To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Architecture and state – Soviet Union.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Architecture and state – Soviet Union'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Architecture and state – Soviet Union.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
McKay, Kimberly Ann. "Business opportunities in the Soviet Union--[a] look at real estate ventures." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68725.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1990.Title as it appears in the Sept. 1990 M.I.T. Graduate List: Business opportunities in the USSR--a look at joint ventures in the real estate sector.
Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-69).
by Kimberly Ann McKay.
M.S.
2
YAKUSHENKO, Olga. "Building connections, distorting meanings : Soviet architecture and the West, 1953-1979." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/71643.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 26 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Alexander Etkind (European University Institute); Professor Catriona Kelly (University of Oxford); Professor Pavel Kolář (University of Konstanz); Professor Anatoly Pinsky (University of Helsinki)
The transnational history of the Soviet Union often goes against everything we know as citizens of the post-Soviet world. We are used to imagining the Iron Curtain as an impermeable obstacle and any meaningful connection between the Soviet Union and the rest of the world as clandestine, unofficial, and potentially subversive. But it was not always the case. I wish to open my thesis with a short dramatic exposition from the memoir of one of the protagonists of my thesis, the Soviet architect Felix Novikov: Soon [after the speech against the extravagances in architecture in 1953] the architectural bosses went abroad in search for examples worthy of emulation. The head of the Union of architects of the USSR, Pavel Abrosimov, left for Italy, Aleksandr Vlasov went to the US, Iosif Loveĭko who, in his absence became the chief architect of Moscow, left for France. After, each of them gave a talk about his impressions to the colleagues in the overcrowded lecture hall of the Central House of Architects. A year after the “historical” (without irony) speech the Party and government decree “On the elimination of extravagances in housing design and construction” appeared […] in the text of this document were such lines: “Obligate (the list of responsible organizations followed )… to be more daring in assimilation of the best achievements… of foreign construction.” The true “reconstruction” resulted in architecture that I call Soviet modernism started from this moment.”
Chapter 4 ‘Anatole Kopp: Enchanted by the Soviet' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'Anatole Kopp’s town and revolution as history and a manifesto : a reactualization of Russian constructivism in the West in the 1960s' (2016) in the journal ‘Journal of Art Historiography’
3
Rae, Leigh H. (Leigh Hamilton). "A look at privatization of housing in the Soviet Union : the Leningrad experience." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/69270.
Full text
4
Spencer, Ian Henry. "An investigation of the relationship of Soviet psychiatry to the State." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1997. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2061/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how Soviet psychiatry took the particular form that it did and how it had a historically specific relationship to the state. Psychiatry in the USSR was used by the state against those who opposed the regime. In particular it was used after the death of Stalin against a dissident intelligentsia. Chapter One examines the position of the Soviet psychiatric patient with relation to the political economy of the USSR. The legal position of the psychiatric patient was a precarious one because the absence of private property meant there was no basis for law. It was possible to co-opt doctors as repressive agents of the state because they were dependent on it in a way which their counterparts in the West were not. Chapter Two examines the historical development of Russian and Soviet psychiatry and assesses the importance of its development under tsarism. The point at which Soviet psychiatry became differentiated from world psychiatry is located in the Stalin period. Chapter Three examines the role played by Soviet psychology and the supposed influence of Marxism-Leninism in shaping psychiatry in the USSR. It is argued that Soviet psychology owed nothing to Marxism but that it was distorted in a similar way to other branches of science. Chapter Four discusses the defective nature of Soviet psychiatry and shows how Soviet political economy led to archaic practice in psychiatry. All Soviet medicine was similarly defective and this had serious consequences for the Soviet population as a whole. Chapter Five examines the role that psychiatry played in repressing the dissident movement in the 1960s and 70s. Psychiatry was used as an ameliorated form of the labour camp at a time when mass killings and labour camps were less useful to the elite. Psychiatry played this role from about 1953 until 1988 and was used mostly against the intelligentsia.
5
Gavanski, Ogden. "The Soviet Union as a rational-revolutionary state : a conceptual framework for studying the impact of ideology on Soviet foreign policy." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/26475.
Full textAbstract:
The influence of Marxist-Leninist ideology on Soviet foreign policy is examined. Any relationship that exists is not a simple one. It is misleading to speak of "the" impact of Soviet ideology as if it constituted one simple variable. The ideology is make up of different components which have profoundly different impacts on Soviet foreign policy. In addition, many other variables besides ideology influence Soviet foreign behavior in complex and sometimes subtle ways.
In this essay I suggest a theoretical framework for the study of Soviet foreign policy that takes into account the complex interaction between ideology and other important variables. The failure of the national interest approach and the power politics approach in explaining certain aspects of Soviet foreign policy demonstrates the utility of a broader approach that includes ideology as a variable.
A framework that views the Soviet Union as a "rational-revolutionary" state is presented that points out the dualistic character of Soviet foreign policy. On the one hand, Soviet foreign policy is driven by considerations of power and national interests and, on the other by ideological considerations. Clearly, these various considerations clash at times and often Soviet policy-makers have to choose between an ideological and a non-ideological policy. At the most basic level, Soviet Marxism-Leninism influences and shapes the perceptual and conceptual world of leaders who are socialized like other Soviet citizens. Ideology also plays a role in legitimizing Soviet one-party rule domestically. While it is probably impossible to estimate which of the two factors—belief in the ideological tenets or self-serving use of ideology to maintain power and privilege—is the more important, this study suggests that both play a significant role in Soviet policy formulation.
Foreign policy was found to be less ideological than most aspects of Soviet politics. Since Soviet leaders cannot manipulate international variables to the same extent as domestic ones an ideological "blueprint" is impossible. However, ideology places certain limitation on what may be considered 'feasible' foreign policy choices for the Soviet leadership.
It was found that ideology leads to power-damaging policies in two classes of actions: (1) the actual implementation and maintenance of policy intimately tied to the ends envisioned by the ideology and (2) actions that are undertaken to defend the doctrine-based legitimacy of the leadership. The ideological revisions that have often been interpreted as a betrayal of Soviet revolutionary interests are seen to be a purging of spurious and non-relevant elements from Marxism-Leninism.
