Relevant bibliographies by topics / Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant

Academic literature on the topic 'Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant"

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Ghesini, S., and M. Marini. "Molecular characterization and phylogeny of Kalotermes populations from the Levant, and description of Kalotermes phoeniciae sp. nov." Bulletin of Entomological Research 105, no. 3 (March 17, 2015): 285–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007485315000097.

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AbstractThe presence of the yellow-necked drywood termite, Kalotermes flavicollis Fabr., has been reported along most of the Mediterranean coasts of Europe, Africa and Asia. While morphological and genetic data exist on European K. flavicollis populations from western and central Mediterranean regions, data on eastern Mediterranean Kalotermes are scarce, and no genetic data exist to date. In this study, we analyzed 17 Kalotermes sp. colonies from 11 localities in the Levant (Cyprus, Lebanon, and Israel), in order to characterize genetically (mitochondrial DNA: COII, 16S, and control region) these populations. We found that samples from the Levant are genetically different from K. flavicollis, with distance values falling in the range of interspecific distances. In the phylogeny of European Kalotermes populations, samples from the Levant form a clade of their own, sister to a clade including K. flavicollis and Kalotermes italicus. Inside the eastern Mediterranean clade, all the samples from Cyprus are included in a well-supported subclade, suggesting that the colonization of the island might have occurred in a single event. These findings show that the populations we examined do not belong to the species K. flavicollis, but to a new species peculiar to the Levant, that we describe as Kalotermes phoeniciae sp. nov. It is possible that previous reports of K. flavicollis in this region can be attributed to K. phoeniciae.
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Kaniewski, David, Nick Marriner, Rachid Cheddadi, Joël Guiot, and Elise Van Campo. "The 4.2 ka BP event in the Levant." Climate of the Past 14, no. 10 (October 22, 2018): 1529–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/cp-14-1529-2018.

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Abstract. The 4.2 ka BP event is defined as a phase of environmental stress characterized by severe and prolonged drought of global extent. The event is recorded from the North Atlantic through Europe to Asia and has led scientists to evoke a 300-year global mega-drought. For the Mediterranean and the Near East, this abrupt climate episode radically altered precipitation, with an estimated 30 %–50 % drop in rainfall in the eastern basin. While many studies have highlighted similar trends in the northern Mediterranean (from Spain to Turkey and the northern Levant), data from northern Africa and the central-southern Levant are more nuanced, suggesting a weaker imprint of this climate shift on the environment and/or different climate patterns. Here, we critically review environmental reconstructions for the Levant and show that, while the 4.2 ka BP event also corresponds to a drier period, a different climate pattern emerges in the central-southern Levant, with two arid phases framing a wetter period, suggesting a W-shaped event. This is particularly well expressed by records from the Dead Sea area.
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Abulafia, David. "Sugar in Spain." European Review 16, no. 2 (May 2008): 191–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000148.

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Sugar has attracted attention from economic historians, particularly because of its significance in the organisation of labour – notably the role of sugar in the development of slavery in the New World. In a Mediterranean setting, the links to slavery are less obvious, but the gradual westward transfer of sugar technology from the Levant to Sicily (under Muslim rule, and later under Aragonese rule) and to Spain reflects seismic changes in the Mediterranean economy. This was a luxury product and, as demand in western Europe grew, European merchants sought sources of supply closer to home than the eastern Mediterranean. Their reluctance to trade in the Levant reflected political uncertainties in the period when Turkish power was rising in the region. In southern Spain, Valencia (under Christian rule) and Granada (under Muslim rule) became major suppliers to northern Europe by the 15th century. Paradoxically, the survival of the last Muslim state in Spain, Granada, was made possible through the injection of capital by Italian and other merchants trading in sugar. However, the discovery of the Atlantic islands, especially Madeira, gave the Portuguese an opportunity to develop sugar production on a massive scale, again targeting Flanders and northern Europe. The article concludes with the arrival of sugar in the Caribbean, in the wake of Columbus.
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Langgut, Dafna, Rachid Cheddadi, Josѐ Sebastián Carrión, Mark Cavanagh, Daniele Colombaroli, Warren John Eastwood, Raphael Greenberg, et al. "The origin and spread of olive cultivation in the Mediterranean Basin: The fossil pollen evidence." Holocene 29, no. 5 (February 14, 2019): 902–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959683619826654.

