino. - Elaboración del vino (método tradicional) - etc. Con esto pretendemos formar un archivo etnográfico y cultural de la zona. Cada uno de estos programas están diseñados teniendo en cuenta el currículo escolar de las edades a las que van dirigidos con los correspondientes objetivos, contenidos (conceptuales, procedimentales y actitudinales), evaluación etc. A través de todas estas experiencias pretendemos que los alumnos reciban una educación en el terreno audiovisual, viendo como funcionan los medios, en este caso la tele, como generan significados, como están organizados y como se deben usar. De ahí la función del sistema educativo de facilitar al alumnado las herramientas que le ayuden a procesar dicha información y a examinar y elegir libremente las actitudes y valores que le proponen desde una perspectiva crítica.

Teesid: Artiklis keskendutakse meeste militaarsele pärimusele põhiliselt nõukogude sõjaväes, aga ka Eesti Kaitseväes teeninud meeste seas levinud legendide ja nendega seotud kuulujuttude kaudu. Paljud neist grupisisest ühtsustunnet tekitanud lugudest on siiani meeste suulises traditsioonis. Kahjuks ei ole neid juttude aktuaalse leviku ajal kogutud, aga siiski on nüüd võimalik sellest traditsioonist aimu saada spetsiaalsetest militaarsete huvidega internetikogukondade foorumitest (nt www.militaar.net), mõningast võrdlusainest pakub 1990. aastatel rahvaluulearhiivi laekunud materjal. Meeste, sh endiste sõdurite meenutatud legendid ja kuulujutud keskenduvad lugudele peidetud relvadest, distsipliinist, sõjaväeteenistuse vältimise viisidest, seksist, saatusest ning õnnelikest vedamistest, aga juttu on ka kohalikest erilistest objektidest (sildadest, salateedest jm). The article focuses on the military tradition of men mainly in the Soviet army, but also through legends and related rumors among men who served in the Estonian Defense Forces. Many of these stories, which created a sense of group unity in the Soviet army, are still in the oral tradition of men. Unfortunately, they have not been collected during the actual spread of the stories, now it is possible to get an idea of ​​this tradition through discussion groups of special military-interested internet communities (e.g. www.militaar.net). The material received in the folklore archive in the 1990s also provides some comparison material. It is a folkloristic study, which is carried out keeping in mind the special and regular framework of the same folktale genres (legend, urban legend, rumour) and motifs. Urban legends are characterized by traditionality, the themes, plots and motifs of the stories are repeated in them. In some cases, as will be seen in the article, similar story motifs and storylines can be found throughout history. In the case of military folklore, it is not a homogeneous substance, some of it is universal material related to military service, weapons or other similar material; and some is created and spread in the relevant context, for example during wars or conflicts. Several legends and the rumour cycles based on them that originally circulated in the repertoire of men or soldiers later reached a wider circulation due to special circumstances. These are, for example, the legend “The snake saves the boy” related to the war in Afghanistan known in the territories of the former Soviet Union; rumors about female snipers of Baltic origin, i.e. white tights, which have been circulating among Russian soldiers since the beginning of the 1990s, emerging in various military operations initiated by imperialist Russia, most recently in Ukraine, for example. The story has been used in official Russian propaganda for decades.The legends and rumors recounted by men and ex-soldiers discussed in this article focus on stories of hidden weapons and secret routes, discipline, ways to avoid military service, relationships with women during military service, fate, and lucky draws. Among this material, you can also find examples of stories mocking Soviet propaganda and the so-called cultural other in the Soviet army. The heroes of conscript stories are mostly low-ranking soldiers who cope with their lives and even receive a reward. Soviet-era conscripts' memories, but legends in a much more general way, show the mentality and world of thought of a soldier serving in an army of a foreign country and ideology: the army is a wasted time, this time must somehow be stretched out/be away and at the same time try to use all the opportunities of this life wisely for your own benefit. Stories of avoiding military service have also been universal over time, because the will to serve in the army of a foreign power was non-existent. So it was in the Russian tsarist army, and so it was in the Soviet army. But in several stories, the justice of the legend also works: cowards and self-harmers are punished in their own way. It is interesting and somewhat unexpected that several legends characteristic of men's lore and soldier’s life are universal and well known among conscripts of the Estonian Defense Forces today. The stereotypical assessments of southern conscripts presented here and a large part of the motives of these stories do not originally come from Estonians but reflect the Great Russian colonialist attitude more generally. These narratives have strong, apparently gender-specific commonalities and belief bases, and are characterized by repetition. For example, stories of avoiding military service in a totalitarian state go back centuries. Military legends convey the expectations, values ​​and ideologies of men and tell about seemingly true events in recent history. Military legends and related rumors describe and express gender stereotypes, define masculinity in a way that pleases men. These stories offer models of behavior and express masculine dreams in a more general sense. At the same time, these stories, considered urban legends, both prohibit and encourage certain gender behaviors and describe the culturally favored behaviors of men – the desire for adventure and adrenaline, power, masculine strength and power, cunning, intelligence and resistance to evil.

In 1999, the TV movie Shark Attack depicted an attack by mutant great white sharks on the population of Cape Town. By the time the third entry in the series, Shark Attack 3, aired in 2002, mutant great whites had lost their lustre and were replaced as antagonists with the megalodon: a giant shark originating not in any laboratory, but history, having lived from approximately 23 to 3.6 million years ago. The megalodon was resurrected again in May 2021 through a trifecta of events. A video of a basking shark encounter in the Atlantic went viral on the social media platform TikTok, due to users misidentifying it as a megalodon caught on tape. At the same time a boy received publicity for finding a megalodon tooth on a beach in South Carolina on his fifth birthday (Scott). And finally, the video game Stranded Deep, in which a megalodon is featured as a major enemy, was released as one of the monthly free games on the PlayStation Plus gaming service. These examples form part of a larger trend of alleged megalodon sightings in recent years, emerging as a component of the modern resurgence of cryptozoology. In the words of Bernard Heuvelmans, the Belgian zoologist who both popularised the term and was a leading figure of the field, cryptozoology is the “science of hidden animals”, which he further explained were more generally referred to as ‘unknowns’, even though they are typically known to local populations—at least sufficiently so that we often indirectly know of their existence, and certain aspects of their appearance and behaviour. It would be better to call them animals ‘undescribed by science,’ at least according to prescribed zoological rules. (1-2) In other words, a large aspect of cryptozoology as a field is taking the legendary creatures of non-Western mythology and finding materialist explanations for them compatible with Western biology. In many ways, this is a relic of the era of European imperialism, when many creatures of Africa and the Americas were “hidden animals” to European eyes (Dendle 200-01; Flores 557; Guimont). A major example of this is Bigfoot beliefs, a large subset of which took Native American legends about hairy wild men and attempted to prove that they were actually sightings of relict Gigantopithecus. These “hidden animals”—Bigfoot, Nessie, the chupacabra, the glawackus—are referred to as ‘cryptids’ by cryptozoologists (Regal 22, 81-104). Almost unique in cryptozoology, the megalodon is a cryptid based entirely on Western scientific development, and even the notion that it survives comes from standard scientific analysis (albeit analysis which was later superseded). Much like living mammoths and Bigfoot, what might be called the ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ serves to reinforce a fairy tale of its own. It reflects the desire to believe that there are still areas of the Earth untouched enough by human destruction to sustain massive animal life (Dendle 199-200). Indeed, megalodon’s continued existence would help absolve humanity for the oceanic aspect of the Sixth Extinction, by its role as an alternative apex predator; cryptozoologist Michael Goss even proposed that whales and giant squids are rare not from human causes, but precisely because megalodons are feeding on them (40). Horror scholar Michael Fuchs has pointed out that shark media, particularly the 1975 film Jaws and its 2006 video game adaptation Jaws Unleashed, are imbued with eco-politics (Fuchs 172-83). These connections, as well as the modern megalodon’s surge in popularity, make it notable that none of Syfy’s climate change-focused Sharknado films featured a megalodon. Despite the lack of a Megalodonado, the popular appeal of the megalodon serves as an important case study. Given its scientific origin and dynamic relationship with popular culture, I argue that the ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ illustrates how the boundaries between ‘hard’ science and mythology, fiction and reality, as well as ‘monster’ and ‘animal’, are not as firm as advocates of the Western science tradition might believe. As this essay highlights, science can be a mythology of its own, and monsters can serve as its gods of the gaps—or, in the case of megalodon, the god of the depths. Megalodon Fossils: A Short History Ancient peoples of various cultures likely viewed fossilised teeth of megalodons in the area of modern-day Syria (Mayor, First Fossil Hunters 257). Over the past 2500 years, Native American cultures in North America used megalodon teeth both as curios and cutting tools, due to their large size and serrated edges. A substantial trade in megalodon teeth fossils existed between the cultures inhabiting the areas of the Chesapeake Bay and Ohio River Valley (Lowery et al. 93-108). A 1961 study found megalodon teeth present as offerings in pre-Columbian temples across Central America, including in the Mayan city of Palenque in Mexico and Sitio Conte in Panama (de Borhegyi 273-96). But these cases led to no mythologies incorporating megalodons, in contrast to examples such as the Unktehi, a Sioux water monster of myth likely inspired by a combination of mammoth and mosasaur fossils (Mayor, First Americans 221-38). In early modern Europe, megalodon teeth were initially referred to as ‘tongue stones’, due to their similarity in size and shape to human tongues—just one of many ways modern cryptozoology comes from European religious and mystical thought (Dendle 190-216). In 1605, English scholar Richard Verstegan published his book A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence in Antiquities, which included an engraving of a tongue stone, making megalodon teeth potentially the subject of the first known illustration of any fossil (Davidson 333). In Malta, from the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries, megalodon teeth, known as ‘St. Paul’s tongue’, were used as charms to ward off the evil eye, dipped into drinks suspected of being poisoned, and even ground into powder and consumed as medicine (Zammit-Maempel, “Evil Eye” plate III; Zammit-Maempel, “Handbills” 220; Freller 31-32). While megalodon teeth were valued in and of themselves, they were not incorporated into myths, or led to a belief in megalodons still being extant. Indeed, save for their size, megalodon teeth were hard to distinguish from those of living sharks, like great whites. Instead, both the identification of megalodons as a species, and the idea that they might still be alive, were notions which originated from extrapolations of the results of nineteenth and twentieth century European scientific studies. In particular, the major culprit was the famous British 1872-76 HMS Challenger expedition, which led to the establishment of oceanography as a branch of science. In 1873, Challenger recovered fossilised megalodon teeth from the South Pacific, the first recovered in the open ocean (Shuker 48; Goss 35; Roesch). In 1959, the zoologist Wladimir Tschernezky of Queen Mary College analysed the teeth recovered by the Challenger and argued (erroneously, as later seen) that the accumulation of manganese dioxide on its surface indicated that one had to have been deposited within the last 11,000 years, while another was given an age of 24,000 years (1331-32). However, these views have more recently been debunked, with megalodon extinction occurring over two million years ago at the absolute latest (Pimiento and Clements 1-5; Coleman and Huyghe 138; Roesch). Tschernezky’s 1959 claim that megalodons still existed as of 9000 BCE was followed by the 1963 book Sharks and Rays of Australian Seas, a posthumous publication by ichthyologist David George Stead. Stead recounted a story told to him in 1918 by fishermen in Port Stephens, New South Wales, of an encounter with a fully white shark in the 115-300 foot range, which Stead argued was a living megalodon. That this account came from Stead was notable as he held a PhD in biology, had founded the Wildlife Preservation Society of Australia, and had debunked an earlier supposed sea monster sighting in Sydney Harbor in 1907 (45-46). The Stead account formed the backbone of cryptozoological claims for the continued existence of the megalodon, and after the book’s publication, multiple reports of giant shark sightings in the Pacific from the 1920s and 1930s were retroactively associated with relict megalodons (Shuker 43, 49; Coleman and Huyghe 139-40; Goss 40-41; Roesch). A Monster of Science and Culture As I have outlined above, the ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ had as its origin story not in Native American or African myth, but Western science: the Challenger Expedition, a London zoologist, and an Australian ichthyologist. Nor was the idea of a living megalodon necessarily outlandish; in the decades after the Challenger Expedition, a number of supposedly extinct fish species had been discovered to be anything but. In the late 1800s, the goblin shark and frilled shark, both considered ‘living fossils’, had been found in the Pacific (Goss 34-35). In 1938, the coelacanth, also believed by Western naturalists to have been extinct for millions of years, was rediscovered (at least by Europeans) in South Africa, samples having occasionally been caught by local fishermen for centuries. The coelacanth in particular helped give scientific legitimacy to the idea, prevalent for decades by that point, that living dinosaurs—associated with a legendary creature called the mokele-mbembe—might still exist in the heart of Central Africa (Guimont). In 1976, a US Navy ship off Hawaii recovered a megamouth shark, a deep-water species completely unknown prior. All of these oceanic discoveries gave credence to the idea that the megalodon might also still survive (Coleman and Clark 66-68, 156-57; Shuker 41; Goss 35; Roesch). Indeed, Goss has noted that prior to 1938, respectable ichthyologists were more likely to believe in the continued existence of the megalodon than the coelacanth (39-40). Of course, the major reason why speculation over megalodon survival had such public resonance was completely unscientific: the already-entrenched fascination with the fact that it had been a locomotive-sized killer. This had most clearly been driven home by a 1909 display at the American Museum of Natural History in New York City. There, Bashford Dean, an ichthyologist at the museum, reconstructed an immense megalodon jaw, complete with actual fossil teeth. However, due to the fact that Dean assumed that all megalodon teeth were approximately the same size as the largest examples medially in the jaws, Dean’s jaw was at least one third larger than the likely upper limit of megalodon size. Nevertheless, the public perception of the megalodon remained at the 80-foot length that Dean extrapolated, rather than the more realistic 55-foot length that was the likely approximate upper size (Randall 170; Shuker 47; Goss 36-39). In particular, this inaccurate size estimate became entrenched in public thought due to a famous photograph of Dean and other museum officials posing inside his reconstructed jaw—a photograph which appeared in perhaps the most famous piece of shark fiction of all time, Steven