The conceptual framework presented in this essay demonstrates that ideology cannot be dismissed as a significant operational variable in Soviet international behavior. It often influences the form and content of Soviet
foreign policy decisions. However, the framework also points
out that Soviet policy is not dictated solely by ideological imperatives.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
6
Millier, Callie Anne. "Russian Peasant Women's Resistance Against the State during the Antireligious Campaigns of 1928-1932." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc849654/.
Full textAbstract:
This study seeks to explore the role of peasant women in resistance to the antireligious campaigns during collectivization and analyze how the interplay of the state and resistors formed a new culture of religion in the countryside. I argue that while the state’s succeeded in controlling most of the public sphere, peasant women, engaging in subversive activities and exploiting the state’s ideology, succeeded in preserving a strong peasant adherence to religion prior to World War II. It was peasant women’s determination and adaptation that thwarted the party’s goal of nation-wide atheism.
7
Fears, Michael Roman Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Extralegal restrictions on religious practice in the U.S.S.R., 1917- 1953." Ottawa, 1992.
Find full text
8
Malinovskaya, Olga. "Teaching Russian classics in secondary school under Stalin (1936-1941)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b23fbd00-e8d5-4889-abfa-fe74626d5e72.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis contributes to existing discussions of Soviet subjectivity by considering how the efforts of the Party leadership and state agencies to shape personal and collective identities were mediated by the teaching of Russian classics to teenagers. It concentrates in particular on the history of literature course provided by Soviet schools for the upper years. The study addresses the following questions: (1) How was literary expression employed to instigate children's emotions and create interpretive habits as a way of inculcating a Soviet worldview? (2) What immediate effects did the methods have on teenagers? (3) What were the long-term effects of this type of indoctrination? Answering these questions required close reading of material produced by official authorities, such as methodological programmes, teachers' aids, professional journals, and textbooks for class instruction, and also of material produced by those at the receiving end of Stalinist literary instruction, including both sources contemporary to the period under scrutiny (i.e. diaries written between 1936-1941), and later autobiographical material (memoirs, oral history). I argue that for many teenagers growing up during this period, indoctrination in the classroom blurred the boundary between reality and fiction, and provided a moral compass to navigate their social environment, to judge others as well as themselves along prescribed lines, and model their lives on the precepts and slogans of the characters and authors they encountered, particularly the 19th-century radical democrats. Retrospective accounts - interviews, memoirs, and written responses to questions - expose the durability of the moral and ethical lessons derived from Russian classics and reveal the enduring Soviet emotional complex formed by this literary instruction. Investigating the impacts of the study of Russian classics on Soviet recipients, particularly from elite groups such as the city intelligentsia, my discussion highlights the political traction of the literary in, for instance, forming feelings of group belonging and strong emotional responses to differing views. I conclude with a discussion of the relation of this to long-term political effects, including the re-appraisal, in the twenty-first century, of Stalin-era teaching methodology as an effective way of instilling patriotic sentiments in students, and the legacy of Soviet perceptions and practices in the expression of personal and collective identities in the post-Soviet period.
9
Froggatt, Michael. "Science in propaganda and popular culture in the USSR under Khruschëv (1953-1964)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:101d4ec5-48cc-4a85-b7e9-0e5b7c8fdafd.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is the first detailed study of the way in which science and technology were portrayed in propaganda and popular culture during the Khrushchëv period, a time when the Soviet leadership invested significant resources, both at home and abroad, in order to capitalise on its scientific achievements. It draws upon a wide range of previously unseen materials from the archives of the RSFSR Ministry of Education, the Soviet Academy of Sciences, the State Committee on Radio and Television and the Central Committee of the CPSU. It provides the first archive-based analysis of the lecturing organisation 'Znanie', which was crucial to the dissemination of Soviet propaganda in the post-war period. The thesis also makes use of a variety of published sources, such as popular science publications and journals, as well as a number of Soviet films from the Khrushchëv period. The thesis examines the manner in which scientific information was disseminated to the Soviet public and the ways in which public scientific opinion was able to participate in, and influence, this process. It is shown that a general lack of institutionalised control enabled members of the scientific intelligentsia to exercise a degree of control over the content of scientific propaganda, often in a very idiosyncratic fashion. The way in which the rhetorical and ideological presentation of science changed during the Khrushchëv period (often identified as 'the Thaw') is analysed, and it is shown that while Soviet popular science did become increasingly open to foreign influence it became preoccupied with new threats, such as generational and personal conflict. The thesis also uses the available sources to consider popular responses to scientific propaganda and, in particular, whether attempts to use scientific-atheistic propaganda to create a 'materialist' worldview amongst Soviet citizens met with any success. The thesis provides detailed case studies of the use of science in Khrushchëv's atheistic campaigns, of propaganda surrounding early Soviet achievements in the space race and of the portrayal of the Lysenko controversy in the popular media.
10
Kashirin, Alexander Urievich 1963. "Protestant minorities in the Soviet Ukraine, 1945--1991." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10956.
Full textAbstract:
xiv, 934 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.The dissertation focuses on Protestants in the Soviet Ukraine from the end of the Second World War to the collapse of the USSR. It has two major aims. The first is to elucidate the evolution of Soviet policy toward Protestant denominations, using archival evidence that was not available to previous students of this subject. The second is to reconstruct the internal life of Protestant congregations as marginalized social groups. The dissertation is thus a case study both of religious persecution under state-sponsored atheism and of the efforts of individual believers and their communities to survive without compromising their religious principles. The opportunity to function legally came at a cost to Protestant communities in Ukraine and elsewhere in the USSR. In the 1940s-1980s, Protestant communities lived within a tight encirclement of numerous governmental restrictions designed to contain and, ultimately, reduce all manifestations of religiosity in the republic both quantitatively and qualitatively. The Soviet state specifically focused on interrupting the generational continuity of religious tradition by driving a wedge between believing parents and their children. Aware of these technologies of containment and their purpose, Protestants devised a variety of survival strategies that allowed them, when possible, to circumvent the stifling effects of containment and ensure the preservation and transmission of religious traditions to the next generation. The dissertation investigates how the Soviet government exploited the state institutions and ecclesiastic structures in its effort to transform communities of believers into malleable societies of timid and nominal Christians and how the diverse Protestant communities responded to this challenge. Faced with serious ethical choices--to collaborate with the government or resist its persistent interference in the internal affairs of their communities-- many Ukrainian Evangelicals joined the vocal opposition movement that contributed to an increased international pressure on the Soviet government and subsequent evolution of the Soviet policy from confrontation to co-existence with religion. The dissertation examines both theoretical and practical aspects of the Soviet secularization project and advances a number of arguments that help account for religion's survival in the Soviet Union during the 1940-1980s.