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Olive ( Olea europaea L.) was one of the most important fruit trees in the ancient Mediterranean region and a founder species of horticulture in the Mediterranean Basin. Different views have been expressed regarding the geographical origins and timing of olive cultivation. Since genetic studies and macro-botanical remains point in different directions, we turn to another proxy – the palynological evidence. This study uses pollen records to shed new light on the history of olive cultivation and large-scale olive management. We employ a fossil pollen dataset composed of high-resolution pollen records obtained across the Mediterranean Basin covering most of the Holocene. Human activity is indicated when Olea pollen percentages rise fairly suddenly, are not accompanied by an increase of other Mediterranean sclerophyllous trees, and when the rise occurs in combination with consistent archaeological and archaeobotanical evidence. Based on these criteria, our results show that the southern Levant served as the locus of primary olive cultivation as early as ~6500 years BP (yBP), and that a later, early/mid 6th millennium BP cultivation process occurred in the Aegean (Crete) – whether as an independent large-scale management event or as a result of knowledge and/or seedling transfer from the southern Levant. Thus, the early management of olive trees corresponds to the establishment of the Mediterranean village economy and the completion of the ‘secondary products revolution’, rather than urbanization or state formation. From these two areas of origin, the southern Levant and the Aegean olive cultivation spread across the Mediterranean, with the beginning of olive horticulture in the northern Levant dated to ~4800 yBP. In Anatolia, large-scale olive horticulture was palynologically recorded by ~3200 yBP, in mainland Italy at ~3400 yBP, and in the Iberian Peninsula at mid/late 3rd millennium BP.
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David Ben-Shlomo, Eleni Nodarou, and Jeremy B. Rutter. "Transport Stirrup Jars from the Southern Levant: New Light on Commodity Exchange in the Eastern Mediterranean." American Journal of Archaeology 115, no. 3 (2011): 329. http://dx.doi.org/10.3764/aja.115.3.0329.

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Budja, Mihael. "The transition to farming and the ceramic trajectories in Western Eurasia. From ceramic figurines to vessels." Documenta Praehistorica 33 (December 31, 2006): 183–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.33.17.

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In Eurasia the invention of ceramic technology and production of fired-clay vessels has not necessarily been related to the dynamics of the transition to farming. The invention of ceramic technology in Europe was associated with female and animal figurine making in Gravettian technocomplex. The fired-clay vessels occurred first in hunter-gatherer contexts in Eastern Eurasia a millennia before the agriculture. The adoption of pottery making in Levant seems to correlate with the collapse of the ‘ritual economy’, social decentralisation and community fragmentation in the Levantine Pre-Pottery Neolithic. In South-eastern Europe the adoption of pottery making was closely associated with social, symbolic and ritual hunter-gatherers’ practices.
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Fletcher, Richard Nathan. "Opening the Mediterranean: Assyria, the Levant and the transformation of Early Iron Age trade." Antiquity 86, no. 331 (February 22, 2012): 211–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00062566.

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The evidence for structures of exchange in the Early Iron Age Mediterranean has been rationalised in many ways, variable in terms of both the evidence selected and the arguments applied. However, the most pervasive and tenacious explanation has been based upon a coreperiphery model, which approaches the expansion of Phoenician commerce in the Early Iron Age by conceptualising it as flowing from a largely eastern Mediterranean core to the western Mediterranean periphery. Thus the Early Iron Age expansion has been interpreted as a direct function of Neo-Assyrian imperialism (Frankenstein 1979), an idea that has circulated in the work of many scholars (Shaw 1989; Kuhrt 1995: 403’410; Coldstream 2003: 240’41, 359; Fantalkin 2006).
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Guidi, Alessandro, and Massimo Tarantini. "THE EMERGENCE OF STRATIGRAPHIC ARCHAEOLOGY IN MEDITERRANEAN EUROPE." Acta Archaeologica 88, no. 1 (December 2017): 139–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1600-0390.2017.12180.x.

