Journal articles: 'Archaeological evidence'

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Menon, Jaya, and Supriya Varma. "Reading Archaeological Evidence." Indian Historical Review 37, no. 2 (December 2010): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/037698361003700201.

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Sackett, James. "Neanderthal Behaviour:the Archaeological Evidence." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 7, no. 1 (April 1997): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300001530.

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Saláta, D., E. Krausz, L. Reményi, Ákos Kenéz, and Á. Pető. "Combining historical land-use and geoarchaeological evidence to support archaeological site detection." Agrokémia és Talajtan 63, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/agrokem.63.2014.1.11.

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The present state of our landscapes is not only the result of various natural processes, but of the anthropogenic effect that humankind had since its occurrence within the landscape. These processes reach back as far as the beginning of the known archaeological eras. One of the major problems in the reconstruction of landscape evolution is bridging the gap between the archaeologically well-defined periods and the extensively documented last three centuries. Remains of the various archaeological periods are conserved in the soil and form part of the soil’s memory function; but soils develop and might get destroyed over time. However, soils also bridge the heritage of once lived cultures with those events of the last few centuries that are reconstructable, based on written and map sources. It must be noted that the possibility of human-induced soil destruction is significantly higher within the mentioned centuries, therefore the understanding of land-use changes, land-use trajectories are essential in assessing the possible degradation of soils, archaeological sites and heritage.The present contribution attempts to integrate the tools of geoarchaeology, soil science and landscape ecology with the archaeological knowledge of the Cikola valley (Mezőföld, Hungary). The historic land-use changes within the target area of the valley were detected and quantified with the trajectory tracking method. This was compared to soil conditions, geoarchaeological data and to information collected through on-site archaeological field walking. The comparisons of archaeological sites that have been less or more intensively used in the past, differ both in soil conditions, and in the condition of the archaeological phenomena they preserve. The trajectory values gave a good estimate on the possible and predictable disturbance of the archaeological phenomena preserved at the examined sites.

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Anderson, T. "Archaeological evidence for os tibiale." Foot 9, no. 4 (December 1999): 201–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1054/foot.1999.0557.

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Wylie, Alison. "How Archaeological Evidence Bites Back." Science, Technology, & Human Values 42, no. 2 (October 11, 2016): 203–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243916671200.

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Archaeological data are shadowy in a number of senses. They are notoriously incomplete and fragmentary, and the sedimented layers of interpretive scaffolding on which archaeologists rely to constitute these data as evidence carry the risk that they will recognize only those data that conform to expectation. These epistemic anxieties further suggest that, once recovered, there is little prospect for putting “legacy” data to work in new ways. And yet the “data imprints” of past lives are a rich evidential resource; archaeologists successfully mine old data sets for new insights that redirect inquiry, often calling into question assumptions embedded in the scaffolding that made their recovery possible in the first place. I characterize three strategies by which archaeologists address the challenges posed by legacy data: secondary retrieval and recontextualization of primary data, and the use old data in experimental simulations of the cultural past under study. By these means, archaeologists establish evidential claims of varying degrees of credibility, not by securing empirical bedrock but through a process of continuously building and rebuilding provisional empirical foundations.

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Emmerich Kamper, Theresa. "Leather Tanneries: the Archaeological Evidence." Post-Medieval Archaeology 52, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 428–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00794236.2018.1515418.

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McKenzie, Judith. "Glimpsing Alexandria from archaeological evidence." Journal of Roman Archaeology 16 (2003): 35–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400012988.

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Hogg, Erin A., and John R. Welch. "Archaeological Evidence in the Tsilhqot’in Decision." Canadian Journal of Archaeology 44, no. 2 (2020): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.51270/44.2.155.

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The 2014 Supreme Court of Canada Tsilhqot’in decision provides the first declaration of Aboriginal title to Canadian soil. Aboriginal title requires evidence of continuous, exclusive, and sufficient occupation of a territory. In the earlier trial before the British Columbia Supreme Court the Tsilhqot’in First Nations presented a substantial corpus of archaeological evidence to complement historical evidence, oral histories, and Tsilhqot’in testimony regarding the locations of Tsilhqot’in villages and the type and duration of their occupations. We examined this body of archaeological data in the context of the judicial proceedings to understand which data were considered favourably by the court and why. We found that the trial court accepted archaeological data as evidence of occupation on definite tracts of land at the time of sovereignty, agreeing with the Tsilhqot’in plaintiffs that the evidence met the legal standards for continuous and sufficient occupation. Because the Supreme Court Tsilhqot’in decision is the paramount statement on Aboriginal title, the treatment and consideration of archaeological data in that decision will likely set standards for and guide improvements to the applications of archaeological data in title cases.

