Relevant bibliographies by topics / Arabian Peninsula – Foreign relations

Academic literature on the topic 'Arabian Peninsula – Foreign relations'

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Published: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Arabian Peninsula – Foreign relations"

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Gillard, David. "Russia and Arabia: Soviet foreign policy toward the Arabian peninsula." International Affairs 63, no. 1 (1986): 148–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2620302.

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Campbell, John C., and Mark N. Katz. "Russia and Arabia: Soviet Foreign Policy toward the Arabian Peninsula." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 5 (1986): 1126. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042843.

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Prantner, Zoltán. "Hungary and the Arabian Peninsula in the 1960s." East Central Europe 49, no. 1 (April 7, 2022): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763308-49010003.

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Abstract In this article, the author discusses a particular episode in the history of Hungary’s foreign policy when the Hungarian Communist leadership attempted to expand its system of foreign policy relations within the Arab world in the 1960s. Regarding the latter, the analysis focuses on the Arabian Peninsula. The study is divided into four main parts. Accordingly, it presents the fundamental shift in attitudes toward socialist globalization following Stalin’s death in the first unit. The following chapters describe the relationship between Hungary and the two Yemens, as well as Kuwait in chronological order until the 1970s. The main objective of the article is to detail the role of that foreign policy, which had already tried to give preference to pragmatic, economic aspects, regardless of the political-ideological system of the given state.
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Naumkin, Vitaliy. "Russian Diplomacy in Hijaz and Najd in the Late 19th — Early 20th Century According to Russian Diplomatic and Military Intelligence Sources." ISTORIYA 13, no. 9 (119) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840023012-2.

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This article aims to shed light on activities launched by Russian diplomats and military intelligence officers in the late 19th — early 20th centuries seeking to better ascertain the situation in the two regions of the Arabian Peninsula that were once incorporated into the Ottoman Empire — Hijaz (Western Arabia) and Najd (Central Arabia). It also tackles the highly entangled, and at times extremely tense relations between Turkish authorities and Arabs who lived in these two regions. A body of little-known documents stored in the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire (AFPRE) and Russian State Military-Historical Archive (RSMHA), as well as foreign archives, form the backbone of this article. The author demonstrates that within the period under review both Bedouin tribes and the urban notables more than once rebelled against the Ottoman stranglehold and each time were suppressed by military force. Turkish-Arab relations, especially in view of Ottoman military expeditions into the Arabian regions, drew the intense interest of Russian diplomacy and military intelligence, the latter especially given the likelihood of armed conflict between Russia and the Ottomans was high. This meant that diplomats in the Russian Consulate in Jeddah, who were entrusted with the task of gaining knowledge on how Ottoman authorities leveraged Muslim pilgrimage to influence Russian Muslims who had arrived in Hijaz, recognized that their lives and health were in danger. Russian diplomats were painfully aware that the policies pursued by the UK in those regions were a means to destabilize the situation, especially in light of the smuggling of arms destined for local tribes occurring under the noses of the Ottomans.
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Othmann, Abdullah Hazaa, Oleg Grishin, and Olga Nesterchuk. "Influence of external and internal factors on the political system of Saudi Arabia." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 12-3 (December 1, 2020): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202012statyi53.

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The article includes internal and external changes in the Saudi political system. Since King Salman bin Abdul-Aziz took over the reins of power in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia at the end of January 2015, and questions have increased about the nature of the changes occurring in the country of the Two Holy Mosques, both internally and externally, which marks an era of transformation from stability and stagnation in foreign policy to an era of change and adaptation to the crises of the current circumstances and dealing with dangerous transformations at the regional level, and especially since the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is one of the countries at the heart of the regional Arab order and is the center of leadership in the Islamic world with its spiritual and religious stature and Its influential strategic location in the Arabian Peninsula and the Arab and Islamic worlds. At the international level, the economic situation of the Kingdom and it’s being the owner of the largest oil reserves in the world and the largest country in terms of the volume of oil exported daily, as well as its distinguished relations with the United States, Russia, and other Western countries gave the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia a position on the global level.
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Sapronova, M. A. "RUSSIAN-ARAB COOPERATION BEFORE AND AFTER THE "ARAB SPRING"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 27–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-27-36.