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Geddes, David S. "Mesolithic domestic sheep in West Mediterranean Europe." Journal of Archaeological Science 12, no. 1 (January 1985): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0305-4403(85)90013-5.

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Benda, Petr, and Marek Uvizl. "Taxonomic revision of Myotis emarginatus: detailed morphometric analysis and final evaluation of the evidence (Chiroptera: Vespertilionidae)." Lynx new series 52, no. 1 (2022): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37520/lynx.2021.003.

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The Geoffroy’s bat, Myotis emarginatus, is the only species distributed in the Palaearctic belonging to the African clade of the genus Myotis. It occurs extensively across several ecologic zones of Europe, north-western Africa, and western and central Asia, and hence it was considered to be a polytypic species. Only one subspecies was reported from Europe and North Africa, up to four subspecies were recognised in Asia. However, the validity of particular taxa as well as the systematic positions of different populations remained ambiguous. Here we present a revision of the intraspecific phylogenetic structure of M. emarginatus based on combination of the available results of a molecular genetic analysis with the results of a thorough morphologic examination of an extensive specimen set from almost the whole range of its distribution. The previously described geographic variability in the mitochondrial markers demonstrated grouping of haplotypes of M. emarginatus into three main lineages that occur in (1) the Mediterranean Basin (including central Europe, the Maghreb and Levant), (2) Oman and south-eastern Iran, and (3) northern Iran and West Turkestan. The morphologic comparison uncovered the existence of four main, geographically exclusive morphotypes in M. emarginatus, concerning the body, skull and tooth sizes, and skull and tooth shapes: (1) rather small bats with short rostrum and high braincase, occurring in Europe and north-western Africa; (2) rather medium-sized bats with long rostrum and short braincase from the Levant including Cyprus; (3) large bats with wide and long rostrum from the south-eastern parts of the Middle East, including Oman, south-eastern Iran and eastern Afghanistan, and (4) large bats with narrow and short rostrum, occurring in Crimea, the Caucasus region, and West Turkestan. As a synthesis of the results of both approaches, we suggest to recognise three subspecies within the Myotis emarginatus species rank – M. e. emarginatus (Geoffroy, 1806) distributed in the Mediterranean, central and western Europe, north-western Africa, and in the Levant; M. e. desertorum (Dobson, 1875) in the south-eastern Middle East, including southern Iran, Oman, and Afghanistan; and M. e. turcomanicus (Bobrinskoj, 1925) in the Caucasus region, Crimea, Transcaucasia, and West Turkestan.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant"

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Josephson, Hesse Kristina. "LATE BRONZE AGE MARITIME TRADE IN THE EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN: AN INLAND LEVANTINE PERSPECTIVE." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-124045.