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Becker, Marshall Joseph. "Archaeological Evidence for When Life Begins." Anthropology News 38, no. 5 (May 1997): 13–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.1997.38.5.13.3.

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Marcus, Joyce. "The Archaeological Evidence for Social Evolution." Annual Review of Anthropology 37, no. 1 (October 2008): 251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.37.081407.085246.

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CHRISTENSEN, TOM. "Lejre Beyond Legend—The Archaeological Evidence." Journal of Danish Archaeology 10, no. 1 (January 1991): 163–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0108464x.1991.10590060.

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Crackles, F. E. "Medieval Gardens in Hull: Archaeological Evidence." Garden History 14, no. 1 (1986): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1586812.

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Surovell, T., N. Waguespack, and P. J. Brantingham. "Global archaeological evidence for proboscidean overkill." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 102, no. 17 (April 13, 2005): 6231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0501947102.

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Rapp, George. "Assessing archaeological evidence for seismic catastrophies." Geoarchaeology 1, no. 4 (October 1986): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/gea.3340010403.

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15

Bednarik, Robert G. "Palaeoart and Archaeological Myths." Cambridge Archaeological Journal 2, no. 1 (April 1992): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959774300000457.

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This article addresses the question of human symbolic behaviour in the Lower and Middle Palaeolithic. Bednarik argues that the case against such early symbolic behaviour usually relies on untestable propositions about the stages of human cognitive development, and that too little attention has been paid to the full range of evidence for Lower and Middle Palaeolithic symbolism. He urges that the same criteria should be applied in assessing this evidence as in assessing the more widely accepted evidence for Upper Palaeolithic symbolism. In their following reply, Chase & Dibble observe that many quite reasonable hypotheses in the historical behavioural sciences cannot be refuted absolutely, and that where competing hypotheses are presented it may be difficult to decide which is most probable. Finally Davidson, also replying to Bednarik's criticisms, concludes that their different views of the evidence for early hominid symbolic behaviour arise from different objectives and conventions of understanding

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Bamforth, Douglas B. "Evidence and Metaphor in Evolutionary Archaeology." American Antiquity 67, no. 3 (July 2002): 435–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1593821.

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Evolutionary theory and terminology are widely used in recent archaeological work, and many evolutionary archaeologists have argued that the integration of such theory and terminology is essential to the future of our field. This paper considers evolutionary archaeology from two perspectives. First, it examines substantive claims that archaeology can study the operation of Darwinian evolution, either through a reliance on optimal-foraging theory or by linking the process of natural selection to archaeological data. It concludes that there are serious problems with both of these claims on Darwin: the relation between evolution and foraging theory has never been documented, and midrange arguments linking selection and archaeological data are unsustainable. Second, it argues that archaeologists rely metaphorically on evolutionary terminology to help make sense out of archaeological data. Although the use of evolutionary metaphor can be, and has been, problematic, it also offers a powerful conceptual framework for our research. However, this framework is only of one of a number of comparable frameworks that have been offered to our field, as a comparison of systems archaeology and evolutionary archaeology shows.

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Erlandson, Jon M. "Interpreting archaeological fish remains." Antiquity 87, no. 337 (September 1, 2013): 890–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00049577.

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In an important paper, O'Connor et al. (2011) described evidence for marine fishing from around 42 000-year-old (cal BP) deposits at Jerimalai Shelter on Timor-Leste. The paper's title referred to evidence for pelagic fishing and the maritime skills of anatomically modern humans (AMH). Considering that not long ago human seafaring and marine fishing were considered to be limited to the terminal Pleistocene or early Holocene (see Erlandson 2001), the paper's broader significance lies in the further evidence for Pleistocene voyaging required to colonise Timor-Leste and the quantities of fish bone that represent a substantial marine fishing effort at a relatively early date.

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Mientjes, Antoon C. "Modern pastoral landscapes on the island of Sardinia (Italy). Recent pastoral practices in local versus macro-economic and macro-political contexts." Archaeological Dialogues 10, no. 2 (July 1, 2004): 161–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1380203804001230.