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The article considers the main stages of the Russian- Arab economic cooperation since the beginning of the 1990s up to the present time and changing the «Middle Eastern vector» of Russian foreign policy. Analyzes the problems faced by Russia in the development of foreign policy doctrine in the region of the Arab East, becoming the successor of the Soviet Union; difficulty in building bilateral relations with Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Russia's role as a co-sponsor of the Middle East settlement. Next is considered the foreign policy in 2000 and the return of Russia to the «Greater Middle East», analyzes the problems impeding effective Russian- Arab cooperation. Special attention is paid to the strengthening of bilateral relations with the countries of the Arabian Peninsula, the implementation of joint projects in various fields and to establish a constructive dialogue with the new government of Iraq and the establishment of a sound legal framework of mutual relations. Another important direction of Russian foreign policy in the 2000s, becoming the establishment of relations with the Organization of the Islamic Conference. Simultaneously being established permanent contacts with groups «Hamas» and «Hezbollah». In the last part of the article explores the specificity of modern political, trade and economic cooperation after the events of the «Arab Spring» of 2011. Particular attention is paid to the position of Russia in relation to processes taking place in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria. The crisis in Syria has demonstrated a fundamentally different approaches to its solution by Russia and the West. Ultimately, the firm position of Russia on the Syrian issue secured her role as an important political player in the Middle East. In general, regional transformation in 2011, despite their negative consequences for the Russian-Arab economic cooperation and opened new opportunities to promote the Russian Federation for Arab markets.
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Soubrier, Emma, Jessie Moritz, and Courtney Freer. "Introduction: new trends in Gulf international relations and transnational politics." International Affairs 97, no. 4 (July 2021): 925–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiab087.

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Abstract Arabian Peninsula politics are in a period of enormous transformation. In the context of a new generation of rulers seeking legitimacy through ambitious foreign policy regimes, shifting relations with Iran, the 2017–2021 Qatar crisis, and ongoing conflict in Yemen, this article introduces the July 2021 special section of International Affairs, which examines how the Arab states of the Gulf are adapting to these new realities. Questions addressed include: how have transnational identities been manipulated by states during regional disputes? How have oil and gas revenues been redirected to build up religious soft power and enhance state branding efforts? In an increasingly authoritarian world, how has transnational repression interacted with politicized diasporas to impact opposition mobilization? And, how do disputes over airspace help us understand the process of sovereignty-building in the modern Middle East? In pursuing these questions, the special section challenges the particularism still apparent in many analyses of the Gulf region, and seeks to bridge International Relations with fieldwork-based Gulf studies. The research presented in the section highlights new findings within contemporary research on the Gulf that will be of interest both to policy-makers and others seeking to understand the long-term sustainability and balance of power in this critical region.
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Shved, V. "The Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf: Historic Development in the Context of Modern Qatar’s Crisis." Problems of World History, no. 5 (March 15, 2018): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-9.

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The article is an attempt to analyze foreign policy, security and economic preconditions of creation of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and basic beginnings of its historicaldevelopment. Its appearance became the result of internal, regional and international processes during 70-80 years of the XX century which not only created necessary objective conditions ofappearance of the above-mentioned integration organization in the Arabian peninsula but also defined its main particularities, resistance ability and vulnerable points. The 1979 Iran Islamic revolution,signing of the Camp David Accords, the beginning of the Iran-Iraq war, the USSR aggression in Afghanistan played a decisive role in the appearance of the Gulf Cooperation Council. The article researched the results and particularities of four periods in the development of the above-mentioned integration organization. The article pays special role to understanding of basic objective and subjective factors of the contemporary Qatar crisis and ways of its solving. The article also found out that the main reason that lead to the Qatar crisis was sharpening of serious acute competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the context of the Middle East region. The conclusion is made that the last 38-th summit of the Gulf Cooperation Council “freezed” for some time contemporary state of relations with Qatar, outlined principle directions of deepening of integration processes inside the Gulf Cooperation Council as well as strengthened the role of its nucleus – union of Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates.
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Kryuchkov, Igor V., Natalia D. Kryuchkova, and Ashot A. Melkonyan. "Внешняя торговля Британской Индии на рубеже XIX–XX вв. (по материалам дипломатических представительств России)." Oriental studies 15, no. 2 (July 15, 2022): 200–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2022-60-2-200-213.