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This paper emphasizes the nature of trade relations in the EasternMediterranean in general and from a Levantine inland perspective inparticular. The ‘maritime’ trade relation of the ancient city of Hazor, located in the interior of LB Canaan is a case study investigating the Mycenaean and Cypriot pottery on the site. The influx of these vessels peaked during LB IIA. The distribution and types of this pottery at Hazorpoint to four interested groups that wanted it. These were the royal andreligious elites; the people in Area F; the religious functionaries of theLower City; and the craftsmen of Area C. The abundance of imports inArea F, among other evidence, indicates that this area might havecontained a trading quarter from where the imports were distributed toother interested groups.A model of ‘interregional interaction networks’, which is a modified world systems approach, is used to describe the organization of trade connections between the Levant, Cyprus and the Aegean and even beyond. The contents of the Ulu Burun and Cape Gelidonya ships, wrecked on the coast of south Turkey, show that luxury items were traded from afar through Canaan via the coastal cities overseas to the Aegean.Such long-distance trade with luxury goods requires professional traders familiar with the risks and security measures along the routes and with the knowledge of value systems and languages of diverse societies. These traders established networks along main trade routes and settled in trading quarters in particular node cities. The paper suggests that Hazor, as one of the largest cities in Canaan, located along the main trade routes, possessed such a node position. In this trade the Levantine coastal cities of Sarepta, Abu Hawam,Akko and possibly Tel Nami seem to have played important roles. These main ports of southern Syria and northern Palestine were all accessible to Hazor, although some of them in different periods of LB.

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Kieser, Deanne. "Minoan trade: aspects and ambiguities." Diss., [S.l. : s.n.], 2005. http://etd.unisa.ac.za/ETD-db/ETD-desc/describe?urn=etd-08192005-084633.

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Puckett, Neil 1983. "The Phoenician Trade Network: Tracing a Mediterranean Exchange System." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/148404.

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The Phoenicians were known as artisans, merchants, and seafarers by the 10th century B.C.E. They exchanged raw and finished goods with people in many cultural spheres of the ancient world and accumulated wealth in the process. A major factor that aided their success was the establishment of colonies along the Mediterranean and eastern Atlantic coasts. These colonies, established by the eighth century B.C.E., supplied valuable raw materials to the major Phoenician cities in the Levant, while also providing additional markets abroad. Excavations at a myriad of these colonial sites have recovered materials that can be used to identify connections between the colonies, the Levantine cities, and non-Phoenician cultures across the ancient world. By establishing these connections the system of maritime exchange can be better understood and modeled as the Phoenician Trade Network. This network involved both direct and indirect exchange of raw and finished products, people, as well as political and cultural ideas. The colonies were involved in various activities including ceramics production, metallurgy, trade, and agriculture. Native peoples they interacted with provided valuable goods, especially metals, which were sent east to supply the Near Eastern Markets. The Phoenician Trade Network was a system of interconnected, moderately independent population centers which all participated in the advancement of Phoenician mercantilism and wealth. Ultimately, the network collapsed in the sixth century B.C.E. allowing other powers such as the Romans, Carthaginians, and Greeks to replace them as the dominant merchants of the Mediterranean.
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Vermeulen, Floris Nicholas. "A Sikil interlude at Dor: an analysis of contrasting opinions." Diss., 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1719.

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This paper analyses the opposing views regarding the presence or absence of the Sikil at Dor in Palestine during Early Iron Age 1. Textual sources claim that the Sikil were pirates who came from the west and settled in Cyprus. Egyptian sources point to a Sikil presence at Dor. Some scholars regard the Egyptian sources and archaeological finds at Dor as evidence of a Sikil settlement at Dor. Others maintain that there is a continuity of ceramics at Dor from Canaanite to Phoenician. Though there were foreign influences at Dor during Early Iron Age 1 which point to newcomers, they propose that these newcomers probably came from Cyprus. No archaeological record of a Sea People-presence at Dor has been discovered. This study textually traces the Sikil from the Aegean to Cyprus, Egypt and finally to Dor and a theory is presented that the Sikil originated in the Aegean, temporarily settled in Cyprus and finally at Dor.
Old Testament & Ancient Near Eastern Studies
M.A. (Biblical Archaeology)
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Books on the topic "Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant"

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Olivier, Binst, Polidori Robert, Gatier Pierre-Louis, Gubel E, and Marquis Philippe, eds. The Levant: History and archaeology in the Eastern Mediterranean. Cologne: Könemann, 2000.

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Thomas, Homer L. A handbook of archaeology: Cultures and sites : North Africa, Egypt, Southwest Asia, Mediterranean, Northwest Europe, Northern Europe, Central Europe, Southeast Europe, Eastern Europe, Western Asia. Jonsered: P. Åströms, 1993.