Spielberg’s 1975 film Jaws. As it would turn out, the megalodon connection was itself a relic from the movie’s evolutionary ancestor, Peter Benchley’s novel, Jaws, from the year before. In the novel, the Woods Hole ichthyologist Matt Hooper (played by Richard Dreyfuss in the film) proposes that megalodons not only still exist, but they are the same species as great white sharks, with the smaller size of traditional great whites being due to the fact that they are simply on the small end of the megalodon size range (257-59). Benchley was reflecting on what was then the contemporary idea that megalodons likely resembled scaled-up great white sharks; something which is no longer as accepted. This was particularly notable as a number of claimed sightings stated that the alleged megalodons were larger great whites (Shuker 48-49), perhaps circuitously due to the Jaws influence. However, Goss was apparently unaware of Benchley’s linkage when he noted in 1987 (incidentally the year of the fourth and final Jaws movie) that to a megalodon, “the great white shark of Jaws would have been a stripling and perhaps a between-meals snack” (36). The publication of the Jaws novel led to an increased interest in the megalodon amongst cryptozoologists (Coleman and Clark 154; Mullis, “Cryptofiction” 246). But even so, it attracted rather less attention than other cryptids. From 1982-98, Heuvelmans served as president of the International Society of Cryptozoology, whose official journal was simply titled Cryptozoology. The notion of megalodon survival was addressed only once in its pages, and that as a brief mention in a letter to the editor (Raynal 112). This was in stark contrast to the oft-discussed potential for dinosaurs, mammoths, and Neanderthals to remain alive in the present day. In 1991, prominent British cryptozoologist Karl Shuker published an article endorsing the idea of extant megalodons (46-49). But this was followed by a 1998 article by Ben S. Roesch in The Cryptozoology Review severely criticising the methodology of Shuker and others who believed in the megalodon’s existence (Roesch). Writing in 1999, Loren Coleman and Jerome Clark, arguably the most prominent post-Heuvelmans cryptozoologists, were agnostic on the megalodon’s survival (155). The British palaeozoologist Darren Naish, a critic of cryptozoology, has pointed out that even if Shuker and others are correct and the megalodon continues to live in deep sea crevasses, it would be distinct enough from the historical surface-dwelling megalodon to be a separate species, to which he gave the hypothetical classification Carcharocles modernicus (Naish). And even the public fascination with the megalodon has its limits: at a 24 June 2004 auction in New York City, a set of megalodon jaws went on sale for $400,000, but were left unpurchased (Couzin 174). New Mythologies The ‘megalodon as cryptid hypothesis’ is effectively a fairy tale born of the blending of science, mythology, and most importantly, fiction. Beyond Jaws or Shark Attack 3—and potentially having inspired the latter (Weinberg)—perhaps the key patient zero of megalodon fiction is Steve Alten’s 1997 novel Meg: A Novel of Deep Terror, which went through a tortuous development adaptation process to become the 2018 film The Meg (Mullis, “Journey” 291-95). In the novel, the USS Nautilus, the US Navy’s first nuclear submarine and now a museum ship in Connecticut, is relaunched in order to hunt down the megalodon, only to be chomped in half by the shark. This is a clear allusion to Jules Verne’s 20,000 Leagues under the Sea (1870), where his Nautilus (namesake of the real submarine) is less successfully attacked by a giant cuttlefish (Alten, Meg 198; Verne 309-17). Meanwhile, in Alten’s 1999 sequel The Trench, an industrialist’s attempts to study the megalodon are revealed as an excuse to mine helium-3 from the seafloor to build fusion reactors, a plot financed by none other than a pre-9/11 Osama bin Laden in order to allow the Saudis to take over the global economy, in the process linking the megalodon with a monster of an entirely different type (Alten, Trench 261-62). In most adaptations of Verne’s novel, the cuttlefish that attacks the Nautilus is replaced by a giant squid, traditionally seen as the basis for the kraken of Norse myth (Thone 191). The kraken/giant squid dichotomy is present in the video game Stranded Deep. In it, the player’s unnamed avatar is a businessman whose plane crashes into a tropical sea, and must survive by scavenging resources, crafting shelters, and fighting predators across various islands. Which sea in particular does the player crash into? It is hard to say, as the only indication of specific location comes from the three ‘boss’ creatures the player must fight. One of them is Abaia, a creature from Melanesian mythology; another is Lusca, a creature from Caribbean mythology; the third is a megalodon. Lusca and Abaia, despite being creatures of mythology, are depicted as a giant squid and a giant moray eel, respectively. But the megalodon is portrayed as itself. Stranded Deep serves as a perfect distillation of the megalodon mythos: the shark is its own mythological basis, and its own cryptid equivalent. References Alten, Steven. Meg: A Novel of Deep Terror. New York: Doubleday, 1997. Alten, Steven. The Trench. New York: Pinnacle Books, 1999. Atherton, Darren. Jaws Unleashed. Videogame. Hungary: Appaloosa Interactive, 2006. Benchley, Peter. Jaws: A Novel. New York: Doubleday, 1974. Coleman, Loren, and Jerome Clark. Cryptozoology A to Z: The Encyclopedia of Loch Monsters, Sasquatch, Chupacabras, and Other Authentic Mysteries of Nature. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1999. Coleman, Loren, and Patrick Huyghe. The Field Guide to Lake Monsters, Sea Serpents, and Other Mystery Denizens of the Deep. Los Angeles: TarcherPerigee, 2003. Couzin, Jennifer. “Random Samples.” Science 305.5681 (2004): 174. Davidson, Jane P. “Fish Tales: Attributing the First Illustration of a Fossil Shark’s Tooth to Richard Verstegan (1605) and Nicolas Steno (1667).” Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia 150 (2000): 329–44. De Borhegyi, Stephan F. “Shark Teeth, Stingray Spines, and Shark Fishing in Ancient Mexico and Central America.” Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 17.3 (1961): 273–96. Dendle, Peter. “Cryptozoology in the Medieval and Modern Worlds.” Folklore 117.2 (2006): 190–206. Flores, Jorge, “Distant Wonders: The Strange and the Marvelous between Mughal India and Habsburg Iberia in the Early Seventeenth Century.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 49.3 (2007): 553–81. Freller, Thomas. “The Pauline Cult in Malta and the Movement of the Counter-Reformation: The Development of Its International Reputation.” The Catholic Historical Review 85.1 (1999): 15–34. Fuchs, Michael. “Becoming-Shark? Jaws Unleashed, the Animal Avatar, and Popular Culture’s Eco-Politics.” Beasts of the Deep: Sea Creatures and Popular Culture. Jon Hackett and Seán Harrington. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 2018. 172–83. Goss, Michael. “Do Giant Prehistoric Sharks Survive?” Fate 40.11 (1987): 32–41. Guimont, Edward. “Hunting Dinosaurs in Central Africa.” Contingent Magazine, 18 Mar. 2019. 26 May 2021 <http://contingentmagazine.org/2019/03/18/hunting-dinosaurs-africa/>. Heuvelmans, Bernard. “What is Cryptozoology?” Trans. Ron Westrum. Cryptozoology 1 (1982): 1–12. Jaws. Dir. Steven Spielberg. Universal Pictures, 1975. Lowery, Darrin, Stephen J. Godfrey, and Ralph Eshelman. “Integrated Geology, Paleontology, and Archaeology: Native American Use of Fossil Shark Teeth in the Chesapeake Bay Region.” Archaeology of Eastern North America 39 (2011): 93–108. Mayor, Adrienne. The First Fossil Hunters: Dinosaurs, Mammoths, and Myth in Greek and Roman Times. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2000. Mayor, Adrienne. Fossil Legends of the First Americans. Princeton: Princeton UP, 2005. Meg, The. Dir. Jon Turteltaub. Warner Brothers, 2018. Mullis, Justin. “Cryptofiction! Science Fiction and the Rise of Cryptozoology.” The Paranormal and Popular Culture: A Postmodern Religious Landscape. Eds. Darryl Caterine and John W. Morehead. London: Routledge, 2019. 240–52. Mullis, Justin. “The Meg’s Long Journey to the Big Screen.” Jaws Unmade: The Lost Sequels, Prequels, Remakes, and Rip-Offs. John LeMay. Roswell: Bicep Books, 2020. 291–95. Naish, Darren. “Tales from the Cryptozoologicon: Megalodon!” Scientific American, 5 Aug. 2013. 27 May 2021 <https://blogs.scientificamerican.com/tetrapod-zoology/cryptozoologicon-megalodon-teaser/>. Pimiento, Catalina, and Christopher F. Clements. “When Did Carcharocles Megalodon Become Extinct? A New Analysis of the Fossil Record.” PLoS One 9.10 (2014): 1–5. Randall, John E. “Size of the Great White Shark (Carcharodon).” Science 181.4095 (1973): 169–70. Raynal, Michel. “The Linnaeus of the Zoology of Tomorrow.” Cryptozoology 6 (1987): 110–15. Regal, Brian. Searching for Sasquatch: Crackpots, Eggheads, and Cryptozoology. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011. Roesch, Ben S. “A Critical Evaluation of the Supposed Contemporary Existence of Carcharodon Megalodon.” Internet Archive, 1999. 28 May 2021 <https://web.archive.org/web/20131021005820/http:/web.ncf.ca/bz050/megalodon.html>. Scott, Ryan. “TikTok of Giant Shark Terrorizing Tourists Ignites Megalodon Theories.” Movieweb, 27 May 2021. 28 May 2021 <https://movieweb.com/giant-shark-tiktok-video-megalodon/>. Shark Attack. Dir. Bob Misiorowski. Martien Holdings A.V.V., 1999. Shark Attack 3: Megalodon. Dir. David Worth. Nu Image Films, 2002. Shuker, Karl P.N. “The Search for Monster Sharks.” Fate 44.3 (1991): 41–49. Stead, David G. Sharks and Rays of Australian Seas. Sydney: Angus & Robertson, 1963. Stranded Deep. Australia: Beam Team Games, 2015. Thone, Frank. “Nature Ramblings: Leviathan and the Kraken.” The Science News-Letter 33.12 (1938): 191. Tschernezky, Wladimir. “Age of Carcharodon Megalodon?” Nature 184.4695 (1959): 1331–32. Verne, Jules. Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea. 1870. 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Introduction In the film Barbie, Stereotypical Ken “only has a great day if Barbie looks at him”. Ken’s identity is based on Barbie’s approval, that is, until he garners the approval of other Kens by reshaping their collective identities under the patriarchy. The Kens’ patriarchal collective identities are demonstrated in part through their participation in popular-culture fandoms. They mansplain The Godfather and Stephen Malkmus, demand their Barbies be “really invested in the Zack Snyder cut of Justice League”, and sing Matchbox 20’s “Push” at the Barbies “while staring uncomfortably into [their] eyes for four and half minutes”. It would be easy to write these moments off as jabs at stereotypic masculine interests. The film's criticism, however, is not only the merit of these interests, nor a declaration that only men care about them. Rather, the critique of patriarchal collective identity is shown in the way these interests are shared through competitive, affirmational fandom. Affirmational fandoms are fandoms built on knowledge of canon, with fan identity typically expressed through competition around mastery of explicit, official knowledge. Affirmational fandoms have historically been thought to draw more men-dominated fan bases (Correa-Chávez, Kohfeldt, and Nguyen 1), as they lend themselves to the kinds of hierarchies inherent in patriarchy. Transformational (or transformative) fandoms, on the other hand, are thought to be more popular among women and gender-diverse fans and show less interest in pure canon ideation, instead utilising the source material to create something entirely new (Jenkins 47-8). In this way, transformational fandom is similar to how Barbies themselves are intended to be played with. This article will explore how Barbie illustrates the differences between affirmational vs. transformational fandom, textually and metatextually, and how patriarchal and binary approaches to fandom ultimately disempower everyone, including those who identify as men. Affirmational vs. Transformational Fandom The term “affirmational fandom” was first coined by Dreamwidth user obsession_inc in 2009 to distinguish fan culture which seeks to reiterate a creator’s intended meaning of a work. Participation in an affirmational fandom is demonstrated through steadfast devotion to canonical knowledge, and adherence to rules inherent to the creator’s own worldbuilding. In affirmational fandom, knowledge of canon is treated as important capital, often traded between fans as a way to best one another in a competition of who knows the most about niche topics. Specifically, fans participate in what sociologist Bourdieu describes as cultural capital (knowledge) that leads to building social capital (networks). Since this type of fandom positions the creator as the master authority on interpretations of works, fans are able to weaponise their own mastery of the text and alignment with the creator's intentions in order to create a social structure within the fandom that is intentionally exclusionary and hierarchical. Moreover, since many popular works have male creators, largely due to systemic inequities in the film, television, and written fiction industries (“2021 Statistics”), this hierarchy also mirrors patriarchy in its unchallenged centring of men’s perspectives and thus its overall appeal to men as fans (Busse). Suzanne Scott further criticised this centring of creators as ultimate authorities through her deconstruction of the "fanboy auteur" (44). The fanboy auteur is someone who functions as both content creator and fan, thus manufacturing an even greater divisiveness between production and the everyday consumer by stratifying the fanboy auteur into a separate category of fan that most other fans cannot achieve. Scott (47) draws upon the Foucauldian notion of textual discourses and the role of the author, or “author function” (Foucault 75), to describe how a fanboy auteur reinforces the status quo by maintaining an exclusionary fan identity, as opposed to allowing the author to fully step back from the work so that it might be interpreted and reinterpreted, vastly, through a diversity of lenses. Foucault argued that the authorial role is, as are most things, socially constructed through public discourse, as is the definition of authorial power (76). In other words, by defining something in media, one has power over it, and that power can be used to discipline who gets to use, understand, and engage with said media as an artifact. As is often seen in patriarchal social structures, the fanboy auteur has overwhelmingly benefited not just men, but white men specifically (Salter and Stanfill). Affirmational fandoms stand in stark contrast to transformational fandoms, a concept popularised by Henry Jenkins in his book Textual Poachers: Television Fans and Participatory Culture. Jenkins described a transformative process that fans guide texts through, which prioritises meaning-making and imagination over canon, or creator, in fan spaces. This is often done through the production of transformative works such as fan fiction and fan art that are largely unconcerned with fidelity to a work’s creator, sometimes treating them as entirely separate from the production of fan works. While transformational fandoms still exchange cultural capital to build social capital and maintain a sense of hierarchy at times, they do so with a much lower bar for entry that is more accessible to otherwise marginalised fans. In addition to accessibility, transformational fandom has been thought of as a more feminist fandom due to the disproportionate presence of women in transformational fan spaces and their disproportionate engagement in fan labour through the creation of content such as zines and archival fan fiction (Correa-Chávez, Kohfeldt, and Nguyen). Importantly, there are ways in which this labour is exploited by male-dominated industries as a means to signal diverse representation, as opposed to actually including diverse representation in media texts (Lowe). Examples in Barbie Transformative fandom is what Barbie dolls, and by proxy the Barbie movie, were made for. The film’s opening is itself a transformative work, a reimagining of 2001: A Space Odyssey, with young girls rejecting the socially rigid construct of the baby doll for the sleek new toy that defies categorisation. Like transformative works, Barbies can be anything, implying that women and girls can also be anything. As a result, we see Barbies at the start of the film engaging in a broad array of careers and interests, appearing to have a level of autonomy that isn’t quite so easily obtained by women in the real world. Because the Barbie movie also features diverse Barbies including Barbies who are transgender, size-inclusive, of various races and ethnicities, and Barbies who use devices such as wheelchairs, the film also transforms the image of women in popular media by depicting them more realistically than is typical in major motion pictures. The shift that Barbie Land takes in the second act, when Stereotypical Ken introduces the concept of patriarchy, more closely