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Archaeological interest in pastoralism – i.e. the predominant reliance on herded animals such as sheep and cattle for the production of food and other items for domestic consumption and (market) exchange – is gradually growing in the Mediterranean region and elsewhere. Ethno-archaeological studies in particular have paid attention to recent historical and contemporary pastoral economies as a consequence of the difficulties in recognizing pastoral material culture in the archaeological evidence. This paper will present an ethno-archaeological case study of recent pastoral economies in a mountain region in Sardinia (Italy), which have been investigated from a landscape perspective. I argue that the archaeologically visible features of pastoral and rural landscapes generally should be considered the outcome of both spatially and temporally diverse rural practices on the local level and their interaction with wider economic and political structures.

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McCormick, Michael. "Tracking mass death during the fall of Rome's empire (II): a first inventory of mass graves." Journal of Roman Archaeology 29 (2016): 1004–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400073190.

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Part I of this study synthesized what archaeological features and written evidence indicate about human mortality crises during the later Roman Empire. It argued that one could test competing ideas about mortality crises by assembling and analyzing the archaeological evidence of mass graves of our Type 1, defined as the resting place of more than 5 individuals who were interred more or less simultaneously. Such an archaeological data-set would clarify whether mass death figured significantly in the demographic and cultural landscape of late antiquity. It should, moreover, begin to elucidate when, where, and to what varying extent mortality crises may have been induced by violence, disease, or economic and environmental conditions. Part I reviewed the aggregate patterns of 85 archaeological features in 55 sites. Ten were very large burials (50-526 individuals); burials of between 5 and 9 individuals were most frequent (31 cases). Very large graves were predominantly urban, although large military burials occurred in the countryside. Eyewitnesses described huge mass graves in some of the empire's great cities, but few have been archaeologically documented until now. Nonetheless, the late Roman city that has been most carefully investigated, Jerusalem, has yielded 8 such sites. A third (10) of 29 burials that provide useful evidence document violent death. Although the dating of many features is imperfect, mass graves identified so far peaked in the 6th (24) and 7th (32) c.

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20

Shott, Michael J. "Bipolar Industries: Ethnographic Evidence and Archaeological Implications." North American Archaeologist 10, no. 1 (July 1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/aakd-x5y1-89h6-ngjw.

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Bipolar objects are common in archaeological assemblages. Produced by hammer-and-anvil knapping, these objects generally are classified in one of two conflicting ways: as cores or as wedges. Although most archaeologists take the first view, the second remains prevalent in some quarters, especially in eastern North American Paleo-Indian studies. Setting forth and evaluating the corollaries of both views, this article concludes that most bipolar objects—even in Paleo-Indian assemblages—are cores. It also documents ethnographic observations of bipolar reduction at some length.

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21

Edgeworth, Matt. "Material and Cognitive Dimensions of Archaeological Evidence." Journal of Contemporary Archaeology 1, no. 2 (January 26, 2015): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jca.v1i2.26673.

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Karetzky, Patricia. "New Archaeological Evidence of Tang Esoteric Art." Tang Studies 12, no. 1 (1994): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tan.1994.0001.

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23

White, L. Michael, and Graydon F. Snyder. "Archaeological Evidence of Church Life before Constantine." Journal of Biblical Literature 106, no. 3 (September 1987): 560. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3261101.

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Sauer, Nikoline. "Urbanism in Archaic Rome: The Archaeological Evidence." Journal of Urban Archaeology 4 (July 2021): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jua.5.126596.

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Snow, Bert S. "Jesus and His World: The Archaeological Evidence." Bulletin for Biblical Research 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371242.

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26

Lapp, Eric C. "Jewish Archaeological Evidence from the Roman Rhineland." Journal of Jewish Studies 44, no. 1 (April 1, 1993): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1680/jjs-1993.

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27

Ferraro, Joseph V., Thomas W. Plummer, Briana L. Pobiner, James S. Oliver, Laura C. Bishop, David R. Braun, Peter W. Ditchfield, et al. "Earliest Archaeological Evidence of Persistent Hominin Carnivory." PLoS ONE 8, no. 4 (April 25, 2013): e62174. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0062174.

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Popović, Mladen. "Qumran in Context: Reassessing the Archaeological Evidence." Journal for the Study of Judaism 38, no. 3 (2007): 395–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006307x206102.