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Introduction. The history of British Raj’s foreign economic activity development at the turn of the 20th century remains somewhat understudied both in Russian and foreign historiography. Since the 1880s, India significantly increased foreign trade to become Asia’s leader in this regard. Goals. The paper aims at examining dynamics of India’s export-import operations and foreign trade by countries. Materials and methods. The article analyzes reports and accounts of Russian diplomats to have worked in British Raj, the Near East, and Great Britain. The employed research methods include the historical/genetic, comparative historical, and historical/typological ones. Results. Britain had been India’s dominating trading partner. However, gradually other states also increased trade operations with the latter, especially import ones. The paper emphasizes Russia failed to become a key foreign trade partner of British Raj (except for export of kerosene and import of tea). The identified reasons are contentious British-Russian relations in Central Asia in the 1860s–1890s, poor knowledge of the Indian market, and geographical remoteness. British Raj turned an outpost of Great Britain’s economic strength in the Persian Gulf. At the same time, Indian goods displaced products from other countries — including Britain manufactured ones — in many ports of the Persian Gulf and the Arabian Peninsula. The article stresses that the bulk of India’s foreign economic relations were maintained via maritime transport. This was due to complicated natural and climatic factors along land borders, instability in frontiers (Afghanistan and Persia). Nonetheless, British Raj was increasing its economic presence in Afghanistan, Persia, Nepal, Ceylon, Siam, and western provinces of China. An important place in India’s foreign trade was occupied by transit trade and re-export of goods from other states, which makes it difficult to accurately determine the actual volume of its foreign trade. Conclusions. The specifics of India’s national economic development can thus be traced in the structure of its foreign trade. The exports were dominated by raw materials and foodstuffs; manufactured products were only making their way to foreign markets. The difficulties were largely associated with the Great Britain’s colonial policy in India since the former sought to keep using the latter as a market for industrial products produced in the British Isles. On the eve of WW I, British Raj was building up its economic potential through strengthening its positions in world trade.
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Hussain, Zakir. "Rene Rieger, Saudi Arabian Foreign Relations :." Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, no. 5 (December 1, 2021): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.81.

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Sitting on the largest oil reserve, and being the largest oil producer and economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia’s role in maintaining regional peace and stability becomes decisive. The global powers such as the US, European countries, China and India also look upon Riyadh to undertake regional responsibilities and work towards stabilizing the region. Over the period, Saudi Arabia has evolved and tested some of the tools and approaches to handle international and intra-regional problems. Partially, this is shaped by its own national objectives and partially by its determination and ambition to play a role in global and regional affairs. However, most of the region experts believe that the Middle East will remain under turmoil till at least three issues remain at the helm; first, the region continues to be the top supplier of modern fuel and keep influencing the hydrocarbons driven lifestyle in the world; second, Israel-Palestine issue remains unsolved; and third, continuation of the non-representative government in the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Arabian Peninsula – Foreign relations"

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Binhuwaidin, Mohamed Mousa Mohamed Ali. "China's foreign policy towards the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region, 1949-1999." Thesis, Durham University, 2001. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4947/.