mirrors affirmational fandoms, both textually and metatextually. Textually, the Kens are seen mansplaining various topics. Mansplaining has been defined by researchers “not only as simply patronizing and condescending, but as designed to assert the speaker’s superior knowledge, on the basis of their gender” (Joyce et al. 521). As within affirmational fandoms, through mansplaining, knowledge is used as a form of power. Simply mansplaining, however, is not in and of itself demonstrative of affirmational fandom. For fandom to be affirmational, it must also use said knowledge as cultural capital, elevating the Kens to a place of superiority over the Barbies, as well as over one another, based on their level of higher expertise and deference to a creator. This is where Barbie goes the extra mile as social commentary – the Ken’s are not just talking about the what of these various topics, but, in the case of fandom specifically, the why of it, central to an idealised creator. One of the clearest examples of this is actor Kingsley Ben-Adir’s Ken name-dropping The Godfather’s creators, noting “Coppola’s aesthetic genius” as well as referring to the film as a “triumph to Robert Evans and the architecture of the 1970s studio system”. This Ken is both sharing deep lore about the film’s production, as well as asserting dominance through this knowledge, sharing it only after he has belittled President Barbie for having not watched the film in the first place. Ncuti Gatwa’s Ken likewise discusses how “Stephen Malkmus really harnessed the acerbic talk-singing of Lou Reed with post-punk influences such as ‘The Wire’ and ‘The Fall’”. Neither of these are shallow, hot takes, but instead are the kinds of niche affirmational knowledge that fan studies authors describe as excess made into expertise (Zygutis; Scott). We see this again in Writer Barbie’s discussion of having gotten “really invested in the Zack Synder cut of Justice League” while under the indoctrination of the Kens. In the real world, fans developed a cult-like devotion to the Snyder cut of Justice League after the studio released a shorter, heavily edited version of the film. The organised collective action fans engaged in to pressure the studio to release the Snyder cut (or director’s cut) represents the intersection of affirmational fandom and civically engaged fandom (Cook and Joseph 73). Instead of working toward broader socio-cultural change, however, releasing the Snyder cut allowed fans to focus on levelling up their cultural capital within fandom to pull rank, so to speak, over fans who had not seen this version. This aligns with the idea of the creator’s vision as the ultimate authority over a story – one that not only should be released, but defended as canon. Even the repetition of Matchbox 20’s “Push”, in Barbie, is somewhat affirmational in that it is pure reproduction, right down to the 1990’s grunge singing style of yarling (“Yarling”), which we do not see repeated elsewhere in the diegetic portions of the soundtrack sung by Ryan Gosling or the other actors portraying Kens. Metatextually, we as the audience are meant to be in on the joke, meant to laugh at the Kens for posturing in this way, meant to see it as inherently patriarchal, and thus flawed when viewed through the feminist lens of the film. It is, after all, the very undoing of the Kens, as the Barbies plot to distract them by first aiming to make the Kens think they have power over the Barbies, and then, as Sasha remarks, “make them question whether they have enough power over each other”. This is accomplished by the Barbies through manipulating the Kens’ fannish appreciation for “Push”, done so by feigning interest in their Ken’s replication of the song, only to then wound their Ken’s pride by redirecting that attention to another, rival Ken. This act creates affirmational competition within the fannish display. Stereotypical Barbie even goes so far as to question the authorial voice of the song, which actor Sam Liu’s Ken misattributes to himself, instead of the actual and idealised creator. This interplay between competition and misattribution seeds disruption to the Kens’ collective power by calling into question fannish identity and fidelity to the creator such that in-fighting occurs. It is not the final domino in the chain of unseating the Kens’ power, but it is an important one that can only be accomplished by turning the competition inherent in affirmational fandom into something that can be used against fans, in this case the Kens. How Binary Approaches to Fandom (and Gender) Do Harm An important question the film asks is whether power should be lauded or shared, particularly as it relates to gender politics. Certainly, in the real world, we can see the harms of uneven power dynamics as highlighted by the affirmational nature of knowledge. Mansplaining, for example, has been shown to be prevalent in the modern workplace as a form of typically, but not always, gendered mistreatment, with impacts on job performance, retention, and psychological distress (Smith et al.). It has also been described as a tactic used by some neo-liberal white men as a way to re-centre masculinity and men’s voices as an ultimate source of knowledge, and thus power, in discourse on intersectional feminism, a tactic otherwise described as “covert hegemony” (Burkley 170). Importantly, these kinds of affirmational, hegemonic systems can also be upheld by people other than white men, when said systems prove beneficial to gaining or maintaining power. For example, Rouse, Condis, and Stanfill found examples of hegemony and racism in both anti-liberal and liberal fan spaces online, while Lothian and Stanfill found that even feminist fans spaces perpetuate harm to marginalised groups by the very structures built to protect some while not protecting all marginalised communities. Barbie as a film never quite presents a conclusion to gendered power inequalities. Instead, the film acknowledges multiple flaws in the binary territories of both Barbie Land and the real world but leaves us without an egalitarian solution in either. What Barbie does do is to offer a starting point for further exploration by asking the Kens to see themselves as “Kenough”, affirmed in who they are without the need to vie for power using the affirmational tactics they practiced before. Fandom studies has also only begun to answer questions about gender inequity. Firstly, recent research suggests that a gendered divide between affirmational and transformational fandom may exist, but not quite in the ways previously theorised. Rather than men being more likely to engage in affirmational fandom than women, Correa-Chávez, Kohfeldt, and Nguyen found that women fans were more likely compared to men to engage in all types of fannish activities, both affirmational and transformational, though women did tend to engage in transformational activities the most between the two types of fannish participation (4). Importantly, however, affirmational fandom was narrowly defined through consumption and not proliferation (e.g. reading but not producing plot analyses). Cosplay, or costuming, was also separated out into a third category of mimic fandom, using Matt Hill’s definition of the term from his own paper on the subject. While this third category constitutes an interesting approach to ways in which affirmational and transformational fandom overlap, it also somewhat negates the ways in which cosplay can itself be affirmational (rule-bound) or transformational (changed in ways that fundamentally reimagine a character). Many cosplayers, for example, gender-bend characters, or reinterpret them in ways that are transformative of canon, something that fans of Barbie have been enacting in movie theaters and at pop-culture conventions following the film’s release. These distinctions are important when considering the impact of Barbie on affirmational vs. transformational fan practices in fan spaces, as well as broader spaces. At what point are fans participating in reproduction (affirmational) vs. reimagination (transformational)? The answer depends somewhat on context and the meaning created through the cosplay. For example, cosplay at fan conventions is occurring within a fan space, and thus meaning is made by fan communities. Barbie as a cultural phenomenon has also made its way into non-fannish transformative spaces, however, where meaning is less clear. For example, San Francisco’s 2024 “Hunky Jesus” contest saw “Jesus Ken”, a man dressed as Jesus nailed to a cross inside a Ken-style pink box, take home the win for best costume (Kura). Here, the space between fandom and other communities is blurred, and thus, so is related meaning. Conclusion Barbies are imaginative play, so it is no surprise that Barbie as a film highlights the differences between imaginative, transformational fandom and more rule-bound, affirmational fandom. It is also not a coincidence that those who play with Barbie dolls and those who engage in transformative fan practice are more likely to identify as women, or as having gender- and sexually diverse identities, given ways in which transformational spaces make greater room to create a more equitable world through inherent feminist critique. Imaginative play, in this sense, is a life-long process and continues to be formative for exploring facets of ourselves. Playing with Barbies, including in the Barbie film, enables individuals to understand their place in the world while simultaneously pushing the boundaries of what is possible. Part of the genius of Barbie is that it shows how fan knowledge and practice (cultural capital) can constrain or enable personal and social growth. While the mastery and leveraging of fan knowledge under patriarchy gave the Kens a kind of power, it also isolated and limited them as individuals. Likewise, affirmational fandom can constrain and limit the potential for individuals and communities to change, grow, and explore through engagement with media when used in exclusionary ways. Importantly, affirmational fandom does not have to be exclusionary. Information can just be information. The critique of affirmational fandom is simply that it is often misused when viewed through a feminist lens. Transformational fandom, on the other hand, can challenge dominant cultural tropes, norms, and values. As Barbie demonstrates, transformational fandom has the power to inspire us to imagine better, and that power can never be put back in a box. References 2001: A Space Odyssey. Dir. Stanley Kubrick. Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 1968. “2021 Statistics.” Women and Hollywood. 10 Apr. 2024 <https://womenandhollywood.com/resources/statistics/2021-statistics/>. Barbie. Dir. Greta Gerwig. Warner Bros. Pictures, 2023. Bourdieu, Pierre. A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste. Trans. R. Nice. 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Joyce, Jack B., et al. “Speaking Out against Everyday Sexism: Gender and Epistemics in Accusations of ‘Mansplaining.’” Feminism & Psychology 31.4 (2021): 502–529. DOI: 10.1177/095935352097. Justice League (Directors Cut). Dir. Zack Snyder. Warner Bros., 2021. Kukura, Joe. “Photos: ‘Jesus Ken’ Wins Hunky Jesus Contest as Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence Celebrate Their 45th Anniversary.” SFList, 1 Apr. 2024. <https://sfist.com/2024/04/01/photos-ken-jesus-wins-hunky-jesus-contest-as-sisters-of-perpetual-indulgence-celebrate-their-45th-anniversary/>. Hills, Matt. “From Dalek Half Balls to Daft Punk Helmets: Mimetic Fandom and the Crafting of Replicas.” Transformative Works and Cultures 16 (2014). DOI: 10.3983/twc.2014.0531. Lothian, Alexis, and Mel Stanfill. "An Archive of Whose Own? White Feminism and Racial Justice in Fan Fiction's Digital Infrastructure." Transformative Works and Cultures 36 (2021). DOI: 10.3983/twc.2021.2119. Lowe, J.S.A. 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IntroductionThis article suggests extensions to the place of ‘national collections’ of Australia’s migration histories, and considers the role of regional libraries and museums in collecting, preserving, and making accessible the history of migration. The article describes a recent collaboration between the Bonegilla Migrant Experience site, the Albury LibraryMuseum and the regionally-based Charles Sturt University (CSU) to develop a virtual, three-dimensional tour of Bonegilla, a former migrant arrival centre. Through this, the role of regional collections as keeping places of migration memories and narratives outside of those institutions charged with preserving the nation’s memory is highlighted and explored.What Makes a Nation’s Memory?In 2018 the Australian Research Council (ARC) awarded a Linkage grant to a collaboration between two universities (RMIT and Deakin), and the National Library of Australia, State Library of South Australia, State Library of Victoria, and State Library of New South Wales titled “Representing Multicultural Australia in National and State Libraries” (LP170100222). This Linkage project aimed to “develop a new methodology for evaluating multicultural collections, and new policies and strategies to develop and provide access to these collections” (RMIT Centre for Urban Research).One planned output of the Linkage project was a conference, to be held in early 2019, titled “Collecting for a Society’s Memory: National and State Libraries in Culturally Diverse Societies.” The conference call for papers suggested themes that included an interrogation of the relationship between libraries and ‘the collecting sector’, but with a focus still on National and State Libraries (Boyd). As an aside, the correlation between libraries and memories seemed slightly incongruous here, as archives and museums in particular would also be key in this collecting (and preserving) society’s memory, and also the libraries that exist outside of the national and state capitals.It felt like the project and conference had a definite ‘national’ focus, with the ‘regional’ mentioned only briefly in a suggested theme.At the same time that I was reading this call for papers and about the Linkage, I was part of a CSU Learning and Teaching project to develop online learning materials for students in our Teacher Education programs (history in particular) based around the Bonegilla Migrant Arrival Centre in Wodonga, Victoria. This project uses three-dimensional film technology to bring students to the Centre site, where they can take an interactive, curriculum-based tour of the site. Alongside the interactive online tour, a series of curricula were developed to work with the Australian History Curriculum. I wondered why community-led collections like these in the regions fall to the side in discussions of a ‘national’ (aka institutional) memory, or as part of a representation of a multicultural Australia, such as in this Linkage.Before I start exploring this question I want to acknowledge the limitations of the ARC Linkage framework in terms of the project mentioned above, and that the work that is being done in the “Representing Multicultural Australia in National and State Libraries” project is of value to professional practice and community; in this article I am using the juxtaposition of the two projects as an impetus to interrogate the role of regional collaboration, and to argue for a notion of national memory as a regional collecting concern.Bonegilla: A Contested SiteFrom 1947 through to 1971 over 300,000 migrants to Australia passed through the Bonegilla Migrant Reception and Training Centre (“Bonegilla”) at a defining time in Australia’s immigration history, as post-World War II migration policies encompassed non-English speaking Europeans displaced by the war (Pennay "Remembering Bonegilla" 43). Bonegilla itself is a small settlement near the Hume Dam, 10 km from the New South Wales town of Albury and the Victorian town of Wodonga. Bonegilla was a former Army Camp repurposed to meet the settlement agendas of multiple Australian governments.New migrants spent weeks and months at Bonegilla, learning English, and securing work. The site was the largest (covering 130 hectares of land) and longest-lasting reception centre in post-war Australia, and has been confirmed bureaucratically as nationally significant, having been added to the National Heritage Register in 2007 (see Pennay “Remembering Bonegilla” for an in-depth discussion of this listing process). Bonegilla has played a part in defining and redefining Australia’s migrant and multicultural history through the years, with Bruce Pennay suggesting thatperhaps Bonegilla has warranted national notice as part of an officially initiated endeavour to develop a more inclusive narrative of nation, for the National Heritage List was almost contemporaneously expanded to include Myall Creek. Perhaps it is exemplary in raising questions about the roles of the nation and the community in reception and training that morph into modern day equivalents. (“Memories and Representations” 46)Given its national significance, both formally and colloquially, Bonegilla has provided rich material for critical thinking around, for example, Australian multicultural identity, migration commemorations and the construction of cultural