Committee in charge: Julie Hessler, Chairperson, History; R Alan Kimball, Member, History; Jack Maddex, Member, History; William Husband, Member, Not from U of O Caleb Southworth, Outside Member, Sociology
11
Choate, Ksenia. "From "Stalinkas" to "Khrushchevkas": The Transition to Minimalism in Urban Residential Interiors in the Soviet Union from 1953 to 1964." DigitalCommons@USU, 2010. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/628.
Full textAbstract:
During the shift from the rule of Joseph Stalin to that of Nikita Khrushchev, people in the Soviet Union witnessed dramatic political, economic, and social changes, evident even in such private aspects of life as residential home interiors. The major architectural style of Stalin's era, known as Stalin's Empire Style, was characterized by grandeur and rich embellishments. The buildings' interiors were similarly grandiose and ornate. By endorsing this kind of design, Stalin attempted to position himself as an heir of classical traditions, to encourage respect for his regime, and to signal his power. When Nikita Khrushchev became the country's leader shortly after Stalin's death in 1953, he proclaimed that "excessive decorations" were not only unnecessary, but harmful. As a result, the standardized panel buildings produced at his initiative were defined by straight, plain lines, and were devoid of literally any architectural details that were not considered functional. These changes in Soviet architecture were reflected in interior design and furnishings: the minimalist aesthetic became their defining characteristic. The purpose of this study is to gain, through examination of existing literature, new insight into why a transition to a minimalist aesthetic was happening in the 1950s and 1960s in Soviet urban interior design. To achieve this goal, the present thesis analyzes works by contemporary scholars on the subject and examines statements the Soviet government as well as Soviet architects and interior decoration specialists made regarding the state's views on architecture and interiors during the period of 1950-1960. While research has been published that explores some aspects of this stylistic transition, the present work is unique in that it identifies and focuses on three distinct reasons for the change to minimalism in Soviet urban residential interiors under Khrushchev: the deficit of apartment space, reduction of construction costs, and ideological motives.
12
Veth, Karl Manuel. "Selling the 'people's game' : football's transition from commmunism to capitalism in the Soviet Union and its successor state." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2016. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/selling-the-peoples-game(59ee636c-512d-4904-8159-ed940a570329).html.
Full textAbstract:
My hypothesis is that the structure of football and football clubs in the former Soviet Union adapted and evolved with the rapidly changing political and economic environment of the 1980s and 1990s in the Soviet Union and its successor states. During the time of the Soviet Union, football clubs relied on patronage from the Soviet state, its institutions, state owned companies, as well as local institutions. When the Soviet Union collapsed, football clubs were expected to gain independence from the organizations, or state institutions, and go private. Some clubs were able to sustain their operations by selling their top players to clubs in Western Europe. By the mid-1990s, however, state patronage was replaced by new forms of patronage. The use of the term patronage in this dissertation refers to the political and financial support of football clubs by state institutions, private companies, or individuals (the latter two being only the case in the post- Soviet era). Football patrons use their money and political influence to ensure the financial stability of clubs. After the fall of the Soviet Union, oligarchs and private companies bought football clubs as playthings, for sponsorship, or to legitimize their business operations, and/or to gain political influence. State owned institutions that still owned football clubs rediscovered the political value of football in the post-Soviet world. The popularity of football with the masses meant that football could be used as a political vehicle; this is especially the case in the post- Soviet states where football is often used as a legitimization of business magnates that aim for political posts. The objective of this work is to outline the transition that football clubs underwent, after the death of Brezhnev, under the Gorbachev reforms, to the fall of communism, the Boris Yeltsin years, and finally to the state capitalism of Vladimir Putin.
13
Hatch, Warren. "The 1987 Law on the State Enterprise (Association) : a case-study of policy-making in the Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3b5bfc46-d5e6-4089-a5dd-e391ccb09c20.
Full textAbstract:
The Law on the State Enterprise was the most radical reform effort in the history of the Soviet centrally-planned system; it was also contradictory in its formulation, adopted in isolation and a complete failure in implementation. Previous economic reform attempts had also failed, but had been followed by retreat. This time, however, it was not. This thesis analyses the policy and the policy process of the enterprise law as expectations of the potential of reform shifted to convictions that central planning was unreformable. This case-study uses a number of traditional and revisionist theories about the policy process to analyse policy-making in the conditions of uncertainty and ambiguity of perestroika. The chronic problems of the Soviet economy led to the generation of reformist alternatives which, with the close of the Brezhnev era, began to emerge in programmatic form. This alternative envisaged a simultaneous delegation of administrative decision-making authority to the level of the state enterprise and a redefinition of central powers. Enterprises were to finance their own activities, compile their own plans, engage in direct wholesale trading, and be governed by the labour collective in an economic environment manipulated by the centre through 'economic levers'. Reformist domination of the policy agenda was constrained by limited penetration of the decision-making structures. Mutually indifferent policy-subsystems located within the ministerial and planning agencies held jurisdiction over the activities of pre-reform state enterprises; dominated the drafting of specific legislation; and set adverse initial conditions of reform implementation. Unsuccessful implementation of reform both at the level of the state enterprise and that of administrative structures discredited the radical ideas on economic reform which had been gestating for thirty years. Failure both of the concrete policy and of the policy process contributed to the radicalisation of political and economic reform, while creating many new problems along the way.
14
Holland, Nicole Murphy. "Worlds on view visual art exhibitions and state identity in the late Cold War /." Diss., [La Jolla] : University of California, San Diego, 2010. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3397171.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2010.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed March 30, 2010). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
15
Mikkonen, Simo. "Music and power in the Soviet 1930s : a history of composers' bureaucracy /." Lewiston, N.Y. [u.a.] : Mellen, 2009. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=017397006&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
Full text
16
Shevzov, Vera. "Bogoslovskii vestnik 1905-1917 a response to reform and change in Russia's years of revolution /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 1986. http://www.tren.com.