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This study attempts to fill an important gap which exists in the literature on the People’s Republic of China's foreign policy - China's relations with the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula countries. It provides a detailed description of China's policy towards the region from the time of the establishment of the PRC in late 1949 to the end of the twentieth century, by focusing on the factors that shaped China's foreign policy and its objectives. The researcher draws upon the neo-realist theory arguments and assumptions in explaining China's foreign policy towards the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region, particularly the impact of external factors in shaping states' foreign policies. The major argument of the study is that two main factors have been most salient in shaping China's foreign policy towards the region. The first factor has been China’s relations with both the United States and the Soviet Union, which very much shaped China's foreign policy towards the region throughout most of the Cold War era. The second factor is China's drive to increase its economic capability by fostering strong economic ties with the countries of the region, particularly after becoming a net importer of oil in 1993. The researcher finds that these two factors have directed China’s foreign policy towards the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region throughout the first half-century of the PRC's interactions with the countries of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region.
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Bluth, Christoph. "Crisis on the Korean peninsula." Potomac Books, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5816.

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Marone, David Paul. "The U.S. footprint on the Arabian Peninsula can we avoid a repeat of the pullout from Saudi Arabia?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FMarone.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Russell, James. "December 2009." Author(s) subject terms: Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Oman, Oil Rentier, Foreign policy, Wahhabism, domestic policy. Description based on title screen as viewed on Jan. 27, 2010. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62). Also available in print.
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Doh, Jong Yoon. "The EU Foreign policy towards the korean peninsula crisis, 1993-2006." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209801.

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The EU’s notable transformation over the past five decades is obviously an event of modern state concepts. However, the EU’s matter of concern has placed too much emphasis on economic and trade issues, while its capability and power have achieved remarkable growth with far-reaching ramifications in both economic and political affairs. This also means that studies of the EU foreign policy have hardly reached North East Asia because of geographical limit between them, the EU’s weak institutional capacity and vestige of the Cold War. Therefore the EU and the Korean Peninsula did not have chance to build a critical relationship. This time could be defined as ‘standstill’ between Europe and the Korean Peninsula or ‘quiet diplomacy’. 1993 marked a turning-point in relations between the EU and the Korean Peninsula. Firstly, European countries have launched the Maastricht Treaty since they had signed in 1992. The Treaty implies the EU’s more strengthened international role in the political and economic area in accordance with its increased capability and reinforced power. Secondly, North Korea announced its intention to withdraw from the NPT on 12 March 1993 and then the Korean Peninsula was compelled to face a political crisis. Since the EU took unofficial Humanitarian Aids for North Korea in 1994-1995, KEDO and the EU in 1997 agreed to the terms and conditions of the accession to KEDO of its nuclear regulatory body. This was the first challenge of the EU political engagement of the Korean Peninsula question. In the context, this research seeks to answer the question of “What are the EU priorities in its strategy for Korean Peninsula?” that includes broadly the EU’s regional strategy for North East Asia in line with its foreign policy agenda. To tell the conclusion, the EU’s intervention to North Korea was firstly encouraged in dimension of economic interests through vitalization of international trade after the Korean Peninsula would be reunified. The EU considered that Asian nuclear market is an important factor in order to build nuclear technical standard as well as to obtain commercial interests although the European nuclear firms did not obtain chance enough to construct for North Korea nuclear facilities construction. The EU’s political incentives for political change-seeking in North East Asia must also be considered. Actually, the EU diplomatically opened the door of Pyongyang and led the isolated regime to a channel that communicates with international community although the EU did not take a seat at Six-Party Talks to engage itself in the Korean Peninsula question. As a result, the EU could increase the image of a ‘peaceful mediator’ or an ‘honest blocker’ in the term of ‘reputation’ through engagement continued for the Korean Peninsula Crisis. The EU’s foreign policy has been partly successful in context that Europe succeeds in promoting its existence as a global actor. Therefore, its foreign policy would gradually be reinforced to bolster the EU’s credibility and influence in the Korean Peninsula. The EU’s role is surely reduced in the Korean Peninsula issues with the termination of the KEDO project. However, the EU’s role is expected to be performed in different ways under its confidence and capability. The EU’s next engagement depends on where its new incentives will be, and then its question will be how to realize them in accordance with its institutional conditions and actual capacity.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Nasser, Mosaed Abdullah. "Principles and policies in Saudi Arabian foreign relations with special reference to the Superpowers and major Arab neighbours." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1990. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4515/.