memory. Alexandra Dellios argues that Bonegilla and its role in Australia’s memory is a contested site, and thatdespite criticisms from historians such as Persian and Ashton regarding Bonegilla’s adherence to a revisionist narrative of multicultural progress, visitor book comments, as well as exchanges and performances at reunions and festivals, demonstrate that visitors take what they will from available frameworks, and fill in the ‘gaps’ according to their own collective memories, needs and expectations. (1075)This recognition of Bonegilla as a significant, albeit “heritage noir” (Pennay, “Memories and Representations” 48), agent of Australia’s heritage and memory makes it a productive site to investigate the question of regional collections and collaborations in constructing a national memory.Recordkeeping: By Government and CommunityThe past decade has seen a growth in the prominence of community archives as places of memory for communities (for example Flinn; Flinn, Stevens, and Shepherd; Zavala et al.). This prominence has come through the recognition of community archives as both valid sites of study as well as repositories of memory. In turn, this body of knowledge has offered new ways to think about collection practices outside of the mainstream, where “communities can make collective decisions about what is of enduring value to them, shape collective memory of their own pasts, and control the means through which stories about their past are constructed” (Caswell, Cifor, and Ramirez 58). Jimmy Zavala, and colleagues, argue that these collections “challenge hierarchical structures of governance found in mainstream archival institutions” (212), and offer different perspectives to those kept on the official record. By recognising both the official record and the collections developed and developing outside of official repositories, there are opportunities to deepen understandings and interpretations of historical moments in time.There are at least three possible formal keeping places of memories for those who passed through, worked at, or lived alongside Bonegilla: the National Archives of Australia, the Albury LibraryMuseum in Albury, New South Wales, and the Bonegilla Migrant Experience site itself outside of Wodonga. There will of course be records in other national, state, local, and community repositories, along with newspaper articles, people’s homes, and oral lore that contribute to the narrative of Bonegilla memories, but the focus for this article are these three key sites as the main sources of primary source material about the Bonegilla experience.Official administrative and organisational records of activity during Bonegilla’s reception period are held at the National Archives of Australia in the national capital, Canberra; these records contribute to the memory of Bonegilla from a nation-state perspective, building an administrative record of the Centre’s history and of a significant period of migration in Australia’s past. Of note, Bonegilla was the only migrant centre that created its own records on site, and these records form part of the series known as NAA: A2567, NAA A2571 1949–56 and A2572 1957–71 (Hutchison 70). Records of local staff employed at the site will also be included in these administrative files. Very few of these records are publicly accessible online, although work is underway to provide enhanced online and analogue access to the popular arrival cards (NAA A2571 1949-56 and A2572 1957–71) onsite at Bonegilla (Pennay, personal communication) as they are in high demand by visitors to the site, who are often looking for traces of themselves or their families in the official record. The National Archives site Destination Australia is an example of an attempt by the holder of these administrative records to collect personal stories of this period in Australia’s history through an online photograph gallery and story register, but by 2019 less than 150 stories have been published to the site, which was launched in 2014 (National Archives of Australia).This national collection is complemented and enhanced by the Bonegilla Migration Collection at the Albury LibraryMuseum in southern New South Wales, which holds non-government records and memories of life at Bonegilla. This collection “contains over 20 sustained interviews; 357 personal history database entries; over 500 short memory pieces and 700 photographs” (Pennay “Memories and Representations” 45). It is a ‘live’ collection, growing through contributions to the Bonegilla Personal History Register by the migrants and others who experienced the Centre, and through an ongoing relationship with the current Bonegilla Migrant Experience site to act as a collection home for their materials.Alongside the collection in the LibraryMuseum, there is the collection of infrastructure at the Bonegilla Migrant Experience (BME) site itself. These buildings and other assets, and indeed the absence of buildings, plus the interpretative material developed by BME staff, give further depth and meaning to the lived experience of post-war migration to Australia. Whilst both of these collections are housed and managed by local government agencies, I suggest in this article that these collections can still be considered community archives, given the regional setting of the collections, and the community created records included in the collections.The choice to locate Bonegilla in a fairly isolated regional setting was a strategy of the governments of the time (Persian), and in turn has had an impact on how the site is accessed; by who, and how often (see Dellios for a discussion of the visitor numbers over the history of the Bonegilla Migrant Experience over its time as a commemorative and tourist site). The closest cities to Bonegilla, Albury and Wodonga, sit on the border of New South Wales and Victoria, separated by the Murray River and located 300 km from Melbourne and 550 km from Sydney. The ‘twin towns’ work collaboratively on many civic activities, and are an example of a 1970s-era regional development project that in the twenty-first century is still growing, despite the regional setting (Stein 345).This regional setting justifies a consideration of virtual, and online access to what some argue is a site of national memory loaded with place-based connections, with Jayne Persian arguing that “the most successful forays into commemoration of Bonegilla appear to be website-based and institution-led” (81). This sentiment is reflected in the motivation to create further online access points to Bonegilla, such as the one discussed in this article.Enhancing Teaching, Learning, and Public Access to CollectionsIn 2018 these concepts of significant heritage sites, community archives, national records, and an understanding of migration history came together in a regionally-based Teaching and Learning project funded through a CSU internal grant scheme. The scheme, designed to support scholarship and enhance learning and teaching at CSU, funded a small pilot project to pilot a virtual visit to a real-life destination: the Bonegilla Migrant Experience site. The project was designed to provide key teaching and learning material for students in CSU Education courses, and those training to teach history in particular, but also enhance virtual access to the site for the wider public.The project was developed as a partnership between CSU, Albury LibraryMuseum, and Bonegilla Migrant Experience, and formalised through a Memorandum of Understanding with shared intellectual property. The virtual visit includes a three-dimensional walkthrough created using Matterport software, intuitive navigation of the walkthrough, and four embedded videos linked with online investigation guides. The site is intended to help online visitors ‘do history’ by locating and evaluating sources related to a heritage site with many layers and voices, and whose narrative and history is contested and told through many lenses (Grover and Pennay).As you walk through the virtual site, you get a sense of the size and scope of the Migrant Arrival Centre. The current Bonegilla Migrant Experience site sits at Block 19, one of 24 blocks that formed part of the Centre in its peak time. The guiding path takes you through the Reception area and then to the ‘Beginning Place’, a purpose built interpretative structure that “introduces why people came to Australia searching for a new beginning” (Bonegilla site guide). Moving through, you pass markers on the walls and other surfaces that link through to further interpretative materials and investigation guides. These guides are designed to introduce K-10 students and their teachers to practices such as exploring online archives and thematic inquiry learning aligned to the Australian History Curriculum. Each guide is accompanied by teacher support material and further classroom activities.The guides prompt and guide visitors through an investigation of online archives, and other repositories, including sourcing files held by the National Archives of Australia, searching for newspaper accounts of controversial events through the National Library of Australia’s digital repository Trove, and access to personal testimonies of migrants and refugees through the Albury LibraryMuseum Bonegilla Migration Collection. Whilst designed to support teachers and students engaging with the Australian History Curriculum, these resources are available to the public. They provide visitors to the virtual site an opportunity to develop their own critical digital literacy skills and further their understanding of the official records along with the community created records such as those held by the Albury LibraryMuseum.The project partnership developed from existing relationships between cultural heritage professionals in the Albury Wodonga region along with new relationships developed for technology support from local companies. The project also reinforced the role of CSU, with its regional footprint, in being able to connect and activate regionally-based projects for community benefit along with teaching and learning outcomes.Regional CollaborationsLiz Bishoff argues for a “collaboration imperative” when it comes to the galleries, libraries, archives, and museums (GLAM) sector’s efficacy, and it is the collaborative nature of this project that I draw on in this article. Previous work has also suggested models of convergence, where multiple institutions in the GLAM sector become a single institution (Warren and Matthews 3). In fact the Albury LibraryMuseum is an example of this model. These converged models have been critiqued from resourcing, professionalisation and economic perspectives (see for example Jones; Hider et al.; Wellington), but in some cases for local government agencies especially, they are an effective way of delivering services to communities (Warren and Matthews 9). In the case of this virtual tour, the collaboration between local government and university agencies was temporal for the length of the project, where the pooling of skills, resources, and networks has enabled the development of the resource.In this project, the regional setting has allowed and taken advantage of an intimacy that I argue may not have been possible in a metropolitan or urban setting. The social intimacies of regional town living mean that jobs are often ‘for a long time (if not for life)’, lives intersect in more than a professional context, and that because there are few pathways or options for alternative work opportunities in the GLAM professions, there is a vested interest in progress and success in project-based work. The relationships that underpinned the Bonegilla virtual tour project reflect many of these social intimacies, which included former students, former colleagues, and family relationships.The project has modelled future strategies for collaboration, including open discussions about intellectual property created, the auspicing of financial arrangements and the shared professional skills and knowledge. There has been a significant enhancement of collaborative partnerships between stakeholders, along with further development of professional and personal networks.National Memories: Regional ConcernsThe focus of this article has been on records created about a significant period in Australia’s migration history, and the meaning that these records hold based on who created them, where they are held, and how they are accessed and interpreted. Using the case study of the development of a virtual tour of a significant site—Bonegilla—I have highlighted the value of regional, non-national collections in providing access to and understanding of national memories, and the importance of collaborative practice to working with these collections. These collections sit physically in the regional communities of Albury and Wodonga, along with at the National Archives of Australia in Canberra, where they are cared for by professional staff across the GLAM sector and accessed both physically and virtually by students, researchers, and those whose lives intersected with Bonegilla.From this, I argue that by understanding national and institutional recordkeeping spaces such as the National Archives of Australia as just one example of a place of ‘national memory’, we can make space for regional and community-based repositories as important and valuable sources of records about the lived experience of migration. Extending this further, I suggest a recognition of the role of the regional setting in enabling strong collaborations to make these records visible and accessible.Further research in this area could include exploring the possibility of giving meaning to the place of record creation, especially community records, and oral histories, and how collaborations are enabling this. In contrast to this question, I also suggest an exploration of the role of the Commonwealth staff who created the records during the period of Bonegilla’s existence, and their social and cultural history, to give more meaning and context to the setting of the currently held records.ReferencesBishoff, Liz. “The Collaboration Imperative.” Library Journal 129.1 (2004): 34–35.Boyd, Jodie. “Call for Papers: Collecting for a Society’s Memory: National and State Libraries in Culturally Diverse Societies.” 2018. 1 Apr. 2019 <https://networks.h-net.org/node/73374/announcements/2079324/collecting-society%E2%80%99s-memory-national-and-state-libraries>.Caswell, Michelle, Marika Cifor, and Mario H. Ramirez. “‘To Suddenly Discover Yourself Existing': Uncovering the Impact of Community Archives.” The American Archivist 79.1 (2016): 56–81.Dellios, Alexandra. “Marginal or Mainstream? Migrant Centres as Grassroots and Official Heritage.” International Journal of Heritage Studies 21.10 (2015): 1068–83.Flinn, Andrew. “Community Histories, Community Archives: Some Opportunities and Challenges.” Journal of the Society of Archivists 28.2 (2007): 151–76.Flinn, Andrew, Mary Stevens, and Elizabeth Shepherd. “Whose Memories, Whose Archives? Independent Community Archives, Autonomy and the Mainstream.” Archival Science 9.1–2 (2009): 71.Grover, Paul, and Bruce Pennay. “Learning & Teaching Grant Progress Report.” Albury Wodonga: Charles Sturt U, 2019.Hider, Philip, Mary Anne Kennan, Mary Carroll, and Jessie Lymn. “Exploring Potential Barriers to Lam Synergies in the Academy: Institutional Locations and Publishing Outlets.” The Expanding LIS Education Universe (2018): 104.Hutchison, Mary. “Accommodating Strangers: Commonwealth Government Records of Bonegilla and Other Migrant Accommodation Centres.” Public History Review 11 (2004): 63–79.Jones, Michael. “Innovation Study: Challenges and Opportunities for Australia’s Galleries, Libraries, Archives and Museums.” Archives & Manuscripts 43.2 (2015): 149–51.National Archives of Australia. “Snakes in the Laundry... and Other Horrors”. Canberra, 29 May 2014. <http://www.naa.gov.au/about-us/media/media-releases/2014/25.aspx>.Pennay, Bruce. “‘But No One Can Say He Was Hungry’: Memories and Representations of Bonegilla Reception and Training Centre.” History Australia 9.1 (2012): 43–63.———. “Remembering Bonegilla: The Construction of a Public Memory Place at Block 19.” Public History Review 16 (2009): 43–63.Persian, Jayne. “Bonegilla: A Failed Narrative.” History Australia 9.1 (2012): 64–83.RMIT Centre for Urban Research. “Representing Multicultural Australia in National and State Libraries”. 2018. 11 Feb. 2019 <http://cur.org.au/project/representing-multicultural-australia-national-state-libraries/>.Stein, Clara. “The Growth and Development of Albury-Wodonga 1972–2006: United and Divided.” Macquarie U, 2012.Warren, Emily, and Graham Matthews. “Public Libraries, Museums and Physical Convergence: Context, Issues, Opportunities: A Literature Review Part 1.” Journal of Librarianship and Information Science (2018): 1–14.Wellington, Shannon. “Building Glamour: Converging Practice between Gallery, Library, Archive and Museum Entities in New Zealand Memory Institutions.” Wellington: Victoria U, 2013.Zavala, Jimmy, Alda Allina Migoni, Michelle Caswell, Noah Geraci, and Marika Cifor. “‘A Process Where We’re All at the Table’: Community Archives Challenging Dominant Modes of Archival Practice.” Archives and Manuscripts 45.3 (2017): 202–15.