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Thomas, Homer L. A handbook of archaeology: Cultures and sites : North Africa, Egypt, Southwest Asia, Mediterranean, Northwest Europe, Northern Europe, Central Europe, Southeast Europe, Eastern Europe, Western Asia. Jonsered: Åströms, 1994.

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Thomas, Homer L. A handbook of archaeology: Cultures and sites : North Africa, Egypt, Southwest Asia, Mediterranean, Northwest Europe, Northern Europe, Central Europe, Southeast Europe, Eastern Europe, Western Asia. Jonsered: Åströms, 1993.

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B, Counts Derek, Tuck Anthony S, Holloway R. Ross 1934-, and Brown University. Artemis A.W. and Martha Sharp Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World., eds. Koine: Mediterranean studies in honor of R. Ross Holloway. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2009.

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L, Bintliff J., and Sbonias Kostas, eds. Reconstructing past population trends in Mediterranean Europe (3000 BC - AD 1800). Oxford: Oxbow, 1999.

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E, Alcock Susan, and Cherry John F, eds. Side-by-side survey: Comparative regional studies in the Mediterranean World. Oxford: Oxbow, 2004.

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Wachsmann, Shelley. Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998.

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Pieter B. F. J. Broucke. The archaeology of architecture: Charles Robert Cockerell in Southern Europe and the Levant, 1810-1817. [New Haven]: Yale Center for British Art, 1993.

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Hidden landscapes of Mediterranean Europe: Cultural and methodological biases in pre- and protohistoric landscape studies : proceedings of the international meeting, Siena, Italy, May 25-27, 2007. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant"

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Spagnoli, F., and A. Yavari. "History, archaeology and culture." In The fig: botany, production and uses, 1–8. Wallingford: CABI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789242881.0001.

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Abstract This chapter discusses: (1) the etymology of the fig; (2) the domestication, dispersal and archaeological evidence of the fig; (3) fig in ancient Egypt; (4) the fig in Neolithic Levant and East Mediterranean; (5) figs in Greece and West Mediterranean in the Iron Age; (6) the fig in Roman culture; and (7) the fig tree in the Holy Books.
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Hayden, Brian. "Old Europe." In Archaeology and Fertility Cult in the Ancient Mediterranean, 17–30. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Company, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/zg.15.05hay.

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Woolf, Greg. "Ritual Traditions of Non-Mediterranean Europe." In A Companion to the Archaeology of Religion in the Ancient World, 463–77. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118886809.ch35.

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Bánffy, Eszter. "Cultic Finds From the Middle Copper Age of Western Hungary -connections With South East Europe." In Archaeology and Fertility Cult in the Ancient Mediterranean, 69–77. Amsterdam: B.R. Grüner Publishing Company, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/zg.15.10ban.

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Müller, Leos. "Swedish Trade and Shipping in the Mediterranean in the 18th Century." In Atti delle «Settimane di Studi» e altri Convegni, 453–69. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-857-0.23.

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This paper analyses the rise of Swedish trade and shipping in the Mediterranean in the eighteenth century. It focuses on three factors that shaped Sweden’s role in the area: foreign policy interest, foreign trade policy (mercantilism), and commodity demand and supply. The foreign policy interest is represented by attempts to build an alliance with the Ottoman Empire against Russia. An outcome of this was the short-lived Swedish Levant Company. The second factor relates to Sweden’s mercantilist policy in the Mediterranean, embodied in the Swedish Navigation Act, trade and peace treaties with the North-African states, and the consular services in southern Europe. Sea salt was in the core of this policy—a strategic commodity in northern Europe. Southern Europe, too, was important market for Swedish exports goods: iron, tar and pitch, and planks.
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Shahack-Gross, Ruth. "Fire and Society in the Eastern Mediterranean." In The Social Archaeology of the Levant, 86–97. Cambridge University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781316661468.007.