Full text
17
Opdahl, Ingerid Maria. "Mutually supportive? : the Russian state and Russian energy companies in the post-Soviet region, 1992-2012." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2016. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6548/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis investigates relations between five Russian energy companies – RAO UES/Inter RAO (electricity), Minatom/Rosatom (nuclear energy), Lukoil (oil), Transneft (oil pipelines) and Gazprom (gas) – and the Russian state from 1992 to 2012, with particular regard to state-company interaction over Russian foreign policy and companies’ activities in the post-Soviet region. The argument is that, due to the institutional legacies of the Soviet system, state-company interaction over foreign policy and energy operations abroad was part of their interaction over the Russian state’s institutional development. The study is based on the conceptual framework of social orders developed by North, Wallis and Weingast (NWW). State-company relations are seen to vary according to their informality and formality, and how closely the companies, and their rent streams, are tied to the state and the ruling coalition, or regime. The thesis concludes that the institutions that structure companies’ relations with the Russian state at home make them more or less available as foreign policy tools. In particular, domestic state-company relations influence the companies’ role in maintaining post-Soviet energy dependence on Russia. The thesis highlights the energy companies’ importance for state infrastructural power, and for the durability of Russia’s authoritarian regime.
18
Alekseyeva, Anna. "Planning the Soviet everyday : reimagining the city, home and material culture of developed socialism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:241245c9-e5c1-4f11-8e2c-051b9a601088.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores professional visions for the planning of everyday life during the period of developed socialism. Considering a wide range of disciplinary literature, including architecture, urban planning, design and sociology, this thesis analyses how professionals imagined residential and domestic life in an urbanised and technologically advanced socialist society. Continuing the narrative of Khrushchev’s modernising programme to reform everyday life (byt) into the post-Khrushchev period, the thesis follows professionals of the last two Soviet decades who criticised the rationalising and collectivising planning paradigm inaugurated during the preceding decades. Professionals argued that this paradigm had produced a dehumanised and alienating everyday environment in the city and the home. After setting out the theoretical framework and the historical context of developed socialism, the first empirical section addresses urban residential life. It focuses on the microdistrict planning unit to illustrate how professionals, disillusioned with functionalist planning, searched for ways to humanise the city and adapt it to the behaviours and needs of urban residents. Part two investigates shifting professional views on the home and the everyday processes associated with it, such as cooking and cleaning. No longer seen as a utilitarian space in which everyday processes transpire, the home came to be understood as a personal and emotionally resonant place. Part three focuses on material culture, investigating evolving views on consumption and aesthetics. It illustrates how professionals endeavoured to rehabilitate the object world and align it with populist preferences while nonetheless maintaining a commitment to technological and forward-looking principles. In contributing to the scholarly understanding of developed socialism, this thesis contends that the 1970s-1980s saw experts embrace individual agency and popular sentiments. This turn did not, however, signify a turn towards individualism or de-politicised malaise: professionals maintained their utopian aspirations to engineer and control everyday life.
19
Olsen, Agnes Eileen. "Robert Francis Kelley and the Eastern European Division of the State Department: 1917-1933." PDXScholar, 1997. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3826.
Full textAbstract:
This study traces the career of Robert Francis Kelley and his influence on American-Russian Relations during the nonrecognition period (1917-1933). The focus of this examination is Kelley's role in formulating, implementing, and sustaining America's anti-communist policy developed and solidified during the 1920s and 1930s. Particular attention is given to the senate recognition hearing of 1924, Kelley's training of future diplomats (George Kennan, Charles Bohlen, et al.), and his contributions to the preparations leading to the United States' recognition of Russia in 1933. Using Kelley's papers and personal correspondence, this study shows the growth of a man and the evolution of a policy.
20
Crols, Dirk. "From Tsarist empire to League of Nations and from USSR to EU : two eras in the construction of Baltic state sovereignty." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2453/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how the three Baltic countries constructed their internal and external sovereign statehood in the interwar period and the post Cold War era. Twice in one century, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were confronted with strongly divided multiethnic societies, requiring a bold and wide-ranging ethnics policy. In 1918 all three Baltic countries promised their minorities cultural autonomy. Whereas Estonian and Latvian politicians were deeply influenced by the theories of Karl Renner and Otto Bauer, the Lithuanians fell back on the historic Jewish self-government in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Many politicians were convinced that the principle of equality of nationalities was one of the cornerstones of the new international order, embodied by the League of Nations. The minority protection system of the League was, however, not established to serve humanitarian aims. It only sought to ensure international peace. This lack of a general minority protection system was one of many discussion points in the negotiations of the Estonian and Latvian minority declarations. Although Lithuania signed a much more detailed minority declaration, its internal political situation rapidly deteriorated. Estonia, on the other hand, established full cultural autonomy with corporations of public law. Although a wide-ranging school autonomy was already established in 1919, Latvia never established cultural self-government. The Second World War and the subsequent Soviet occupation led to the replacement of the small historically rooted minority groups by large groups of Russian-speaking settlers. The restoration in 1991 of the pre 1940 political community meant that these groups were deprived of political rights. In trying to cope with this situation, Estonia and Latvia focused much more on linguistic integration than on collective rights. Early attempts to pursue a decolonisation policy, as proposed by some leading Estonian and Latvian policymakers, were blocked by the ‘official Europe’ which followed a policy analogous to the League of Nations.
21
Lee, Keun-Gwan. "The law of State succession in the post-decolonisation period with special reference to Germany and the former Soviet Union." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624793.
Full text
22
Piker, Matthew W. "(re)-Constructivism in Contemporary China." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1276952322.
Full text
23
McDonald, Kristian P. "An investigation into the approach of modern Russian liberal thinkers towards nationalism." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2010. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/2365/.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of this study is to show how liberal thinkers have responded to the problems liberalism as an ideology faces in Russia, and to the challenges which Russia is encountering as a country in transition. I will argue that liberals are constantly aware both of their marginalisation (which is seen as being cultural, historical and political) when they react to other ideologies and to those who hold political power, and also of the difficulty of shaping Russia's future along liberal lines. The liberal response to nationalism, therefore, provides a useful model in showing how liberals have reacted to ideologies which are typically regarded as being outside the liberal movement in Russia and also how they have sought to respond to many of the central questions relating to transition. I will show in this study that the response of liberals towards nationalism demonstrates a huge increase in the diversity of the liberal movement from the mid 1990's onwards, as the internal divides amongst liberals have become apparent under the impact of transition. Secondly, liberals have been torn between the possible strategic benefits of combining liberalism with non-liberal elements, weighed against the ideological problems these combinations cause. These dilemmas have left Russian liberalism as an essentially stagnant ideology which remains incapable of forming a united and coherent response both to its own marginalisation and to the challenges faced by Russia.