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Saudi Arabian foreign policy decisions are made by a small group in private and with little public discussion or explanation. Open debates on issues are not encouraged, particularly those that have a direct relation to the nation's security. No concept of public accountability exists. Secrecy is stressed to ensure internal security, as well as stability in the society. However, foreign policy decisions are not made without considerable thought and time spent in discussing the issues with those the leaders of government believe can make a contribution to their understanding of the problems. The decision-making process has the following four characteristics: 1) There is a strong link between domestic and foreign policies because of the historical legacy of the state. For this reason, decision-making includes members of the royal family and religious establishment. 2) Other groups do participate and wield differing degrees of influence depending on the issue area. 3) Much bargaining occurs before an important decision is announced. 4) The process is slow, as the leaders are not prepared to meet crisis situations. For this reason, the leadership usually turns to outside powers to settle the problem. In addition to the delay in making a decision, there is also the failure to follow through. These characteristics are influenced by the increasing complexity of Saudi Arabia's regional and global environment, and by the growing demand on the country to play a larger role in global politics. The methods used by the government result more in a reactive rather than a pro-active policy. The Saudis are more likely to react to events, panic in crises, and delay making decisions at the time the decisions should be made.
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Al-Bogami, Sharea Mazeed. "Political public relations campaigns : a study of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabian government in response to foreign media campaigns." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.591105.

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Rasmussen, Ashley Marie. "In or Out: Interpretation of European Union Membership Criteria and its Effect on the EU Accession Process for Candidate and Potential Member States of Southeastern Europe." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/127.

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Since 1973, the European Union has been expanding its borders from its six founding members - West Germany, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and Belgium, to include all of Western Europe and parts of Scandinavia by 1995. However, with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1990, the EU made a difficult but beneficial choice of paving the road for the Eastern and Central European (ECE) to become EU members. However, there was a need for the EU to determine the goals and guidelines that would format the transition of these former communist states into productive members of the EU. This paper will analyze the evolution of these guidelines - formally outlined by the Copenhagen Criteria - that set the precedent for these states to become members. The main issue of this paper will take these criteria a few steps forward, comparing states that were given membership based on the criteria and those who have been established by the EU as at least "potential EU members" but have not been deemed as satisfying these criteria enough to become candidates or full members. Both qualitatively and quantitatively, the comparisions of the 2004 and 2007 new EU members and other states of the Western Balkans and Turkey will be conducted to determine if the political and economic guidelines established by Copenhagen are the only guidelines being met, or if areas such as cultural values and "Europeanness" are also contributing to membership levels.
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Herremans, Bertrand. "Guerres de cabinets, ou, Petite histoire de l'impuissance de la Belgique dans la question nationale en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique, 1918-1924." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210650.

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La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.

Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables :la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales.

Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…).


Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Al, Ankari Abdulrahman. "Technology transfer : a case study analysis of the Saudi oil and petrochemical sectors." Thesis, Cranfield University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1826/3465.