Introduction: Google Autocomplete Algorithms Despite recent attention to the impact of social media platforms on political discourse and public opinion, most people locate their news on search engines (Robertson et al.). When a user conducts a search, millions of outputs, in the form of videos, images, articles, and Websites are sorted to present the most relevant search predictions. Google, the most dominant search engine in the world, expanded its search index in 2009 to include the autocomplete function, which provides suggestions for query inputs (Dörr and Stephan). Google’s autocomplete function also allows users to “search smarter” by reducing typing time by 25 percent (Baker and Potts 189). Google’s complex algorithm is impacted upon by factors like search history, location, and keyword searches (Karapapa and Borghi), and there are policies to ensure the autocomplete function does not contain harmful content. In 2017, Google implemented a feedback tool to allow human evaluators to assess the quality of search results; however, the algorithm still provides misleading results that frame far-right actors as neutral. In this article, we use reverse engineering to understand the nature of these algorithms in relation to the descriptive outcome, to illustrate how autocomplete subtitles label conspiracists in three countries. According to Google, these “subtitles are generated automatically”, further stating that the “systems might determine that someone could be called an actor, director, or writer. Only one of these can appear as the subtitle” and that Google “cannot accept or create custom subtitles” (Google). We focused our attention on well-known conspiracy theorists because of their influence and audience outreach. In this article we argue that these subtitles are problematic because they can mislead the public and amplify extremist views. Google’s autocomplete feature is misleading because it does not highlight what is publicly known about these actors. The labels are neutral or positive but never negative, reflecting primary jobs and/or the actor’s preferred descriptions. This is harmful to the public because Google’s search rankings can influence a user’s knowledge and information preferences through the search engine manipulation effect (Epstein and Robertson). Users’ preferences and understanding of information can be manipulated based upon their trust in Google search results, thus allowing these labels to be widely accepted instead of providing a full picture of the harm their ideologies and belief cause. Algorithms That Mainstream Conspiracies Search engines establish order and visibility to Web pages that operationalise and stabilise meaning to particular queries (Gillespie). Google’s subtitles and blackbox operate as a complex algorithm for its search index and offer a mediated visibility to aspects of social and political life (Gillespie). Algorithms are designed to perform computational tasks through an operational sequence that computer systems must follow (Broussard), but they are also “invisible infrastructures” that Internet users consciously or unconsciously follow (Gran et al. 1779). The way algorithms rank, classify, sort, predict, and process data is political because it presents the world through a predetermined lens (Bucher 3) decided by proprietary knowledge – a “secret sauce” (O’Neil 29) – that is not disclosed to the general public (Christin). Technology titans, like Google, Facebook, and Amazon (Webb), rigorously protect and defend intellectual property for these algorithms, which are worth billions of dollars (O’Neil). As a result, algorithms are commonly defined as opaque, secret “black boxes” that conceal the decisions that are already made “behind corporate walls and layers of code” (Pasquale 899). The opacity of algorithms is related to layers of intentional secrecy, technical illiteracy, the size of algorithmic systems, and the ability of machine learning algorithms to evolve and become unintelligible to humans, even to those trained in programming languages (Christin 898-899). The opaque nature of algorithms alongside the perceived neutrality of algorithmic systems is problematic. Search engines are increasingly normalised and this leads to a socialisation where suppositions are made that “these artifacts are credible and provide accurate information that is fundamentally depoliticized and neutral” (Noble 25). Google’s autocomplete and PageRank algorithms exist outside of the veil of neutrality. In 2015, Google’s photos app, which uses machine learning techniques to help users collect, search, and categorise images, labelled two black people as ‘gorillas’ (O’Neil). Safiya Noble illustrates how media and technology are rooted in systems of white supremacy, and how these long-standing social biases surface in algorithms, illustrating how racial and gendered inequities embed into algorithmic systems. Google actively fixes algorithmic biases with band-aid-like solutions, which means the errors remain inevitable constituents within the algorithms. Rising levels of automation correspond to a rising level of errors, which can lead to confusion and misdirection of the algorithms that people use to manage their lives (O’Neil). As a result, software, code, machine learning algorithms, and facial/voice recognition technologies are scrutinised for producing and reproducing prejudices (Gray) and promoting conspiracies – often described as algorithmic bias (Bucher). Algorithmic bias occurs because algorithms are trained by historical data already embedded with social biases (O’Neil), and if that is not problematic enough, algorithms like Google’s search engine also learn and replicate the behaviours of Internet users (Benjamin 93), including conspiracy theorists and their followers. Technological errors, algorithmic bias, and increasing automation are further complicated by the fact that Google’s Internet service uses “2 billion lines of code” – a magnitude that is difficult to keep track of, including for “the programmers who designed the algorithm” (Christin 899). Understanding this level of code is not critical to understanding algorithmic logics, but we must be aware of the inscriptions such algorithms afford (Krasmann). As algorithms become more ubiquitous it is urgent to “demand that systems that hold algorithms accountable become ubiquitous as well” (O’Neil 231). This is particularly important because algorithms play a critical role in “providing the conditions for participation in public life”; however, the majority of the public has a modest to nonexistent awareness of algorithms (Gran et al. 1791). Given the heavy reliance of Internet users on Google’s search engine, it is necessary for research to provide a glimpse into the black boxes that people use to extract information especially when it comes to searching for information about conspiracy theorists. Our study fills a major gap in research as it examines a sub-category of Google’s autocomplete algorithm that has not been empirically explored before. Unlike the standard autocomplete feature that is primarily programmed according to popular searches, we examine the subtitle feature that operates as a fixed label for popular conspiracists within Google’s algorithm. Our initial foray into our research revealed that this is not only an issue with conspiracists, but also occurs with terrorists, extremists, and mass murderers. Method Using a reverse engineering approach (Bucher) from September to October 2021, we explored how Google’s autocomplete feature assigns subtitles to widely known conspiracists. The conspiracists were not geographically limited, and we searched for those who reside in the United States, Canada, United Kingdom, and various countries in Europe. Reverse engineering stems from Ashby’s canonical text on cybernetics, in which he argues that black boxes are not a problem; the problem or challenge is related to the way one can discern their contents. As Google’s algorithms are not disclosed to the general public (Christin), we use this method as an extraction tool to understand the nature of how these algorithms (Eilam) apply subtitles. To systematically document the search results, we took screenshots for every conspiracist we searched in an attempt to archive the Google autocomplete algorithm. By relying on previous literature, reports, and the figures’ public statements, we identified and searched Google for 37 Western-based and influencial conspiracy theorists. We initially experimented with other problematic figures, including terrorists, extremists, and mass murderers to see whether Google applied a subtitle or not. Additionally, we examined whether subtitles were positive, neutral, or negative, and compared this valence to personality descriptions for each figure. Using the standard procedures of content analysis (Krippendorff), we focus on the manifest or explicit meaning of text to inform subtitle valence in terms of their positive, negative, or neutral connotations. These manifest features refer to the “elements that are physically present and countable” (Gray and Densten 420) or what is known as the dictionary definitions of items. Using a manual query, we searched Google for subtitles ascribed to conspiracy theorists, and found the results were consistent across different countries. Searches were conducted on Firefox and Chrome and tested on an Android phone. Regardless of language input or the country location established by a Virtual Private Network (VPN), the search terms remained stable, regardless of who conducted the search. The conspiracy theorists in our dataset cover a wide range of conspiracies, including historical figures like Nesta Webster and John Robison, who were foundational in Illuminati lore, as well as contemporary conspiracists such as Marjorie Taylor Greene and Alex Jones. Each individual’s name was searched on Google with a VPN set to three countries. Results and Discussion This study examines Google’s autocomplete feature associated with subtitles of conspiratorial actors. We first tested Google’s subtitling system with known terrorists, convicted mass shooters, and controversial cult leaders like David Koresh. Garry et al. (154) argue that “while conspiracy theories may not have mass radicalising effects, they are extremely effective at leading to increased polarization within societies”. We believe that the impact of neutral subtitling of conspiracists reflects the integral role conspiracies plays in contemporary politics and right-wing extremism. The sample includes contemporary and historical conspiracists to establish consistency in labelling. For historical figures, the labels are less consequential and simply reflect the reality that Google’s subtitles are primarily neutral. Of the 37 conspiracy theorists we searched (see Table 1 in the Appendix), seven (18.9%) do not have an associated subtitle, and the other 30 (81%) have distinctive subtitles, but none of them reflects the public knowledge of the individuals’ harmful role in disseminating conspiracy theories. In the list, 16 (43.2%) are noted for their contribution to the arts, 4 are labelled as activists, 7 are associated with their professional affiliation or original jobs, 2 to the journalism industry, one is linked to his sports career, another one as a researcher, and 7 have no subtitle. The problem here is that when white nationalists or conspiracy theorists are not acknowledged as such in their subtitles, search engine users could possibly encounter content that may sway their understanding of society, politics, and culture. For example, a conspiracist like Alex Jones is labeled as an “American Radio Host” (see Figure 1), despite losing two defamation lawsuits for declaring that the shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, was a ‘false flag’ event. Jones’s actions on his InfoWars media platforms led to parents of shooting victims being stalked and threatened. Another conspiracy theorist, Gavin McInnes, the creator of the far-right, neo-fascist Proud Boys organisation, a known terrorist entity in Canada and hate group in the United States, is listed simply as a “Canadian writer” (see Figure 1). Fig. 1: Screenshots of Google’s subtitles for Alex Jones and Gavin McInnes. Although subtitles under an individual’s name are not audio, video, or image content, the algorithms that create these subtitles are an invisible infrastructure that could cause harm through their uninterrogated status and pervasive presence. This could then be a potential conduit to media which could cause harm and develop distrust in electoral and civic processes, or all institutions. Examples from our list include Brittany Pettibone, whose subtitle states that she is an “American writer” despite being one of the main propagators of the Pizzagate conspiracy which led to Edgar Maddison Welch (whose subtitle is “Screenwriter”) travelling from North Carolina to Washington D.C. to violently threaten and confront those who worked at Comet Ping Pong Pizzeria. The same misleading label can be found via searching for James O’Keefe of Project Veritas, who is positively labelled as “American activist”. Veritas is known for releasing audio and video recordings that contain false information designed to discredit academic, political, and service organisations. In one instance, a 2020 video released by O’Keefe accused Democrat Ilhan Omar’s campaign of illegally collecting ballots. The same dissembling of distrust applies to Mike Lindell, whose Google subtitle is “CEO of My Pillow”, as well as Sidney Powell, who is listed as an “American lawyer”; both are propagators of conspiracy theories relating to the 2020 presidential election. The subtitles attributed to conspiracists on Google do not acknowledge the widescale public awareness of the negative role these individuals play in spreading conspiracy theories or causing harm to others. Some of the selected conspiracists are well known white nationalists, including Stefan Molyneux who has been banned from social media platforms like Twitter, Twitch, Facebook, and YouTube for the promotion of scientific racism and eugenics; however, he is neutrally listed on Google as a “Canadian podcaster”. In addition, Laura Loomer, who describes herself as a “proud Islamophobe,” is listed by Google as an “Author”. These subtitles can pose a threat by normalising individuals who spread conspiracy theories, sow dissension and distrust in institutions, and cause harm to minority groups and vulnerable individuals. Once clicking on the selected person, the results, although influenced by the algorithm, did not provide information that aligned with the associated subtitle. The search results are skewed to the actual conspiratorial nature of the individuals and associated news articles. In essence, the subtitles do not reflect the subsequent search results, and provide a counter-labelling to the reality of the resulting information provided to the user. Another significant example is Jerad Miller, who is listed as “American performer”, despite the fact that he is the Las Vegas shooter who posted anti-government and white nationalist 3 Percenters memes on his social media (SunStaff), even though the majority of search results connect him to the mass shooting he orchestrated in 2014. The subtitle “performer” is certainly not the common characteristic that should be associated with Jerad Miller. Table 1 in the Appendix shows that individuals who are not within the contemporary milieux of conspiracists, but have had a significant impact, such as Nesta Webster, Robert Welch Junior, and John Robison, were listed by their original profession or sometimes without a subtitle. David Icke, infamous for his lizard people conspiracies, has a subtitle reflecting his past football career. In all cases, Google’s subtitle was never consistent with the actor’s conspiratorial behaviour. Indeed, the neutral subtitles applied to conspiracists in our research may reflect some aspect of the individuals’ previous careers but are not an accurate reflection of the individuals’ publicly known role in propagating hate, which we argue is misleading to the public. For example, David Icke may be a former footballer, but the 4.7 million search results predominantly focus on his conspiracies, his public fora, and his status of being deplatformed by mainstream social media sites. The subtitles are not only neutral, but they are not based on the actual search results, and so are misleading in what the searcher will discover; most importantly, they do not provide a warning about the misinformation contained in the autocomplete subtitle. To conclude, algorithms automate the search engines that people use in the functions of everyday life, but are also entangled in technological errors, algorithmic bias, and have the capacity to mislead the public. Through a process of reverse engineering (Ashby; Bucher), we searched 37 conspiracy theorists to decode the Google autocomplete algorithms. We identified how the subtitles attributed to conspiracy theorists are neutral, positive, but never negative, which does not accurately reflect the widely known public conspiratorial discourse these individuals propagate on the Web. This is problematic because the algorithms that determine these subtitles are invisible infrastructures acting to misinform the public and to mainstream conspiracies within larger social, cultural, and political structures. This study highlights the urgent need for Google to review the subtitles attributed to conspiracy theorists, terrorists, and mass murderers, to better inform the public about the negative nature of these actors, rather than always labelling them in neutral or positive ways. Funding Acknowledgement This project has been made possible in part by the Canadian Department of Heritage – the Digital Citizen Contribution program – under grant no. R529384. The title of the project is “Understanding hate groups’ narratives and conspiracy theories in traditional and alternative social media”. References Ashby, W. Ross. An Introduction to Cybernetics. Chapman & Hall, 1961. Baker, Paul, and Amanda Potts. "‘Why Do White People Have Thin Lips?’ Google and the Perpetuation of Stereotypes via Auto-Complete Search Forms." Critical Discourse Studies 10.2 (2013): 187-204. Benjamin, Ruha. Race after Technology: Abolitionist Tools for the New Jim Code. Polity, 2019. Bucher, Taina. If... Then: Algorithmic Power and Politics. OUP, 2018. Broussard, Meredith. Artificial Unintelligence: How Computers Misunderstand the World. MIT P, 2018. Christin, Angèle. "The Ethnographer and the Algorithm: Beyond the Black Box." Theory and Society 49.5 (2020): 897-918. D'Ignazio, Catherine, and Lauren F. Klein. Data Feminism. MIT P, 2020. Dörr, Dieter, and Juliane Stephan. "The Google Autocomplete Function and the German General Right of Personality." Perspectives on Privacy. De Gruyter, 2014. 80-95. Eilam, Eldad. Reversing: Secrets of Reverse Engineering. John Wiley & Sons, 2011. Epstein, Robert, and Ronald E. Robertson. "The Search Engine Manipulation Effect (SEME) and Its Possible Impact on the Outcomes of Elections." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 112.33 (2015): E4512-E4521. Garry, Amanda, et al. "QAnon Conspiracy Theory: Examining its Evolution and Mechanisms of Radicalization." Journal for Deradicalization 26 (2021): 152-216. Gillespie, Tarleton. "Algorithmically Recognizable: Santorum’s Google Problem, and Google’s Santorum Problem." Information, Communication & Society 20.1 (2017): 63-80. Google. “Update your Google knowledge panel.” 2022. 3 Jan. 2022 <https://support.google.com/knowledgepanel/answer/7534842?hl=en#zippy=%2Csubtitle>. Gran, Anne-Britt, Peter Booth, and Taina Bucher. "To Be or Not to Be Algorithm Aware: A Question of a New Digital Divide?" 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The Black Box Society. Harvard UP, 2015. Robertson, Ronald E., David Lazer, and Christo Wilson. "Auditing the Personalization and Composition of Politically-Related Search Engine Results Pages." Proceedings of the 2018 World Wide Web Conference. 2018. Staff, Sun. “A Look inside the Lives of Shooters Jerad Miller, Amanda Miller.” Las Vegas Sun 9 June 2014. <https://lasvegassun.com/news/2014/jun/09/look/>. Webb, Amy. The Big Nine: How the Tech Titans and Their Thinking Machines Could Warp Humanity. Hachette UK, 2019. Appendix Table 1: The subtitles of conspiracy theorists on Google autocomplete Conspiracy Theorist Google Autocomplete Subtitle Character Description Alex Jones American radio host InfoWars founder, American far-right radio show host and conspiracy theorist. The SPLC describes Alex Jones as "the most prolific conspiracy theorist in contemporary America." Barry Zwicker Canadian journalist Filmmaker who made a documentary that claimed fear was used to control the public after 9/11. Bart Sibrel American producer Writer, producer, and director of work to falsely claim the Apollo moon landings between 1969 and 1972 were staged by NASA. Ben Garrison American cartoonist Alt-right and QAnon political cartoonist Brittany Pettibone American writer Far-right, political vlogger on YouTube and propagator of #pizzagate. Cathy O’Brien American author Cathy O’Brien claims she was a victim of a government mind control project called Project Monarch. Dan Bongino American radio host Stakeholder in Parler, Radio Host, Ex-Spy, Conspiracist (Spygate, MAGA election fraud, etc.). David Icke Former footballer Reptilian humanoid conspiracist. David Wynn Miller (No subtitle) Conspiracist, far-right tax protester, and founder of the Sovereign Citizens Movement. Jack Posobiec American activist Alt-right, alt-lite political activist, conspiracy theorist, and Internet troll. Editor of Human Events Daily. James O’Keefe American activist Founder of Project Veritas, a far-right company that propagates disinformation and conspiracy theories. John Robison Foundational Illuminati conspiracist. Kevin Annett Canadian writer Former minister and writer, who wrote a book exposing the atrocities to Indigenous Communities, and now is a conspiracist and vlogger. Laura Loomer Author Far-right, anti-Muslim, conspiracy theorist, and Internet personality. Republican nominee in Florida's 21st congressional district in 2020. Marjorie Taylor Greene United States Representative Conspiracist, QAnon adherent, and U.S. representative for Georgia's 14th congressional district. Mark Dice American YouTuber Right-wing conservative pundit and conspiracy theorist. Mark Taylor (No subtitle) QAnon minister and self-proclaimed prophet of Donald Trump, the 45th U.S. President. Michael Chossudovsky Canadian economist Professor emeritus at the University of Ottawa, founder of the Centre for Research on Globalization, and conspiracist. Michael Cremo(Drutakarmā dāsa) American researcher Self-described Vedic creationist whose book, Forbidden Archeology, argues humans have lived on earth for millions of years. Mike Lindell CEO of My Pillow Business owner and conspiracist. Neil Patel English entrepreneur Founded The Daily Caller with Tucker Carlson. Nesta Helen Webster English author Foundational Illuminati conspiracist. Naomi Wolf American author Feminist turned conspiracist (ISIS, COVID-19, etc.). Owen Benjamin American comedian Former actor/comedian now conspiracist (Beartopia), who is banned from mainstream social media for using hate speech. Pamela Geller American activist Conspiracist, Anti-Islam, Blogger, Host. Paul Joseph Watson British YouTuber InfoWars co-host and host of the YouTube show PrisonPlanetLive. QAnon Shaman (Jake Angeli) American activist Conspiracy theorist who participated in the 2021 attack on Capitol Hil. Richard B. Spencer (No subtitle) American neo-Nazi, antisemitic conspiracy theorist, and white supremacist. Rick Wiles (No subtitle) Minister, Founded conspiracy site, TruNews. Robert W. Welch Jr. American businessman Founded the John Birch Society. Ronald Watkins (No subtitle) Founder of 8kun. Serge Monast Journalist Creator of Project Blue Beam conspiracy. Sidney Powell (No subtitle) One of former President Trump’s Lawyers, and renowned conspiracist regarding the 2020 Presidential election. Stanton T. Friedman Nuclear physicist Original civilian researcher of the 1947 Roswell UFO incident. Stefan Molyneux Canadian podcaster Irish-born, Canadian far-right white nationalist, podcaster, blogger, and banned YouTuber, who promotes conspiracy theories, scientific racism, eugenics, and racist views Tim LaHaye American author Founded the Council for National Policy, leader in the Moral Majority movement, and co-author of the Left Behind book series. Viva Frei (No subtitle) YouTuber/ Canadian Influencer, on the Far-Right and Covid conspiracy proponent. William Guy Carr Canadian author Illuminati/III World War Conspiracist Google searches conducted as of 9 October 2021.

Fig. 1: “Pink Flamingo Furby” (2000), “Peachy Furby Baby” (1999), and “Owl Furby” (1999) Sunlight Up (“Dah-ay-loh oo-tye”): Introduction As playthings at the junction of human experience and imagination, toys like Furby present an interesting touch point to explore cultural imaginations, hopes, and fears about zoomorphic robots and AI toys. This year marks their 25th anniversary. Created by Dave Hampton and Caleb Chung, Furby publicly debuted at the American International Toy Fair in 1998. Originally released by Tiger Electronics, this toy was later sold to Hasbro in 2005 to 2007. Since their introduction to the market, Furbys have been occupying our shelves and basements, perceived as “annoying little owl-like dolls with embedded sound-recording chips” (Gullin) that speak their own language “furbish” (shown throughout in parenthesis). Early reportage likened Furby to all kinds of cute critters: mogwais, hamsters, and Star Trek’s tribbles. Narratively Furbys are framed as a benevolent, alien species, living in space in a cloud known as Furbyland. For motivations not revealed, Furbys, in looking down on our planet, were so struck by the beautiful view of nature and its signs of peacefulness — “no worry (boo boh-bay)” — that they jumped, plummeting to us like tiny fluffy asteroids. Little did they know that their arrival would spark an intergalactic diplomatic incident. During its introduction in 1998, the initial discourse in media reportage emphasised anxieties of the unknown. What lies beneath the surface of Furby, as a toy that might blur the line between the real and imagined for children? What technologies might it harbour? As a hybrid of technology and animal, Furby appeared as a creepy-cute cultural icon that simultaneously delighted and horrified children and adults alike. Today adult fans reimagine Furby through play and customisation as part of their reflections on their childhood experiences of this cultural moment, and as a way of exploring new futures. Furby provides an opportunity to reflect on adults’ interactions with toys, including parents, members of the public, and fans motivated by nostalgia. At the time of its release Furby presented adults with moments of “dissonance” towards new horrifying technologies that “might occur at the seams [of] … monumental cultural shifts” (Powell 4). But for adult fans today, as a childhood memory, the toy represents both strangeness and future possibilities; it has become a tool of “disrupt[ing] and challeng[ing] beliefs and connections” (Rand 9). In this article I primarily analyse the “original” Furbys of 1998 to 2002, but also mention a range of later versions. This includes: the Emoto-tronic Furbys (2006) which were designed to have more expressive faces; the Furby Boom (2003), a toy whose personality changes according to the level of care it is provided with; and the Furby Connect (2016), which has bluetooth capacity. This discussion is supported by a thematic analysis of 3800 news articles about Furby from 1998 to 2000, visual analysis of both the original and customised iterations of Furby, as well as my reflections as a member of the Furby fandom community. You Play? (U-nye-loo-lay-doo?): Furby Encounters A key part of the discourse around Furby since its introduction in 1998 was, “who would want one?” Indeed, the answer at the time appeared to be “several million of us, the toy demons hope” (Weeks). After their release in American toy stores on 2 October 1998 in limited supplies, a Furbish frenzy ensued, resulting in altercations between shoppers and staff (e.g. Munroe; Warmbir; Associated Press). Aged 10, I recall my little black and white Furby, Coco, waiting for me on the shelves of the electronics section of Big W in Australia, fortunately with no such commotion. Furby is classed by the Guinness World Records as the world’s first AI toy, but it was certainly not the first electronic toy to enter the market; at the time of Furby’s release, Tickle Me Elmo and My Interactive Pooh presented competition, and by the late 1980s there was already concern about how electronic pet toys might erode emotion and connection (Turkle, “Authenticity”; Turkle, “Nascent”). Speculation over the reason for the Furby mass hysteria ensued. Some suggested the appeal was the toy’s status symbol status (Beck), whereas others cited its broad appeal: “it's not gender specific; it doesn't appeal to a particular age group; and most important, it's affordable and doesn't require additional equipment or a computer” (Davis). Some experts offered their commentary of the cyberpet phenomena in general, suggesting that it is a way of dealing with isolation and loneliness (Yorkshire Post). Indeed, all of these features are important to note when we consider the transformation of Furby into queer icon. Central to Furby’s cultural narrative is the idea of contact, or a meeting between robot and user; through play children “teach” their new pet Earth’s new ways (Marsh, “Coded”; Marsh, “Uncanny”). And with this contact also comes a sense of the unknown: what lies beneath the creature’s surface? In their study of zoomorphic robots, Hirofumi Katsumi and Daniel White suggest that Donna Haraway’s work on animal encounters might help us understand this idea of contact. As “animal-like” creature, Furby recalls the transformative potentials of meeting with the more-than-human. Furby’s presence on toy shelves, in classrooms and in homes was one of the first times society had to consider what it meant to “enter the world of becoming with” zoomorphic robots, and to reflect on “who or what ... is precisely at stake” in this entanglement (Haraway 19). What do we learn about ourselves and the unknown through our encounters with Furby? “Monster” (Moh-moh): Technological Threat, Monstrous Other In media reportage, Furby is framed as both new and innovative, but also as a threatening fluffy anarchist. With its technology largely unknown, Furby at the time of its release presented society with a sense of “technohorror” and “imaginings of [social] collapse” (Powell 24). A common concern was that Furby might record and repeat inappropriate language in an act of rebellion. Occasionally tabloid newspapers would report claims such as, "MUM … was horrified when she sat down to play with her daughter's new Furby toy and it squeaked: "F*** me" (The Sun). Some concerns were quite serious, including that Furby could emit electromagnetic fields that would create interference for medical devices and aircraft instruments; this was later disproven by engineers (Tan and Hinberg; Basky; Computer Security). Other urban myths pointed to a more whimsical Furby, whose sensors had the capacity to launch spacecraft (Watson). One persistent concern was the surveillance potentials of Furby. In 1999 the US National Security Agency (NSA) issued a ban on Furby in their Fort Mead headquarters, with concern that they might record and repeat confidential information (Gullin; Ramalho; Borger). This was denied by Tiger Electronics, who emphatically stated “Furby is not a spy” (Computer Security). Engineers performing “autopsies” on Furbys quickly put much of this anxiety to rest (Phobe). This was met with mirthful rebuttals of how future Furbys might be transformed into cute and ubiquitous “wireless furby transmitters” to gather intelligence in warzones (Gullin). As a result, the initial anxiety about surveillance and toys dissipated. However, academics continue to remind us of the real risks of smart toys (e.g. Lupton; Milkaite and Lievens). The 2016 Furby Connect, equipped with voice recognition and Bluetooth capacities has been shown to be hackable (Williams). Further, Maria Ramalho has reported Snowden’s 2014 claims that both NSA and the UK Government Communication Headquarters have been accessing the data collected. In this context, Furby has become “Big Brother transmogrified into ambiguous, cute” unaccountable creature (Ramalho). Through this, we can see how our entanglement with Furby as an object of technohorror speaks both to our anxieties and the real possibilities of technology. In order to craft a narrative around Furby that speaks to this monstrous potential, many have drawn comparisons between Furby and the character Gizmo from the Gremlins franchise. This reference to Gizmo appears in the majority of the media articles sampled for this research. Gizmo is a “mogwai” (trans. demon) with both cute and monstrous potential; like Furby, it also has the potential to transform into a threat to “good society” (Chesher 153-4). This comparison speaks to Gremlins as an anti-technology statement (Sale). However, when we consider how media rhetoric has framed Furby as something to be tamed and controlled, it’s important we approach this comparison with caution in light of the Orientalist underpinnings of the Gremlins franchise. Wendy Allison Lee highlights how Gremlins reflects xenophobic themes of invasion and assimilation. While Gizmo is a “cute, well-behaved” character who “strives to assimilate” much like how Furby might, through play with children, it also harbours a threat to order. In this encounter are resonances of “racist love” that can sometimes underpin our affection for cuteness (Bow). Further reflection is needed on how we might unentangle ourselves from this framing and imagine more inclusive futures with toys like Furby. Fig. 2: Interactive Gizmo, a “Furby Friend” produced by Hasbro, Tiger and Warner Bros in 1999 Big Fun! (Dah doo-ay wah!): Queer Re-Imaginings of Furby Fig. 3: Party time! Adult fans around the world now gather under the “Furby” banner, participating in a colourful array of playful mischief. Reddit forum r/furby (11,200 subscribers) creates a fun space to enjoy the whimsy of Furby, transforming the figure into a sweet and kind companion. Under this umbrella, r/oddbodyfurby (997 subscribers) explore the horrifying potentials of Furby to its playful and surprising ends, which I discuss in this section. In other forums, such as Furby Collectors and Customisers (4.1k members) on Facebook, these different interests come together in a playful and creative space. There was also an active community on Tumblr, where some of the most creatively generative activities around Furby have occurred (Tiffany). In Japan, there is a lively community of fans on Twitter who dress and photograph Emoto-tronic Furbys in a range of cute and charming ways. This forms part of a broader network of creatives, such as “Circuit Benders” who tear down toys and rework them into instruments in a process known as “frankensteining”, such as Look Mum No Computer’s Furby Organ (Deahl). As fans and artists, people act as “queer