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Merkyte, Inga, Søren Albek, and Klavs Randsborg. "Urbanizing Forest: Archaeological Evidence from Southern Bénin." Journal of African Archaeology 17, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21915784-20190012.

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Abstract Until recently archaeological evidence predating the historically known Kingdom of Dahomey in southern Bénin has been next to non-existent. The situation changed when deep and long drainage channels were dug into the fertile soils at the modern town of Bohicon. In the sides of these channels, rich cultural remains appeared, confirming the assumption that high rates of soil accumulation have caused low archaeological visibility in the forest/former forest belt of West Africa. Geophysical mapping and extensive excavations have revealed two large settlements of 500-600 hectares each, partly overlapping but separated by 2000 years. This paper presents both sites – Sodohomé 1, the earliest site encountered so far in southern Bénin, and Sodohomé 2 (or Sodohomé-Bohicon) which dates to AD 900-1150/1220. Although the first has produced some remarkable results, for instance, an iron spearhead that is the oldest securely dated non-meteoritic iron object in Africa known so far, the focus is on the latter site where evidence demonstrates the existence of a true town with craft specialisation, industrial-scale iron production, long-distance trade and wide communication networks.

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Pülz, Andreas. "Archaeological Evidence of Christian Pilgrimage in Ephesus." HEROM 1, no. 1 (December 1, 2012): 225–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.11116/herom.1.9.

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31

Earwood, Caroline. "Primitive Ropemaking: The Archaeological and Ethnographic Evidence." Folk Life 36, no. 1 (January 1997): 45–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/043087797798238242.

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DAVIDSON, JANET. "Western Polynesia and Fiji: The Archaeological Evidence." Mankind 11, no. 3 (May 13, 2010): 383–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1978.tb00667.x.

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Hoz, Javier de. "Lepontic, Celtiberian, Gaulish and the archaeological evidence." Etudes Celtiques 29, no. 1 (1992): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ecelt.1992.2006.

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Karetzky, Patricia. "New Archaeological Evidence of Tang Esoteric Art." Tang Studies 1994, no. 12 (June 1994): 11–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/073750394787913106.

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35

Wynn, Thomas. "Archaeological evidence for mimetic mind and culture." Behavioral and Brain Sciences 16, no. 4 (December 1993): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x00032957.

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Mordvintseva, Valentina. "The Sarmatians: The Creation of Archaeological Evidence." Oxford Journal of Archaeology 32, no. 2 (April 8, 2013): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ojoa.12010.

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SCHWARCZ, H. P., R. GRÜN, A. G. LATHAM, D. MANIA, and K. BRUNNACKER. "THE BILZINGSLEBEN ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE: NEW DATING EVIDENCE." Archaeometry 30, no. 1 (February 1988): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4754.1988.tb00431.x.

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Kirigin, Branko, and Vedran Barbarić. "beginning of Pharos – the present archaeological evidence." Godišnjak Centra za balkanološka ispitivanja, no. 48 (January 6, 2022): 219–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5644/godisnjak.cbi.anubih-48.127.

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The site of the Greek town of Pharos, today Stari Grad on the Island of Hvar in Croatia, during the last three decades has been a point of increased archaeological interest. Small excavation was undertaken by the team of the Adriatic Islands Project during 1990’s. The most intensive excavation so far was carried out by the Conservational Department in Split and, during the recent decade, these were followed by the rescue excavations in the same area by the Museum of Stari Grad. The publication of results by the three mentioned teams has created much vagueness, especially regarding the interpretation of the early phases of life on the site that pre-date the solid block built rampart. The interpretation presented by Jeličić Radonić and Katić (2015) was, recently, profoundly challenged by Popović and Devlahović (2018). Following this, our paper aims at clearing out some of the existing doubts on the early stages of the site occupation by presenting the interpretation of depositional processes based on the available archaeological evidence.

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Manhein, Mary H. "Making Faces: Using Forensic and Archaeological Evidence:Making Faces: Using Forensic and Archaeological Evidence." American Anthropologist 100, no. 1 (March 1998): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1998.100.1.212.2.

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40

Hendy, Jessica, Christina Warinner, Abigail Bouwman, Matthew J. Collins, Sarah Fiddyment, Roman Fischer, Richard Hagan, et al. "Proteomic evidence of dietary sources in ancient dental calculus." Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 285, no. 1883 (July 18, 2018): 20180977. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2018.0977.