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In the recent past a number of technologies have been imported into The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. This experience has affirmed the conviction that technology can make an invaluable contribution to the growth of The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. However, in doing so, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, like other nations, faces some questions of possible obstacles, trials and errors during the course of industrial development and technology transfer, that can be addressed by utilising science and technology efficiently to develop many sectors, improve output of industry, develop standards and -status of national manpower and its utilisation. This study analyses issues related to successful technology transfer in Saudi industry As such, the purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between industrial development and technology transfer in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and the important role that modem technology can play in development of the oil and petrochemicals sectors. The aims are to provide a better understanding of the linkage between technology transfer and industrial development strategies in general, with special emphasis on the performance of the Saudi oil and petrochemical industry in particular. As such, to avoid failures on technology transfer, it becomes an imperative to analyse technology transfer by considering various approaches, as follows: Technology and industry is a key to future growth in Saudi Arabia - The main objective here is to locate, attract and keep industry. The concept of technology and industry deals with role of technology and the dynamics of Saudi's industry environment to excel in markets. Strategy at the functional level - this relates to the various activities assigned to different departments in the organisational structure. The concept means that all functions must be conducted in accordance with industry, technology and strategy. Strategy and technology - this means how to transfer an already existing technology to Saudi industry. Strategy for research and development - The concept deals mainly with how to plan, finance and implement R&D for products, security, environmental protection etc. Where to draw the line between general and specific objectives in R&D. The chosen method to study these issues is case study analysis of SABIC (Saudi Basic Industries Corporation) and Saudi Aramco (Saudi Arabian Oil Company). SABIC has been established for two main strategic objectives that go together in two parallel lines. The first objective aims to develop human resources and to turn them into a trained category that has the capability to transfer, assimilate and develop the most sophisticated technologies. The second objective aims to develop the natural resources and convert them to industrial products, helping to diversify the domestic income sources and open iii the doors for building up processing industries to satisfy the local and external market requirements. The first case study (SABIC) provides an overview of the phenomenon of technology transfer to the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. For comparative purposes the second case study involves a case study of Saudi Arabia's largest oil firm (Saudi Aramco). These two case studies have been selected for their: i role in technology transfer in Saudi oil and petrochemical sectors, ii approach and access to greater resources in technology transfer, iii exposure of firm behaviour in the Saudi industrial sector, iv contribution to Saudi economic development and realisation of additional income through improved operations. The two case studies, typical of large companies not only in Saudi Arabia but also in the world, will address the obstacles in learning, committing and increasing performance through technology transfer. These cases highlight a range of choices available in technology transfer, which provide a wide range of means for technological learning through transfer. They offer different opportunities for further innovation and technology development. Although Saudi Aramco and SABIC claim 80 percent and 73 percent " Saudisation", respectively, the survey indicates that native Saudis need more participation and involvement in technology process in order to raise their technological know-how. As a result of this study, a common approach to technology transfer into Saudi Aramco and SABIC may be developed and applied by industry, per its requirements to address existing and prospective problems. At present Saudi Arabia has the capacity to absorb new technologies in its growing industrial sector. This is required to meet its desired objectives of becoming industrialised and self-sufficient in required technologies. The real test of effective technology transfer in this study is the need to build Saudi local technological capability supported by an effective learning strategy. The ultimate aim is to expand the scope of this study beyond the academic level towards the practical challenges of improving the efficiency and effectiveness of inward technology transfer for future Saudi industrial development.
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LESTRA, Martin. "Treading diverging paths : donor proliferation and aid transparency in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/49326.