24
Gundrum, Duane A. "(Neo) revolutionary messages : an analysis of the impact of counter-narratives versus state narratives during the 1991 Coup D'etat in the former Soviet Union." Scholarly Commons, 2008. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/685.
Full textAbstract:
On August 19, 1991, government hard-liners overthrew the Soviet Union for a period of 72 hours. Boris Yeltsin, the President of Russia, staged a protest on the steps of the Russian White House, where he gave speeches against the coup d'etat, releasing these speeches for dissemination between the hard-liners and the masses gathered to support Yeltsin. Yeltsin 's protest created a constituted identity amongst the people gathered who became part of the protest against the government. This created a confrontation between the two publics, where the state message developed a narrative involving a glorified past to which they wished to return, while the counter-public created a counter-narrative that argued a future of continued reforms would benefit the people of Russia and the Soviet Union. In the end, the counter-narrative achieved stronger approval from the masses, essentially replacing the state's narrative with its own. As a result, the hard-liners lost their grab for power, and Yeltsin emerged the winner in an ideological struggle for the future of the Russia and the Soviet Union.
25
TAYE, KISSI JIMMA. "VACCINE DEVELOPMENT AGAINST PLAGUE, GLANDERS AND MELIOIDOSIS IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION IN COMPARSION TO THE CURRENT STATE OF GLOBAL KNOWLEDGE." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-38336.
Full textAbstract:
The causative agents of plague (Y. pestis), glanders (B. mallei) and melioidosis (B. pseudomallei) are included in critical agents of bioterrorisim. They belong to the most intensively studied agents during cold war, specially in the former Soviet Union (FSU). Mostly what is known about these agents, particularly (Y. pestis ) is not available in English language publications. Many of the studies are written in Russian language and published in Russian scientific journals. Thus, the work is designed to evaluate, published and unpublished Russian language written data obtained, in comparisions to the current state of global knowledge on the pathogens in concern.
26
Nealy, James Allen Jr. "THE METRO METROES: SHAPING SOVIET POST-WAR SUBJECTIVITIES IN THE LENINGRAD UNDERGROUND." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1404224329.
Full text
27
Browne, Michael James. "AUTONOMY IN GEORGIA’S AJARIA REGION: ITS BENEFIT FOR THE STATE AND HOW IT HAS EVOLVED SINCE THE COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1497868483951636.
Full text
28
Gharabaghi, Kiaras. "A question of trust?, state-society relations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union with a case study of Lithuania, 1991-1997." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0022/NQ49260.pdf.
Full text
29
Ziada, Hazem. "Gregarious space, uncertain grounds, undisciplined bodies the Soviet avant-garde and the 'crowd' design problem." Diss., Georgia Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/39599.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis proposes a theoretical framework for spatial inquiry into conditions of radical social gregariousness, through probing the crowd design problem in the work of the Soviet Rationalist architects (1920s-30s) - particularly their submissions to the Palace of Soviets competition (Moscow 1931-3). Legitimizing the crowd construct as an index of collective consciousness, and examining the early-modern revolutionary crowd's struggles for proclaiming its self-consciousness, this thesis investigates the interwar political phenomenon of amassing large crowds within buildings as a device for constructing collective social relations.
The research project is divided into two main parts. The first is concerned with the crowd design problem, identifying this problem not just as the technical task of accommodating large political crowds, but as the basis of the formulation a new kind of conceptual intent in architecture. Finding the competition brief inadequate to in-depth formulation, the thesis investigates three primary sources for the crowd design problem: mass-events, revolutionary-theatre and revolutionary-art. Four components comprise the Crowd Design Problem each seeking legitimacy in the mass of crowd-bodies: i) the problem of crowd configurations; ii) challenges from the kinesthetic-space conception evoked by theatrical director V.E. Meyerhold's Biomechanics; iii) the legitimacy of 'the object' within a spatial-field of intersubjectivity; and iv) the challenge of 'seeing' crowds from immersive viewpoints counteracting representational filters of class privilege.
Part-II focuses on the response of the Rationalists--one of the groups participating in the competition--to the crowd design problem. The study unearths in their designs a logic of space-making founded in the construction of inter-subjective states of consciousness radically different from prevailing individualistic conceptions of social space. To explain this logic of space-making, it proposes the notion of Gregarious Space--a theoretical framework of inquiry into what Marx called "species-being", taking radical gregariousness as the primary, generative condition of society. Besides drawing on morphological principles, social theory, historical analyses, and philosophical reflections, the notion of Gregarious Space is found to be particularly amenable to design propositions. Within the proposed theoretical framework, the Rationalists' design-proposition of curved-grounds, dense notations, textured co-visibilities and empathetic graphic conventions - all comprise a founding spatial-principle trafficking in rhythmic fields between subjects and against non-commodified objects: a principle which challenges the material domain of Productivist Constructivism as well as Historical Materialism's canonical constructs of alienation. Moreover, its uncertain kinesthetics sustain dynamic, aleatory states of consciousness which subvert prevailing disciplinary techniques of Panopticon inspection.
30
Tapley, Lauren L. Hankins Barry. "Soviet religion policy through religious dissidents from Leonid Brezhnev to Mikhail Gorbachev a comparative study of Aida Skripnikova and Valeri Barinov /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5312.
Full text
31
Snetkov, Aglaya. "The evolution of Russia's security discourse 2000-2008 : state identity, security priorities and Chechnya." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2887/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the evolution of Russia’s internal and external security perceptions from 2000-2008. Drawing on social constructivist ontology, it argues that the Putin regime’s articulation of security priorities evolved in relation to its reconceptualisation of Russian state identity from a ‘weak’ to a ‘strong’ state. To trace this evolutionary relationship between state identity and security perceptions, official discourse on Chechnya is examined. In this way, Russian narrative constructions of the process of securitisation and desecuritisation of Chechnya, and the role that this discourse played within the articulation of state identity and security priorities are investigated. The thesis suggests that the initial securitisation and subsequent desecuritisation of Chechnya are best understood within the Putin regime’s discursive construction of state building and changing security priorities, rather than as a reflection of shifting material conditions. The thesis concludes that analysis of individual security policies should take into account that the narrative construction of these policies shape, and are shaped by, the multifaceted and evolutionary meta-narratives of Russian state and security identity. Moreover, it is argued that Russian security policy should be studied as a subject in its own right, investigating both internal and external security issues, rather than being subsumed within a broader foreign policy analysis.