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Archaeological dental calculus has emerged as a rich source of ancient biomolecules, including proteins. Previous analyses of proteins extracted from ancient dental calculus revealed the presence of the dietary milk protein β-lactoglobulin, providing direct evidence of dairy consumption in the archaeological record. However, the potential for calculus to preserve other food-related proteins has not yet been systematically explored. Here we analyse shotgun metaproteomic data from 100 archaeological dental calculus samples ranging from the Iron Age to the post-medieval period (eighth century BC to nineteenth century AD) in England, as well as 14 dental calculus samples from contemporary dental patients and recently deceased individuals, to characterize the range and extent of dietary proteins preserved in dental calculus. In addition to milk proteins, we detect proteomic evidence of foodstuffs such as cereals and plant products, as well as the digestive enzyme salivary amylase. We discuss the importance of optimized protein extraction methods, data analysis approaches and authentication strategies in the identification of dietary proteins from archaeological dental calculus. This study demonstrates that proteomic approaches can robustly identify foodstuffs in the archaeological record that are typically under-represented due to their poor macroscopic preservation.

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Anderson, Trevor. "Medieval Example of Cleft Lip and Palate from St. Gregory's Priory, Canterbury." Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 31, no. 6 (November 1994): 466–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1597/1545-1569_1994_031_0466_meocla_2.3.co_2.

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An archaeologically retrieved skeleton from medieval Canterbury possibly of the late eleventh or twelfth century, displays clear evidence of cleft lip and palate. A case of cleft palate dating from the seventh century, is known from an Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Burwell. This is the first evidence for both cleft lip and palate in British archaeological material. The individual had survived into adulthood. Apart from an odontome, there was no osseous evidence of any other abnormalities. Artistic evidence of cleft lip dates to the fourth century b.c. and surgical intervention (a.d. 390) is known from China.

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Gordon, Bryan C. "8000 years of caribou and human seasonal migration in the Canadian Barrenlands." Rangifer 25, no. 4 (May 1, 2005): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/2.25.4.1780.

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Caribou (Rangifer tarandus) are the common thread running through thousands of years of cultural evolution in northern mainland Canada. From the earliest Indian traditions, through the Pre-Dorset and Dene cultural evolution, up to historic times, the vast herds of migratory Barrenland caribou provided food, clothing and shelter. They determined the human cycle -- seasonal migrations, seasonal levels of fitness, and season of procreation. Caribou even permeated Dene mythology and supernatural beliefs. Within the Beverly caribou (R. t. groenlandicus) range in the Canadian Barrenlands, investigation of 1002 archaeological sites points to long-term stability of human band and caribou herd interaction. Caribou bone and hunting tools occur in multiple levels, the earliest to 8000 years, based on 131 radiocarbon dates. Through time, specific hunting bands aligned with specific migratory barren-ground caribou herds. This relationship helps to explain observed archaeological and ethnological differences within different caribou ranges for these hunting bands. In general, biological evidence concurs with ethnographic and archaeological evidence. But short-term variations in migration routes between northern boreal forest, taiga and tundra may have followed changes in herd size and environment, e.g., unfavorable snow and ice conditions or forest fires. However, such influences were not discernible archaeologically.

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Stern, Karen. "Limitations of “Jewish” as a Label in Roman North Africa." Journal for the Study of Judaism 39, no. 3 (2008): 307–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006308x294582.

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AbstractSelective attentions to “normative” Jewish archaeological materials and exclusions of ambiguous or complex evidence from Jewish archaeological compendia have diverted attention from those artifacts that might otherwise have yielded more productive observations about the cultural ranges of ancient Jewish populations. Application of more critical approaches to the classification of archaeological evidence, contextual approaches for the analysis of archaeological materials, and the replacement of essentialistic or syncretistic cultural models with more realistic ones, yield vastly improved understandings of ancient Jewish archaeological materials, and, by extension, better articulated pictures of the continua between early Jewish and Christian cultural identities.

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Hogg, Erin A., and John R. Welch. "Aboriginal rights and title for archaeologists: A history of archaeological evidence in Canadian litigation." Journal of Social Archaeology 20, no. 2 (March 31, 2020): 214–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469605320916099.