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Defence date: 7 December 2017
Examining Board: Professor Olivier Roy, European University Institute (Supervisor), Professor Philippe Droz-Vincent, Sciences Po Grenoble (External Supervisor), Professor Jennifer Welsh, European University Institute, Professor Gerd Nonneman, Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service in Qatar
This dissertation explains the diversity of multilateral paths followed by similar small rentier states in the international realm. Why do some states commit to multilateralism by signing legally binding treaties, participating in institutions and contributing financial resources? Amongst small state theorists, common wisdom has long held that small states are more likely to act multilaterally because of structural needs to bandwagon with bigger actors within existing frameworks. Liberal scholars reach a similar conclusion by arguing that states are progressively “socialized” within international organizations. On the other hand, political economists indicate that when a rentier state enjoys preferential trading terms thanks to its hydrocarbons exports, it has little incentive to engage multilaterally. “Branding” scholars in particular consider that small rentier states have a preference for costly and visible initiatives and little interest for the nitty-gritty aspects of international cooperation. The predictions outlined by these two research strands are completely antagonistic: while small state theory and liberalism predict more multilateral cooperation, rentier state theory predicts less of it. These opposite views fail however to explain the diversity of approaches to multilateral cooperation of small, resource-rich states like the Gulf emirates of Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) – but also Norway, Venezuela or Brunei, for instance. Against this background, this dissertation endeavours to understand better this discrepancy with a case study approach of two similar oil and gas exporting small states, Qatar and the UAE. These follow significantly different multilateral approaches in the field of foreign aid, a key component of their foreign policy for which they are increasingly important globally. The two city states diverge on two major items of the international community’s aid agenda – donor proliferation and aid transparency. On the one hand, the UAE has in the past decade opened its doors to most Western international organizations of foreign assistance and become an active member of the OECD Development Assistance Committee on sensitive issues such as aid transparency; and made exceptional efforts in the region and among emerging donors at large, to streamline its aid landscape. On the other hand, Qatar has favoured bilateral frameworks and shut out the United Nations Development Program in Doha. Its attempt to streamline aid, despite reforms initiated fifteen years ago, has not as yet been fruitful.
Chapter 3 'The more it’s centralized, the more it’s divided G The failure of reforms on donor proliferation and aid transparency in Qatar' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as an article 'The more it's centralized, the more it's divided : a historical-institutionalist reading of Qatar's foreign aid landscape' in the journal 'Oxford Middle East review' (2017)
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Books on the topic "Arabian Peninsula – Foreign relations"

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Katz, Mark N. Russia & Arabia: Soviet foreign policy toward the Arabian Peninsula. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986.

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United States. Department of State. Near East region Arabian peninsula. Edited by Howland Nina Davis, Patterson David S. 1937-, and United States. Dept. of State. Office of the Historian. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 2000.

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Yaphe, Judith Share. Islamic radicalism in the Arabian Peninsula: Growing risks. [Washington, D.C.?]: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 1996.

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Yaphe, Judith Share. Islamic radicalism in the Arabian Peninsula: Growing risks. [Washington, D.C.?]: Institute for National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 1996.

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N, Schofield Richard, and Blake Gerald Henry, eds. Arabian boundaries: Primary documents. Farnham Common, Buckinghamshire, England: Archive Editions, 1988.

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Willis, John M. Unmaking north and south: Cartographies of the Yemeni past, 1857-1934. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012.

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Britain, Aden, and South Arabia: Abandoning empire. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1991.

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Pieragostini, Karl. Britain, Aden, and South Arabia: Abandoning empire. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.

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John, Peterson. Defense and regional security in the Arabian Peninsula and Gulf states, 1973-2004: An annotated bibliography. Dubai: Gulf Research Center, 2006.

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Ghāzī, ʻAlī ʻAfīfī ʻAlī. al-Ṣirāʻ al-ajnabī ʻalá al-ʻIrāq wa-al-Jazīrah al-ʻArabīyah fī al-qarn al-tāsiʻ ʻashar: Foreign conflict in Iraq and the Arabian Peninsula. Bayrūt, Lubnān: Dār al-Rāfidayn, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Arabian Peninsula – Foreign relations"

1

Gause, F. Gregory. "Studying the international relations of the Arabian Peninsula/Persian Gulf." In Routledge Handbook of Middle East Politics, 127–38. New York : Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170688-8.

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Yeo, Andrew. "Ideology and Foreign Policy on the Korean Peninsula." In The Routledge Handbook of Ideology and International Relations, 434–48. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003026754-30.

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"Egypt, Sudan and the Arabian Peninsula." In Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographical History Volume 18. The Ottoman Empire (1800-1914), 483–835. BRILL, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004460270_008.

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"China's perceptions of the Gulf and Arabian Peninsula region." In China's Relations with Arabia and the Gulf 1949-1999, 95–135. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203221679-4.

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Fields, David P. "Conclusion." In Foreign Friends, 175–81. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177199.003.0007.