32
Harris, Zachary. "Internal Colonialism: Questioning The Soviet Union As A Settler Colonial State Through The Deportation Of The Crimean Tatars/Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance In Service Of Utopia." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444393.
Full textAbstract:
Internal Colonialism: Questioning the Soviet Union as a Settler Colonial State Through the Deportation of the Crimean Tatars This study examines the deportation of the Crimean Tatars by the Soviet Union in 1944 and questions whether it was an example of settler colonialism in action. The Soviet Union’s actions throughout its history have often been deemed colonial and imperialist, however settler colonial theory has rarely been applied to Soviet studies. At a surface level, the deportation appears to fit into settler colonial theory, however upon further scrutiny it becomes clear that it fails to satisfy the necessary conditions. The evidence presented in this essay shows that the deportation of the Crimean Tatars was an event, not a lasting structural change in the Soviet Union. Settler colonial theory posits that settler colonialism is not confined to a single event and is impervious to regime change. The deportation of the Crimean Tatars was the project of a single leader, Joseph Stalin, and the majority of its effects were limited to a short period of time during and after his rule. The event had less to do with the ethnicity of the Crimean Tatars and more with securing the Soviet Union’s borders with Turkey and maintaining control over the Black Sea. The study concludes that although the deportation of the Crimean Tatars is not proof of settler colonialism in action in the Soviet Union, the topic is worth further investigation, as it is dangerous to exclude any powerful nation from such examination. Uranium Fever: Willful Ignorance in Service of Utopia This essay explores public knowledge of the dangers of radium and uranium in the United States between the 1920s and 1960s. It is often assumed that Americans were not aware that radioactive materials presented a danger to their health. Through the examination of mass media, court cases, and newspapers of the time, it becomes clear that not only did Americans know about the dangers of radiation, but that there was a concerted effort by the government and corporations with business interests in radioactive materials to minimize these fears and convince Americans that the dangers were necessary in order to bring about a utopian future of unlimited energy. Americans consciously chose to remain ignorant and ignore clear evidence that radioactive materials were dangerous and willingly followed the propaganda produced by these actors. The reasons Americans chose this path varied from a desire for profit to patriotism.
33
Kim, Sun. "Re-conceptualizing 'educational policy transfer' : an analysis of the Soviet and US influence on educational reforms in the two Koreas (1945-1959)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:efdd4194-ce75-4f6d-978b-7e0c0ddc5557.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this comparative and historical study is to consider a reconceptualization of the notion of educational policy transfer, based on an analysis of how the reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation in the two Koreas influenced the educational development of North and South Korea from 1945 to 1959. The conceptual framework for the research drew on a definition of 'policy' as a comprehensive concept comprising of policy process and practice 'on the ground,' and going beyond a rigid definition of it as a formally recorded and proclaimed statement by a government. This concept of policy enabled me to analyze the process and practice of the educational reforms from a multi-dimensional perspective, incorporating the beliefs of local actors and the bureaucracy of domestic institutions. For this purpose, historical sources including South Korean, North Korean and US government documents, magazines, newpapers, teachers' resumés and guides and the memoires and diaries of important policy-makers were analyzed; historical documentation was complemented by expert interviews with eleven South and North Korean policy-makers and academics. In South Korea, educational reforms were implemented to promote liberal democratic ideals in the education system. Curricular and systemic changes were made to teach democratic procedures and concepts, such as the introduction of the subject social studies, the establishment of a single-track school system, and the introduction of a student-centered pedagogy to primary schools. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow, was extensively promoted through a series of educational reforms as political indoctrination intensified in the adult education and school curricula. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was affected by cultural and social factors unique to Korea: the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state-formation. The Korean case indicates that the state-centric, linear and static view of educational policy transfer should be replaced by a new conceptualization which includes the complex web of decision-making and implementation processes that involve negotiations and compromises among various politicians and administrators who are driven by national as well as personal interests and goals. For example, although the educational reforms in the two Koreas were developed by Soviet and US military in order to maximize their long-term security interests in the Korean peninsula, the key actors who implemented the reforms were Korean policy-makers, who had been appointed to key positions of the educational administrations through the bureaucratic politics between the military authorities and the Korean polity. Although the overall objective of the educational reforms was to extend the ideological influences of the Soviet Union and the USA in the Korean peninsula, specific programs and policies for the reforms depended on the Korean policy-makers' understanding and interpretations of different ideologies.
34
O'Shea, Liam. "Police reform and state-building in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5165.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation provides an in-depth study of police transformation in Georgia, Kyrgyzstan and Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. It draws upon interviews with police, NGO workers, politicians and international practitioners, and employs a comparative-historical approach. Contra to democratic policing approaches, advocating the diffusion of police power and implementation of police reform concurrently with wider democratisation, reform was relatively successful in Georgia after the 2003 Rose Revolution because of state-building. The new government monopolised executive power, fired many police, recruited new personnel, raised police salaries and clamped down on organised crime and corruption. Success also depended on the elite's political will and their appeal to Georgian nationalism. Prioritisation of state-building over democratisation limited the reform's success, however. The new police are politicised and have served elites' private interests. Reform has failed in Kyrgyzstan because of a lack of state-building. Regional, clan and other identities are stronger than Kyrgyz nationalism. This has hindered the formation of an elite with capacity to implement reform. The state has limited control over the police, who remain corrupt and involved in organised crime. State-building has not precipitated police reform in Russia because of the absence of political will. The ruling cohort lacks a vision of reform and relies on corruption to balance the interests of political factions. The contrasting patterns of police reform have a number of implications for democratic police reform in transitioning countries: First, reform depends on political will. Second, institutionalising the police before democratising them may be a more effective means of acquiring the capacity to implement reform. Third, such an approach is likely to require some sort of common bond such as nationalism to legitimate it. Fourth, ignoring democratisation after institutionalisation is risky as reformers can misuse their power for private interests.
35
Retish, Aaron Benyamin. "Peasant Identities in Russia’s Turmoil: Status, Gender, and Ethnicity in Viatka Province, 1914-1921." The Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1051221981.