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Archaeological evidence has been used to assess pre-contact occupation and use of land since the first modern Aboriginal title claim in Canada. Archaeology’s ability to alternately challenge, support, and add substantive spatial and temporal dimensions to oral histories and documentary histories makes it a crucial tool in the resolution of Aboriginal rights and title. This article assesses how archaeological evidence has been considered in Aboriginal rights and title litigation in Canada, both over time and in different types of cases. The examination indicates that archaeological data have been judged to be sufficient evidence of pre-contact occupation and use. However, some limitations inherent in archaeological data, especially challenges in archaeology’s capacities to demonstrate continuous occupation and exclude possibilities for co-occupation, mean that it is best used in conjunction with ethnographies, oral histories, and historical documents. So long as courts affirm that it is the sole material evidence of pre-contact occupation, archaeological data will continue to be considered in future litigation.

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Holum, Kenneth G. "Archaeological Evidence for the Fall of Byzantine Caesarea." Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 286 (May 1992): 73–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357119.

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Ben-Shlomo, David. "Philistine Cult and Religion According to Archaeological Evidence." Religions 10, no. 2 (January 23, 2019): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10020074.

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The paper surveys and discusses the updated archaeological evidence for Philistine cult and religion, and cult and religion in Philistia during the Iron Age. The evidence can be related to public or official cult, represented in temple and shrine structures, and to that coming from households, representing possibly more popular religion. The evidence of public cult, so far mostly from peripheral sites, includes largely cultural elements linked with the local Canaanite cult and religion. Yet, within households at the Philistine cities there is more evidence for cultic elements of Aegean affinity during Iron Age I. In particular, figurines and ceramic figurative vessels and objects will be discussed. It seems that the Philistine religion may have retained certain distinctive elements also during Iron Age II. Nevertheless, it is still difficult to reconstruct the details of the nature of the Philistine religion due to the limited amount of evidence and lack of textual records.

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Nevett, Lisa. "Greek Households under Roman Hegemony: The Archaeological Evidence." Theoretical Roman Archaeology Journal, no. 1993 (April 16, 1999): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.16995/trac1993_99_110.

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48

Simonetti, Javier A., and Luis E. Cornejo. "Archaeological Evidence of Rodent Consumption in Central Chile." Latin American Antiquity 2, no. 1 (March 1991): 92–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971897.

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We analyzed the remains of small mammals from two rockshelters in the pre-Andean mountains of central Chile. A significant fraction of the remains exhibited evidence of burning. Burned remains were present from 4460 to 1520 B.P. and belong to rodent species of large body size and weight that are either diurnal or colonial. We suggest that rodents were a constant food item for humans in central Chile, and that rodent species were selected based on body size and conspicuousness.

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Joyce, Rosemary, T. Patrick Culbert, and William L. Fash. "Classic Maya Political History: Hieroglyphic and Archaeological Evidence." Journal of Field Archaeology 20, no. 1 (1993): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/530361.

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50

Berlin, Andrea. "Jewish Life Before the Revolt: The Archaeological Evidence." Journal for the Study of Judaism 36, no. 4 (2005): 417–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006305774482669.

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AbstractIn this paper, I present material remains relevant to understanding Jewish life in Palestine in the century or so before the Revolt. These remains comprise tangible data by which Jewish praxis, actual behavior, as well as attitudes, can be identified and dated. From the early-mid first century B.C.E., Jews adopted what I call 'household Judaism'—using mikva'ot as well as locally manufactured oil, wine, and cooking vessels—in order to incorporate a religious sensibility into their daily lives. At the end of the first century B.C.E. and in the early first century C.E., they began using plain oil lamps and stone dishes as markers of ethnic solidarity and, perhaps, religious attitudes. Throughout these years, most Jews in Jerusalem and Judea followed identical burial practices, with understated funerals at undecorated family tombs. 'Household Judaism' developed outside halakhic or priestly concerns. The remains reflect shared beliefs as well as a broad desire for material possessions that would encode and reflect religious unity and identity.Other remains, however, tell a different story. In country villas and in the Upper City of Jerusalem, wealthy Jews embraced the use of decorated table vessels, Italian-style cooking pans, and foreign modes of dining. They built elaborate display tombs whose large courtyards and impressive façades provided a classicizing backdrop for staged funeral ceremonies. These sorts of remains are rare or absent in rural Judea, Jewish Galilee, and Gaulanitis. The archaeological evidence thus provides an eyewitness view of a population strongly unified in religious practices but sharply divided by cultural ethic. Over the course of the first century that division may have helped weaken the link between position and moral authority, which in turn created a space and a platform for new voices and different agendas.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Archaeological evidence'

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