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Ridout-Sharpe, Janet. "Shell ornaments, icons and other artefacts from the eastern Mediterranean and Levant." In Molluscs in Archaeology, 290–307. Oxbow Books, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvh1dk5s.23.

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Davis, Ralph. "The Southern European and Mediterranean Trades." In The Rise of the English Shipping Industry in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, 219–46. Liverpool University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9780986497384.003.0011.

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This chapter explores trade between Britain, Southern Europe, and the Mediterranean during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. In detail, it examines Spanish and Portuguese shipping and the wool and wine trades; the growth in corn trade quantities; trade with Italy and shipping from the port of Livorno; and the Levant company’s monopoly of the silk trade with Syria and Asia Minor. It includes shipping statistics and contemporary correspondence to provide a well-rounded representation of the international shipping trade between these nations.
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Cateloy, Cydrisse. "Imported Levantine Amphorae at Tell el-Dabʿa: A Volumetric Approach to Reconsidering the Maritime Trade in the Eastern Mediterranean." In Contributions to the Archaeology of Egypt, Nubia and the Levant, 277–304. Harrassowitz Verlag, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.13173/9783447113328.277.

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Goudie, Andrew. "Aeolian Processes and Landforms." In The Physical Geography of the Mediterranean. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199268030.003.0026.

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Certain parts of the Mediterranean lands are drylands— notably south-east Spain, the North African littoral, and parts of the Levant. This means that there is potential for aeolian processes to operate locally, especially where the vegetation cover has been depleted by human activities. Although water erosion is probably the most pervasive cause of land degradation in the Mediterranean lands (Chapter 20), susceptible soils in the drier portions of the region have been subject to accelerated wind erosion. This forms part of the phenomenon of desertification. Deforestation, high stocking levels of domestic animals, cultivation, and miscellaneous recreational pressures, have all helped to create this problem in North Africa (Sghaier and Seiwert 1993), the Levant (Massri et al. 2002) and in the semi-arid lands of Spain (Lopez et al. 2001). However, the GLASOD (Global Assessment of Soil Degradation) survey of wind erosion severity (Middleton and Thomas 1997: 32–3) suggests that at present, with the exception of parts of North Africa, the Levant, and Sicily, wind erosion severity is generally low in the Mediterranean region. In addition, the Mediterranean lands are in close proximity to the world’s greatest arid zone— the Sahara-Arabian belt—and so are subject to dust incursions from winds from that region: the ‘ghibli’ of Tripolitania, the ‘chili’ of Tunisia, the ‘khamsin’ of Egypt, and the ‘sirocco’ and ‘leveche’ of southern Europe. This has important geochemical implications (Kocak et al. 2004a, b). Knowledge of the dynamics of aeolian dust and sand transport comes from two main sources. The first of these is contemporary process monitoring, including data from dust traps, climatological stations, and remote sensing. The second is the long-term sedimentary record from such environments as caves, the sea-floor, lakes, bogs, and loess deposits. There are, however, problems with gaps in the stratigraphic record, and uncertainties and limitations with respect to developing accurate geochronologies. Atmospheric dust comprised of mineral aerosol derived by deflation of desert surfaces, much of it from the Sahara (Middleton and Goudie 2001; Goudie and Middleton, 2006), is a feature of the Mediterranean basin, and it impacts upon the environment in a number of ways (Goudie and Middleton 2001).
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Conference papers on the topic "Archaeology of Europe, the Mediterranean and the Levant"

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Blockley, Simon. "SYNCHRONISING LONG PALAEOCLIMATE ARCHIVES WITH ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORDS USING DISTAL TEPHRA, HIGHLIGHTS AND PROBLEMS FROM EUROPE, MEDITERRANEAN AND THE LEVANT." In GSA Connects 2021 in Portland, Oregon. Geological Society of America, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1130/abs/2021am-369358.

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