Full text
36
Kucher, Katharina. "Der Gorki-Park : Freizeitkultur im Stalinismus 1928 - 1941." Köln [u.a.] Böhlau, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2893354&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
Full text
37
Åhlander, Viktor. "Familjeframställningen i en tid av socialistisk realism : En tematisk och komparativ studie av Platonovs verk Bessmertie, Fro och Vozvraščenie." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för moderna språk, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-297493.
Full textAbstract:
This master thesis is thematically treating three short stories of Andrey Platonov: Bessmertie, Fro and Vozvraščenie. The purpose is to examine how Platonov presents the Soviet family and to what extent it fits the Soviet family politics. The family portraits are analysed in comparison with the guiding principles of the doctrine of Socialist Realism with the trends of Socialist Realism and family policy of the time into consideration. The first part describes Platonov’s life, the Socialist Realism, and the family policies of the Soviet Union. It also discusses how the influences of the time could have affected the author’s later works. The second part consists of an analysis of the three short stories mentioned above. The conclusion is that there is an opposition between the task of working and family life in the stories. Despite the fact that Platonov problematizes this opposition, there are few signs that he writes with an intended direct opposition towards the Soviet power or censorship. The themes of his stories are instead in fact following the development of contemporary family politics, and that is a development with a Soviet family that is “withering away”.Min examen är från Masterprogrammet i språk. Programmet finns inte med under kategorin "Utbildningsprogram".
38
Lherbette-Michel, Isabelle. "L’idee russe de l’Etat, contribution a la théorie juridique de l’Etat : le cas russe des origines au postcommunisme." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013BOR40064.
Full textAbstract:
Il existe une continuité dans l’« idée » russe de l’Etat qu’une analogie dans la continuité des systèmes ne reflète pas. De la Russie impériale à la Russie soviétique, l’Etat (Gosudarstvo) n’est pas conçu comme une entité abstraite et autonome. A la dimension césariste du pouvoir correspond la non-émergence, et du concept et de la réalité d’un Etat. Jusqu’en 1917, la conception russe du pouvoir est conditionnée par le discours idéologique – religieux. Après 1917, sa principale caractéristique est d’être subordonnée à l’idéologie, en tant qu’expression de la volonté du Parti communiste. L’Etat soviétique s’impose donc comme un Etat « de fait » et non comme un Etat « de droit ». La prédominance du discours idéologique entrave, à la fois, la constitution d’une culture de l’Etat, qui reste une culture du pouvoir, et la formation d’une culture de l’antériorité et de la supériorité du droit sur l’Etat. Après la désintégration de l’Union soviétique, la référence à la démocratie libérale et à l’Etat de droit devient un outil de la création d’une nouvelle légitimité pour l’Etat postcommuniste. L’entrée de la Russie dans la modernité politique nécessite une rupture avec les postulats idéologiques du passé. Or, la déconstruction du socialisme est un processus beaucoup plus complexe que la construction de la démocratie. Bien qu’ayant subi, sur plusieurs siècles, plusieurs types de transitions – de l’absolutisme de droit divin au socialisme, puis au postcommunisme -, l’Etat russe a donc conservé certains caractères constants et typiques qui en font, encore aujourd’hui, un modèle hybride, en tension entre autoritarisme et démocratieThere is a continuity as concerns the « idea » of the state that an analogy with the different systems does not reflect. From imperial to Soviet Russia, the state (Gosudarstvo) is not thought of as an abstract and autonomous entity. Until 1917, the Russian conception of power is conditioned by the religious ideological discourse. After 1917, her main feature is one of submission to ideology, in other words the expression of the will of the Communist Party. The Soviet state stands out by its « de facto » nature, rather than a « de jure » state. The supremacy of the ideological discourse hampers both the constitution of a new state culture, which remains focused on power, and the formation of the precedence and the superiority of law over the state. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, reference to liberal democracy and the rule of law becomes a tool in creating renewed legitimacy for the postcommunist state. Russia’s entry into political modernity demands a rupture with the ideological postulates of the past. The dismantlement of socialism is a much more complex process than the construction of democracy. Despite having been subjected, over centuries, to many types of transition – absolutism founded on divine right to socialism, then postcommunism -, the Russian state has always preserved certain features (be they constant or specific) that make it, and still today, a hybrid model pulling towards both authoritarianism and democracy
39
Eldridge-Nelson, Allison. "Veil of Protection: Operation Paperclip and the Contrasting Fates of Wernher von Braun and Arthur Rudolph." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1510914308951993.
Full text
40
Le, Gouriellec Sonia. "Régionalisme, régionalisation des conflits et construction de l'État : l'équation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D015.