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American diplomatic historian Lloyd Gardner once suggested that the constant problem facing Koreans in their twentieth-century relations with the United States was that “Korea was always about someplace else.” In an insightful essay, historian James Matray elaborated on this idea, showing how presidents from Lyndon B. Johnson to George W. Bush made policy decisions affecting the Korean Peninsula that were actually focused on US relations with the Soviet Union, the Middle East, or American domestic politics....
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"German-Saudi Relations and Their Actors on the Arabian Peninsula, 1924-1939." In Germany and the Middle East 1871-1945, 119–54. Vervuert Verlagsgesellschaft, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.31819/9783964565259-007.

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Østebø, Terje. "Ethiopia and Saudi Arabia." In Wahhabism and the World, 221–37. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197532560.003.0011.

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Geographical proximity has enabled deep connections between the Arabian Peninsula and the Horn of Africa. While this enabled important ethnic, cultural, and religious contacts between Muslims on the Peninsula and in the Horn, Ethiopia’s relations to the peninsula have, in contrast, been characterized by distance. Depicting itself as the “Christian island,” Ethiopia adopted protective policies toward the outside world—particularly toward its Muslim neighbors. This chapter examines the dynamics of proximity and distance, looking at how this affected Ethiopian-Saudi relations. It also discusses how Ethiopian Muslims negotiated restrictions put upon them in finding ways to connect with Saudi Arabia.
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Cox, Michael. "15. The USA, China, and rising Asia." In US Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199585816.003.0015.

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This chapter examines the United States’ relations with China and other countries in Asia. It considers how a region wracked by insurgencies and wars for almost forty years was transformed from being one of the most disturbed and contested in the second half of the twentieth century, into becoming one of the more stable and prosperous by century’s end. The chapter begins with a discussion of the United States’ relations with Japan and then with China and Korea. It shows that at the end of the Cold War in Europe, hostility continued in the Korean peninsula, and that North Korea has consciously used nuclear weapons as a bargaining chip in order to ensure the survival of the regime. The chapter concludes by assessing the outlook for the Asia-Pacific region and future prospects for American hegemony in East Asia.
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Kanna, Ahmed, Amélie Le Renard, and Neha Vora. "Conclusion." In Beyond Exception, 123–36. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750298.003.0006.

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This concluding chapter explores the question of what decolonized ethnography and academia can look like. It argues that de-exceptionalizing the Arabian Peninsula as a field site requires deconstructing an idealized vision of Western academia as a presumed site of democracy and liberalism. The projects of anthropology and sociology, as they have been invested in anticolonial and antiracist justice and breaking down binary understandings between East and West, self and other, civilized and savage, are implicated in the continuing use of the exceptional and spectacular as tropes in ethnographic writing, revealing just how much work is yet to be done within their disciplines. Within these disciplines, some have questioned the various hierarchies that are realized through the production of knowledge, not only between the social scientists and their “objects” or “fields,” but also among social scientists themselves, particularly the ways in which power relations in terms of status, racialized identification, class, and gender shape perceptions of their expertise or lack thereof. The chapter then assesses how centering not only the Arabian Peninsula but gender, sexuality, race, household, and other topics that have until now been seen as marginal might provide better information about the societies social scientists study as well as transnational processes, globalization, and the contemporary world.
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Kanna, Ahmed. "Class Struggle and De-exceptionalizing the Gulf." In Beyond Exception, 100–122. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750298.003.0005.

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This chapter presents a class-struggle perspective to the question of labor exploitation in the Arabian Peninsula, focusing on the figure of the foreign worker. Both liberal and neocolonial Western representations of the working-class migrant have been central to exceptionalizing discourses. In the popular imagination of many in the Global North/West, the Gulf region is almost automatically associated with hyperexploited, abused workers, primarily from South Asia. While these discourses are not entirely a fabrication—massive exploitation based on the racialization and patriarchal gendering of labor in the Gulf is very real—there is at the same time a disavowal in these Orientalist discourses that is either duplicitous or naive. Seen from a feminist and Marxist class-struggle perspective, the racialized exploitation of foreign workers is perhaps the aspect of Gulf societies that is most similar to the neoliberal societies of the North. The Gulf is least exceptional with respect to its regimes of labor exploitation.
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