accessories” to help Furby escape the world and narrative that sought to enclose it, so it might enact its revenge or transcend as a non-binary queer icon (Rand 9-11). As small, collectible and customisable friends, images of happy and creepy Furbys are part of a network of cute media that provides my generation with a source of comfort during times of precarity, occupying our spaces with their own vitality and presence as soothing companions (e.g. Stevens; Allison; Yano). Cuteness as media also lends itself to hybridisation; a mixing and matching with seemingly “opposing” aesthetics. For many fans, the charm of Furby lies in its nostalgic pull as a creature of childhood creepy-cute nightmares. Indeed, it seems that early concerns that Furby may “blur the line between the real and imagined for many children” were in fact valid (Knowlton). While we knew they weren’t “alive” in the true sense, to us they appeared “sort of alive” as our everyday environments became increasingly technological with a dazzling array of electronics (Turkle, “Authenticity”). As Allison (179) explains, we had to “adjust to a world where the border between the imaginary and the real” began to shift rapidly, leaving us open to dream, imagine, and craft narratives populated by a fear of the mechanised undead. Many Millennials were convinced as children that their Furby was waiting for them in the dark, watching, chuckling (“he he heeeee”). Patrick Lenton, diarising his adventures with a rescue Furby this year recalls his childhood toy as “a riot of noise and fury, the kind of demonic household terror”. Some adults, recalling these memories now refer to Furby as “it” or “evil” (Marsh, “Uncanny” 59). In 2020, adult Furby fans, thinking back to their childhood toys, speculated if the positioning of Furby’s eyes at the front of its head meant it was a predator (Watson). Some suggested that their short legs meant they are ambush predators, their infra-red sensor enabling them to detect prey in the dark. Other playful lore suggested that they were made of real cat and dog fur. Through this act of imaginative play, adults reach back to the playful horrors of their childhoods, combining their sense of dread with glee. This has been recently animated by films such as The Mitchells vs. The Machines (2021), where Furbys equipped with “PAL” chips transmogrify into a horrific pack of menacing creatures, and exact revenge. The main contributing factor to this experience is in part the puppetry of Furby. The 1999 Furby presents an exaggerated performance that is both “alive” and “unalive”, its wild rocking, owlish blinking, and cackling creating a sense of “dread and creeping horror” (Freud 2; Marsh, “Uncanny”). Through a blend of animation and imagination, agency is diffused between toy and child to give Furby “life” (Silvio 423). Interestingly, studies of the 2016 Furby Connect and its friendly and social programming that is designed to encourage positive care and engagement has counteracted some of this experience for children (Marsh, “Uncanny” 54). Likewise, in discussing the 2013 Furby Boom Chesher (151) describes this animation as “zany”, working with Sianne Ngai’s conceptualisation of this aesthetic and its relationship to cuteness. While some might praise these later developments in the Furby franchise as having saved another generation of children from nightmares, compared to the original Furby these later editions are less popular among fans; perhaps there is less “material” to work with. Fans as adults now draw on Furby as a playful and cute text to experiment with and hybridise with a variety of horrifying and surprising potentials. This leans into Furby’s design as a chimera, as it uses a combination of cute features to create a “short-hand” for life and also evoke the “idea” or “character” of appealing animals that form part of cultures “charismatic megafauna” (Nishimura 179; Stuck and Rogers; Gn). With cat-like ears, a tuft of hair that drifts with sympathetic movement, two wide eyes, framed with coquettish false lashes, a bird’s beak, and two paws, Furby both suspends and confounds our disbelief. Following the principles of the Kindchenschema (Lorenz) to a “100% ratio” its body is reduced to a round form, its most dominant feature its large eyes (Borgi, Cogliati-Dezza, Brelsford Meints, and Cirulli). While large eyes generally are thought to have an affective pull to them (Harris 4), their fixed placement in the original Furby’s skull creates a dead-pan gaze, that morphs into a Kubrik stare as the toy tilts forward to greet the viewer. Fig. 4: Kindschenschema at work in Furby’s design Furby fans mischievously extend this hybridisation of Furby’s body further through a range of customisation practices. Through “skinning”, Furby’s faux fur surfaces are removed and replaced with a fantastic array of colours and textures. Through breaking into their mechatronic shell – a practice known as “shucking” – their parts are repaired or modified. This results in a range of delightfully queer, non-binary representations of Furby with a range of vibrant furs, piercings, and evocative twinkling and gentle eyes (“tee-wee-lah!”). These figures act as both avatars and as companions for fans. Sporting earrings and rainbow bead necklaces, they are photographed resting in grassy fields, soft crochet rainbows, and bookshelves: they are an expression of all that is joyful in the world. Some fans push the customisation further to create whimsical creatures from another dimension. Some Furbys appear with moss and lichen for fur, sprouting tiny toadstools. Furbys are also transformed into “oddbodies” of varying species. Some appear both as winged fairies, and as transcendental multi-eyed and winged “biblically accurate” angels. Others are hybridised with plush toys or are reworked into handbags. Some veer into the realm of body horror, using doll limbs and bodies to create humanoid forms. The most iconic is the “long furby”, created by Tumblr user FurbyFuzz in 2018. Elongated and insect-like, the Long Furby wriggles into homes and curls up on soft furnishings. Collectors gather “haunted photos from the dark recesses of the internet” to document their escapades (Long Furby). Sometimes, hybridised Furbys appear not through creator interventions but rather emerge from nature itself. One such mythical creature is Murby, an original Furby unearthed in 2013 on an old farm property. Once toy, now woodland spirit, Murby gazes upon and blesses fans with dreamy, clouded eyes, its body an entanglement of thick moss, rich earth and time. Furby’s queerness, strangeness, and hybridity speaks to fans in different ways. Personally, as a neurodivergent person, I experience the coding and the playful reimaginings of Furby as a reflection of my own life experience. Neurodivergent people have a high capacity for care and empathy for objects as curiosities, supports, and friends (e.g. Atherton and Cross; White and Remington; Clutterbuck, Shah and Livingston). Like Furby, I am an alien whom people want to tame. My body and movement are treated with the same infantilising bemusement and suspicion. I feel like a chimera myself; an entanglement of many parts that make a whole, each on their own charming, but together forming a chaotic attempt to connect with neurotypicals. For me, what lies beneath Furby’s surface is my own psyche; rescuing and customising Furbys is a symbolic act, a creative expression of my desire to transcend and resist ableist forces. Together my Furbys and I revel in our strangeness in solidarity, plotting our mischievous revenge (“party time!”). This micro-level resistance will not overturn ableism but brings me a sense of reprieve as I work with my allies to bring socio-cultural change. Fig. 5: The author, Furby Queen. Photo by Sherbet Birdie Photography. Through their creative work, fans explore how Furbys could be reimagined. While fannish activities may at first glance appear fringe or frivolous, they hold up a mirror to our own limitations, anxieties, and practices as a society. The future is Furby. Go to Sleep Now (U-nye-way-loh-nee-way): Conclusions As a source of technohorror and queer potential, Furby provides a vessel by which we can imagine the futures of toys. Through encounter and contact, this seemingly harmless fluffy robot brought about disruption and chaos as a threat to securities and social fabrics. Adult fans, now recalling this cultural moment, lean into this creature’s promise of new possibilities, queering its cultural narrative. Through exploring adults’ interactions with toys, we explore new potentials for change and futures that are playful and creative. Acknowledgments This article was produced with the support of a Vitalities Lab Scholarship and the Australian Research Council Centre of Excellence for Automated Decision-Making and Society. I also thank Deborah Lupton and David Eastwood for their support in the production of an arts-based project that draws on this research into cyberpet histories. References Allison, Anne. Millennial Monsters: Japanese Toys and the Global Imagination. Berkeley: U of California P, 2006. Associated Press. “Two Injured in Flurry over Furby.” Charleston Daily Mail 28 Nov. 1998. Atherton, Gray, and Liam Cross. “Seeing More than Human: Autism and Anthropomorphic Theory of Mind.” Frontiers in Psychology 9 (2018): 1–18. Basky, Greg. “Furby Not Guilty as ‘Charged’.” The Western Journal of Medicine 172 (2000): 59. Beck, Rachel. “‘Must-Have’ Toys Created by Intense Publicity Campaigns.” AP Business Writer 16 Oct. 1998. 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As Lewis Carroll’s Alice comes to the end of her journey through the looking glass world, she has also come to the end of her patience with its strange power games and arbitrations. At every stage of the adventure, she has encountered someone who wants to dictate rules and protocols, and a lesson on table manners from the Red Queen finally triggers rebellion. “I can’t stand this any more,” Alice cries, as she seizes the tablecloth and hurls the entire setting into chaos (279). Then, catching hold of the Red Queen, she gives her a good shaking, until the rigid contours of the imperious figure become fuzzy and soft. At this point, the hold of the dream dissolves and Alice, awakening on the other side of the mirror, realises she is shaking the kitten. Queens have long been associated with ideas of transformation. As Alice is duly advised when she first looks out across the chequered landscape of the looking glass world, the rules of chess decree that a pawn may become a queen if she makes it to the other side. The transformation of pawn to queen is in accord with the fairy tale convention of the unspoiled country girl who wins the heart of a prince and is crowned as his bride. This works in a dual register: on one level, it is a story of social elevation, from the lowest to the highest rank; on another, it is a magical transition, as some agent of fortune intervenes to alter the determinations of the social world. But fairy tales also present us with the antithesis and adversary of the fortune-blessed princess, in the figure of the tyrant queen who works magic to shape destiny to her own ends. The Queen and the mirror converge in the cultural imaginary, working transformations that disrupt the order of nature, invert socio-political hierarchies, and flout the laws of destiny. In “Snow White,” the powers of the wicked queen are mediated by the looking glass, which reflects and affirms her own image while also serving as a panopticon, keep the entire realm under surveillance, to pick up any signs of threat to her pre-eminence. All this turbulence in the order of things lets loose a chaotic phantasmagoria that is prime material for film and animation. Two major film versions of “Snow White” have been released in the past few years—Mirror Mirror (2012) and Snow White and the Huntsman (2012)—while Tim Burton’s animated 3D rendition of Alice in Wonderland was released in 2010. Alice through the Looking Glass (2016) and The Huntsman: Winter’s War, the 2016 prequel to Snow White and the Huntsman, continue the experiment with state-of-the-art-techniques in 3D animation and computer-generated imaging to push the visual boundaries of fantasy. Perhaps this escalating extravagance in the creation of fantasy worlds is another manifestation of the ancient lore and law of sorcery: that the magic of transformation always runs out of control, because it disrupts the all-encompassing design of an ordered world. This principle is expressed with poetic succinctness in Ursula Le Guin’s classic story A Wizard of Earthsea, when the Master Changer issues a warning to his most gifted student: But you must not change one thing, one pebble, one grain of sand, until you know what good and evil will follow on that act. The world is in balance, in Equilibrium. A wizard's power of Changing and Summoning can shake the balance of the world. It is dangerous, that power. (48)In Le Guin’s story, transformation is only dangerous if it involves material change; illusions of all kinds are ultimately harmless because they are impermanent.Illusions mediated by the mirror, however, blur the distinction Le Guin is making, for the mirror image supposedly reflects a real world. And it holds the seductive power of a projected narcissism. Seeing what we wish for is an experience that can hold us captive in a way that changes human nature, and so leads to dangerous acts with material consequences. The queen in the mirror becomes the wicked queen because she converts the world into her image, and in traditions of animation going back to Disney’s original Snow White (1937) the mirror is itself an animate being, with a spirit whose own determinations become paramount. Though there are exceptions in the annals of fairy story, powers of transformation are typically dark powers, turbulent and radically elicit. When they are mediated through the agency of the mirror, they are also the powers of narcissism and autocracy. Through a Glass DarklyIn her classic cultural history of the mirror, Sabine Melchior-Bonnet tracks a duality in the traditions of symbolism associated with it. This duality is already evident in Biblical allusions to the mirror, with references to the Bible itself as “the unstained mirror” (Proverbs 7.27) counterpointed by images of the mortal condition as one of seeing “through a glass darkly” (1 Corinthians 13.12).The first of these metaphoric conventions celebrates the crystalline purity of a reflecting surface that reveals the spiritual identity beneath the outward form of the human image. The church fathers drew on Plotinus to evoke “a whole metaphysics of light and reflection in which the visible world is the image of the invisible,” and taught that “humans become mirrors when they cleanse their souls (Melchior-Bonnet 109–10). Against such invocations of the mirror as an intermediary for the radiating presence of the divine in the mortal world, there arises an antithetical narrative, in which it is portrayed as distorting, stained, and clouded, and therefore an instrument of delusion. Narcissus becomes the prototype of the human subject led astray by the image itself, divorced from material reality. What was the mirror if not a trickster? Jean Delumeau poses this question in a preface to Melchior-Bonnet’s book (xi).Through the centuries, as Melchior-Bonnet’s study shows, these two strands are interwoven in the cultural imaginary, sometimes fused, and sometimes torn asunder. With Venetian advances in the techniques and technologies of mirror production in the late Renaissance, the mirror gained special status as a possession of pre-eminent beauty and craftsmanship, a means by which the rich and powerful could reflect back to themselves both the self-image they wanted to see, and the world in the background as a shimmering personal aura. This was an attempt to harness the numinous influence of the divinely radiant mirror in order to enhance the superiority of leading aristocrats. By the mid seventeenth century, the mirror had become an essential accessory to the royal presence. Queen Anne of Austria staged a Queen’s Ball in 1633, in a hall surrounded by mirrors and tapestries. The large, finely polished mirror panels required for this kind of display were made exclusively by craftsmen at Murano, in a process that, with its huge furnaces, its alternating phases of melting and solidifying, its mysterious applications of mercury and silver, seemed to belong to the transformational arts of alchemy. In 1664, Louis XIV began to steal unique craftsmen from Murano and bring them to France, to set up the Royal Glass and Mirror Company whose culminating achievement was the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles.The looking glass world of the palace was an arena in which courtiers and visitors engaged in the high-stakes challenge of self-fashioning. Costume, attitude, and manners were the passport to advancement. To cut a figure at court was to create an identity with national and sometimes international currency. It was through the art of self-fashioning that the many princesses of Europe, and many more young women of title and hereditary distinction, competed for the very few positions as consort to the heir of a royal house. A man might be born to be king, but a woman had to become a queen.So the girl who would be queen looks in the mirror to assess her chances. If her face is her fortune, what might she be? A deep relationship with the mirror may serve to enhance her beauty and enable her to realise her wish, but like all magical agents, the mirror also betrays anyone with the hubris to believe they are in control of it. In the Grimm’s story of “Snow White,” the