Full textAbstract:
En dépit de sa complexité analytique, la situation sécuritaire de la Corne de l’Afrique peut être soumise aux outils de la Science politique afin de mieux comprendre les interactions entre les différents acteurs. Cette recherche s’efforce d’analyser les ressorts d’une équation sécuritaire qui peut paraître insoluble : le régionalisme est-il aujourd’hui un prérequis à l’émergence d’une paix régionale ? Pour répondre à cette question il est nécessaire de comprendre quels rôles jouent les processus sécuritaires régionaux (régionalisation et régionalisme) dans la construction des États de la Corne de l’Afrique. Cette étude s’efforce d’étudier les interactions entre le régionalisme, fondement de l’architecture de paix et de sécurité continentale, la régionalisation des conflits, qui semble à l’oeuvre dans cette région, et les processus de construction/formation de l’État. Les rapports entre les trois termes de l’équation dépendent du contexte et des interactions entre les différentes entités composant la région (États, acteurs non étatiques qui se dressent contre eux ou négocient avec eux et acteurs extérieurs). Deux types de dynamiques sont mises en évidence au terme de cette étude : l’une endogène, l’autre exogène. Dans la première, nous constatons que les conflits participent à la formation de l’État. Ils sont en grande partie des conflits internes et montrent qu’il existe une crise dans l’État. Ces États dominent le processus de régionalisme qui tente de réguler la conflictualité régionale avec un succès relatif puisque les organisations régionales cherchent à renforcer ou reconstruire l’État selon les critères idéalisés de l’État wébérien vu comme source d’instabilité. Le processus exogène se caractérise par le rôle des conflits régionaux dont l’existence sert de justificatif au développement et au renforcement du régionalisme, perçu comme la réponse la plus appropriée à ces problèmes de conflictualités. Cette conflictualité a pour source l’État car celui-ci est perçu comme faible. Le régionalisme permettrait de renforcer les États et diminuerait leurs velléités de faire la guerreIn spite of its analytical complexity, the security context in the Horn of Africa may be submitted to the Political Science’ tools in order to better understand the complex interactions between the various actors. The present research thus seeks to analyze the mechanism underlying what appears as an unsolvable security problem: is regionalism a prerequisite for the emergence of a regional peace? In order to answer this question, it is necessary to understand the role of regional security processes (regionalization and regionalism) in the state formation and state building of the Horn of Africa’s states. This study endeavours to explore the interactions between regionalism, which are inherent in the creation of an African peace and security architecture, the regionalization of conflict, which seems at work in this area, and construction/formation state process. The relationship between the three terms of this equation depends on the context and interactions between the various entities that make up the region (states, non-state actors that stand against them or negotiate with the states and external actors). This study thus reveals two kinds of dynamics at play: an endogenous process and an exogenous one. In the first one conflicts are involved in the formation of the state and are largely internal conflicts. It demonstrates that there is a crisis in the state States dominate the regionalism process which tries to regulate regional conflit with relative success because regional organizations seek to strengthen or rebuild the state according to the idealized criteria of the Weberian State seen as a source of instability. The exogenous process is characterized by the role of regional conflicts whose very existence serves to justify the development and the strenghtening of regionalism thus perceived as the most appropriate answer to those security problems. States are the source of conflicts because they are perceived as weak. Regionalism would strengthen states and reduce the inclination of states to make war
41
Musat, Jana. "République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30006.
Full textAbstract:
Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldaveOn August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population
42
BOCHARNIKOVA, Daria. "Inventing socialist modern : a history of the architectural profession in the USSR, 1954-1971." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/32114.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 22 May 2014Examining Board: Professor Stephen Smith, EUI - Supervisor; Professor Pavel Kolář, EUI; Professor Susan E. Reid, University of Sheffield; Professor Steven E. Harris, University of Mary Washington.
This PhD thesis explores a history of multiple visions of Socialist construction as articulated by Soviet architects, mainly but not exclusively in the Khrushchev era. Most commonly, Soviet architecture of this era is associated with the return of modernist aesthetics into the architectural practice of the Soviet Union. I question both these elements: whether there was a return and whether it was to modernism. In order to examine these questions I focus on Soviet architects and their visions and trace the evolution of professional discourses and practices across the rupture of 1954 spanning the period from the early 1930s to the late 1960s. Rather than thinking of architecture simply as an aesthetic discourse and building practice that either represented the regime or failed to do so, this thesis deals with architecture as a fundamental component of the revolutionary project of building Socialism, part and parcel of the state-driven program to make the physical and social landscape of the Soviet Union modern . I refer to the professional aspirations and imperatives of Soviet architects embedded in this revolutionary project as 'Socialist Modern'. Simply put, I show that there were many synchronic and diachronic visions of Socialist Modern. In particular, in chapter one I revisit the era after 1932 in Soviet architecture, a time of radical departure from the principles of modern architecture, and demonstrate how different understandings of modern architecture co-existed. Chapter two analyses how these divergent visions resurfaced and clashed after Khrushchev announced a radical shift to mass construction in 1954, which allows us to see this time as not merely one of ruptures and impositions of new rules from the top but as a history of equally important continuities established by Soviet architects themselves. In chapters three and four I examine two synchronic visions for Socialist Modern, the pragmatic design for Novye Cheriomushki and the visionary project of NER, which originated from different sources and constituted two different programs for the future of Soviet architecture. Chapter five traces how the pragmatic vision articulated in the Cheriomushki project evolved into Soviet mainstream and later into what I call Generic Modern and how the NER vision developed into a full-blown alternative that I call Organic Modern. Based on so far unexplored archival sources, the professional press and memoirs, this study challenges the prevailing emphasis on ruptures in Soviet architecture and constitutes a first step in mapping the diversity of Socialist Modern within the Soviet Union and within the Second World.
43
KAZNELSON, Michael. "Kulak children and the Soviet state in the 1930s." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6337.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 19 September 2006Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Graziosi, Università di Napoli Federico II ; Prof. E.A. Rees, the EUI (Supervisor) ; Prof. Lynne Viola, the University of Toronto ; Prof. Jay Winter, the EUI
First made available online on 29 June 2018
44
Tomoff, Kiril. "Creative union : the professional organization of Soviet composers, 1939-1953 /." 2001. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3006561.
Full text
45
FRITZ, Verena. "The state of the state : a fiscal perspective on state formation and transformation in Ukraine and other countries of the former Soviet Union." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6345.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 7 November 2003Examining board: Prof. Jan Zielonka (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI, co-supervisor) ; Prof. Valerie Bunce (Cornell University) ; Prof. Claus Offe (Humboldt-University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
46
Chieh, Pan Tung, and 潘東傑. "A Study of Law-Governed State in Soviet Union and Russia (1985-1993)." Thesis, 1995. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21757463826746159247.
Full text
47
Paik, Hak Soon. "North Korean state formation, 1945-1950." 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34751625.html.
Full text
48
Young, Glennys Jeanne. "Rural religion and Soviet power, 1921-1932." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22916095.html.
Full text
49
Alikulova, Sandugash. "Clarifying Judicial Jurisdiction over Workplace Injury Claims against a State in the Former Soviet Union Countries." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/42667.
Full textAbstract:
The essay discusses judicial jurisdiction over workplace injury claims against a state in the former Soviet Union Countries. Claiming that such cases should be dismissed in foreign jurisdiction, the paper seeks explanation to different approach and different outcomes of workplace injury cases in the courts of the same countries. The essay begins with background information on particularities of unusual workplace injury cases which emerged in connection with important political event - collapse of the USSR. Relevant provisions of domestic and .
international law on judicial jurisdiction, their interpretation and application in Commonwealth of Independent States are discussed in this paper. Analyzing provisions and reasons of different decisions, the essay infers the implications from analysis in support of its main claim.
50
Manning, Stephen Dale. "Democratizing the Leninist party-state the political economy of reform in China and the Soviet Union /." 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23825824.html.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1990.Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [393]-409).