Queen practises the ancient art of scrying, looking into a reflective surface to conjure images of things distant in time and place. But although the mirror affords her the seer’s visionary capacity to tell what will be, it does not give her the power to control the patterns of destiny. Driven to attempt such control, she must find other magic in order to work the changes she desires, and so she experiments with spells of self-transformation. Here the doubleness of the mirror plays out across every plane of human perception: visual, ethical, metaphysical, psychological. A dynamic of inherent contradiction betrays the figure who tries to engage the mirror as a servant. Disney’s original 1937 cartoon shows the vain Queen brewing an alchemical potion that changes her into the very opposite of all she has sought to become: an ugly, ill-dressed, and impoverished old woman. This is the figure who can win and betray trust from the unspoiled princess to whom the arts of self-fashioning are unknown. In Tarsem Singh’s film Mirror Mirror, the Queen actually has two mirrors. One is a large crystal egg that reflects back a phantasmagoria of palace scenes; the other, installed in a primitive hut on an island across the lake, is a simple looking glass that shows her as she really is. Snow White and the Huntsman portrays the mirror as a golden apparition, cloaked and faceless, that materialises from within the frame to stand before her. This is not her reflection, but with every encounter, she takes on more of its dark energies, until, in another kind of reversal, she becomes its image and agent in the wider world. As Ursula Le Guin’s sage teaches the young magician, magic has its secret economies. You pay for what you get, and the changes wrought will come back at you in ways you would never have foreseen. The practice of scrying inevitably leads the would-be clairvoyant into deeper levels of obscurity, until the whole world turns against the seer in a sequence of manifestations entirely contrary to his or her framework of expectation. Ultimately, the lesson of the mirror is that living in obscurity is a defining aspect of the human condition. Jorge Luis Borges, the blind writer whose work exhibits a life-long obsession with mirrors, surveys a range of interpretations and speculations surrounding the phrase “through a glass darkly,” and quotes this statement from Leon Bloy: “There is no human being on earth capable of declaring with certitude who he is. No one knows what he has come into this world to do . . . or what his real name is, his enduring Name in the register of Light” (212).The mirror will never really tell you who you are. Indeed, its effects may be quite the contrary, as Alice discovers when, within a couple of moves on the looking glass chessboard, she finds herself entering the wood of no names. Throughout her adventures she is repeatedly interrogated about who or what she is, and can give no satisfactory answer. The looking glass has turned her into an estranged creature, as bizarre a species as any of those she encounters in its landscapes.Furies“The furies are at home in the mirror,” wrote R. S. Thomas in his poem “Reflections” (265). They are the human image gone haywire, the frightening other of what we hope to see in our reflection. As the mirror is joined by technologies of the moving image in twentieth-century evolutions of the myth, the furies have been given a new lease of life on the cinema screen. In Disney’s 1937 cartoon of Snow White, the mirror itself has the face of a fury, which emerges from a pool of blackness like a death’s head before bringing the Queen’s own face into focus. As its vision comes into conflict with hers, threatening the dissolution of the world over which she presides, the mirror’s face erupts into fire.Computer-generated imaging enables an expansive response to the challenges of visualisation associated with the original furies of classical mythology. The Erinyes are unstable forms, arising from liquid (blood) to become semi-materialised in human guise, always ready to disintegrate again. They are the original undead, hovering between mortal embodiment and cadaverous decay. Tearing across the landscape as a flock of birds, a swarm of insects, or a mass of storm clouds, they gather into themselves tremendous energies of speed and motion. The 2012 film Snow White and the Huntsman, directed by Rupert Sanders, gives us the strongest contemporary realisation of the archaic fury. Queen Ravenna, played by Charlize Theron, is a virtuoso of the macabre, costumed in a range of metallic exoskeletons and a cloak of raven’s feathers, with a raised collar that forms two great black wings either side of her head. Powers of dematerialisation and rematerialisation are central to her repertoire. She undergoes spectacular metamorphosis into a mass of shrieking birds; from the walls around her she conjures phantom soldiers that splinter into shards of black crystal when struck by enemy swords. As she dies at the foot of the steps leading up to the great golden disc of her mirror, her face rapidly takes on the great age she has disguised by vampiric practices.Helena Bonham Carter as the Red Queen in Burton’s Alice in Wonderland is a figure midway between Disney’s fairy tale spectre and the fully cinematic register of Theron’s Ravenna. Bonham Carter’s Queen, with her accentuated head and pantomime mask of a face, retains the boundaries of form. She also presides over a court whose visual structures express the rigidities of a tyrannical regime. Thus she is no shape-shifter, but energies of the fury are expressed in her voice, which rings out across the presence chamber of the palace and reverberates throughout the kingdom with its calls for blood. Alice through the Looking Glass, James Bobin’s 2016 sequel, puts her at the centre of a vast destructive force field. Alice passes through the mirror to encounter the Lord of Time, whose eternal rule must be broken in order to break the power of the murdering Queen; Alice then opens a door and tumbles in free-fall out into nothingness. The place where she lands is a world not of daydream but of nightmare, where everything will soon be on fire, as the two sides in the chess game advance towards each other for the last battle. This inflation of the Red Queen’s macabre aura and impact is quite contrary to what Lewis Carroll had in mind for his own sequel. In some notes about the stage adaptation of the Alice stories, he makes a painstaking distinction between the characters of the queen in his two stories.I pictured to myself the Queen of Hearts as a sort of embodiment of ungovernable passion—a blind and aimless Fury. The Red Queen I pictured as a Fury, but of another type; her passion must be cold and calm—she must be formal and strict, yet not unkindly; pedantic to the 10th degree, the concentrated essence of governesses. (86)Yet there is clearly a temptation to erase this distinction in dramatisations of Alice’s adventures. Perhaps the Red Queen as a ‘not unkindly’ governess is too restrained a persona for the psychodynamic mythos surrounding the queen in the mirror. The image itself demands more than Carroll wants to accord, and the original Tenniel illustrations give a distinctly sinister look to the stern chess queen. In their very first encounter, the Red Queen contradicts every observation Alice makes, confounds the child’s sensory orientation by inverting the rules of time and motion, and assigns her the role of pawn in the game. Kafka or Orwell would not have been at all relaxed about an authority figure who practises mind control, language management, and identity reassignment. But here Carroll offers a brilliant modernisation of the fairy story tradition. Under the governance of the autocratic queen, wonderland and the looking glass world are places in which the laws of science, logic, and language are overturned, to be replaced by the rules of the queen’s games: cards and croquet in the wonderland, and chess in the looking glass world. Alice, as a well-schooled Victorian child, knows something of these games. She has enough common sense to be aware of how the laws of gravity and time and motion are supposed to work, and if she boasts of being able to believe six impossible things before breakfast, this signifies that she has enough logic to understand the limits of possibility. She would also have been taught about species and varieties and encouraged to make her own collections of natural forms. But the anarchy of the queen’s world extends into the domain of biology: species of all kinds can talk, bodies dissolve or change size, and transmutations occur instantaneously. Thus the world-warping energies of the Erinyes are re-imagined in an absurdist’s challenge to the scientist’s universe and the logician’s mentality.Carroll’s instinct to tame the furies is in accord with the overall tone and milieu of his stories, which are works of quirky charm rather than tales of terror, but his two queens are threatening enough to enable him to build the narrative to a dramatic climax. For film-makers and animators, though, it is the queen who provides the dramatic energy and presence. There is an over-riding temptation to let loose the pandemonium of the original Erinyes, exploiting their visual terror and their classical association with metamorphosis. FashioningThere is some sociological background to the coupling of the queen and the mirror in fairy story. In reality, the mirror might assist an aspiring princess to become queen by enchanting the prince who was heir to the throne, but what was the role of the looking glass once she was crowned? Historically, the self-imaging of the queen has intense and nervous resonances, and these can be traced back to Elizabeth I, whose elaborate persona was fraught with newly interpreted symbolism. Her portraits were her mirrors, and they reflect a figure in whom the qualities of radiance associated with divinity were transferred to the human monarch. Elizabeth developed the art of dressing herself in wearable light. If she lacked for a halo, she made up for it with the extravagant radiata of her ruffs and the wreaths of pearls around her head. Pearls in mediaeval poetry carried the mystique of a luminous microcosm, but they were also mirrors in themselves, each one a miniature reflecting globe. The Ditchely portrait of 1592 shows her standing as a colossus between heaven and earth, with the changing planetary light cycle as background. This is a queen who rules the world through the mediation of her own created image. It is an inevitable step from here to a corresponding intervention in the arrangement of the world at large, which involves the armies and armadas that form the backdrop to her other great portraits. And on the home front, a regime of terror focused on regular public decapitations and other grisly executions completes the strategy to remaking the world according to her will. Renowned costume designer Eiko Ishioka created an aesthetic for Mirror Mirror that combines elements of court fashion from the Elizabethan era and the French ancien régime, with allusions to Versailles. Formality and mannerism are the keynotes for the palace scenes. Julia Roberts as the Queen wears a succession of vast dresses that are in defiance of human scale and proportion. Their width at the hem is twice her height, and 100,000 Svarovski crystals were used for their embellishment. For the masked ball scene, she makes her entry as a scarlet peacock with a high arching ruff of pure white feathers. She amuses herself by arranging her courtiers as pieces on a chess-board. So stiffly attired they can barely move more than a square at a time, and with hats surmounted by precariously balanced ships, they are a mock armada from which the Queen may sink individual vessels on a whim, by ordering a fatal move. Snow White and the Huntsman takes a very different approach to extreme fashioning. Designer Colleen Atwood suggests the shape-shifter in the Queen’s costumes, incorporating materials evoking a range of species: reptile scales, fluorescent beetle wings from Thailand, and miniature bird skulls. There is an obvious homage here to the great fashion designer Alexander McQueen, whose hallmark was a fascination with the organic costuming of creatures in feathers, fur, wool, scales, shells, and fronds. Birds were everywhere in McQueen’s work. His 2006 show Widows of Culloden featured a range of headdresses that made the models look as if they had just walked through a flock of birds in full flight. The creatures were perched on their heads with outstretched wings askance across the models’ faces, obscuring their field of vision. As avatars from the spirit realm, birds are emblems of otherness, and associated with metempsychosis, the transmigration of souls. These resonances give a potent mythological aura to Theron’s Queen of the dark arts.Mirror Mirror and Snow White and the Huntsman accordingly present strikingly contrasted versions of self-fashioning. In Mirror Mirror we have an approach driven by traditions of aristocratic narcissism and courtly persona, in which form is both rigid and extreme. The Queen herself, far from being a shape-shifter, is a prisoner of the massive and rigid architecture that is her costume. Snow White and the Huntsman gives us a more profoundly magical interpretation, where form is radically unstable, infused with strange energies that may at any moment manifest themselves through violent transformation.Atwood was also costume designer for Burton’s Alice in Wonderland, where an invented framing story foregrounds the issue of fashioning as social control. Alice in this version is a young woman, being led by her mother to a garden party where a staged marriage proposal is to take place. Alice, as the social underling in the match, is simply expected to accept the honour. Instead, she escapes the scene and disappears down a rabbit hole to return to the wonderland of her childhood. In a nice comedic touch, her episodes of shrinking and growing involve an embarrassing separation from her clothes, so divesting her also of the demure image of the Victorian maiden. Atwood provides her with a range of fantasy party dresses that express the free spirit of a world that is her refuge from adult conformity.Alice gets to escape the straitjacket of social formation in Carroll’s original stories by overthrowing the queen’s game, and with it her micro-management of image and behaviour. There are other respects, though, in which Alice’s adventures are a form of social and moral fashioning. Her opening reprimand to the kitten includes some telling details about her own propensities. She once frightened a deaf old nurse by shouting suddenly in her ear, “Do let’s pretend that I’m a hungry hyaena and you’re a bone!” (147). Playing kings and queens is one of little Alice’s favourite games, and there is more than a touch of the Red Queen in the way she bosses and manages the kitten. It is easy to laud her impertinence in the face of the tyrannical characters she meets in her fantasies, but does she risk becoming just like them?As a story of moral self-fashioning, Alice through the Looking Glass cuts both ways. It is at once a critique of the Victorian social straitjacket, and a child’s fable about self-improvement. To be accorded the status of queen and with it the freedom of the board is also to be invested with responsibilities. If the human girl is the queen of species, how will she measure up? The published version of the story excludes an episode known to editors as “The Wasp in a Wig,” an encounter that takes place as Alice reaches the last ditch before the square upon which she will be crowned. She is about to jump the stream when she hears a sigh from woods behind her. Someone here is very unhappy, and she reasons with herself about whether there is any point in stopping to help. Once she has made the leap, there will be no going back, but she is reluctant to delay the move, as she is “very anxious to be a Queen” (309). The sigh comes from an aged creature in the shape of a wasp, who is sitting in the cold wind, grumbling to himself. Her kind enquiries are greeted with a succession of waspish retorts, but she persists and does not leave until she has cheered him up. The few minutes devoted “to making the poor old creature comfortable,” she tells herself, have been well spent.Read in isolation, the episode is trite and interferes with the momentum of the story. Carroll abandoned it on the advice of his illustrator John Tenniel, who wrote to say it didn’t interest him in the least (297). There is interest of another kind in Carroll’s instinct to arrest Alice’s momentum at that critical stage, with what amounts to a small morality tale, but Tenniel’s instinct was surely right. The mirror as a social object is surrounded by traditions of self-fashioning that are governed by various modes of conformity: moral, aesthetic, political. Traditions of myth and fantasy allow wider imaginative scope for the role of the mirror, and by association, for inventive speculation about human transformation in a world prone to extraordinary upheavals. ReferencesBorges, Jorge Luis. “Mirrors of Enigma.” Labyrinths: Selected Stories and Other Writings. Eds. Donald A. Yates and James Irby. New York: New Directions, 2007. 209–12. Carroll, Lewis. Alice through the Looking Glass. In The Annotated Alice. Ed. Martin Gardner. London: Penguin, 2000.The King James Bible.Le Guin, Ursula. The Earthsea Quartet. London: Penguin, 2012.Melchior-Bonnet, Sabine. The Mirror: A History. Trans. Katherine H. Jewett. London: Routledge, 2014.Thomas, R.S. “Reflections.” No Truce with the Furies, Collected Later Poems 1988–2000. Hexham, Northumberland: Bloodaxe, 2011.