Journal articles: 'Arab-Sasanian'

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POTTS, D. T., and J. CRIBB. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Coins from Eastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 30 (January 1, 1995): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.30.0.519287.

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POTTS, D. T. &. CRIBB. "Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Coins from Eastern Arabia." Iranica Antiqua 30, no. 1 (April 14, 2005): 123–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ia.30.1.519287.

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Morgan, David. "Sasanian Iran and the Early Arab Conquests." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 54, no. 4 (2011): 528–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852011x611364.

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الحيدري, عباس عاجل. "The army of the Kingdom of Al-Hirah, its organization and tasks." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 35 (April 3, 2018): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2018/v1.i35.6200.

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The Kingdom of Al-Hirah is one of the important Arab kingdoms in the pre-Islamic era. It lived with the Sasanian state and had political dependence. Its life continued for more than four centuries, during which the kingdom supported its ally, the Sasanian state, in its struggle against the Byzantines and their allies, the Ghassanids. The Kingdom’s long life, in an area of constant conflict, shows that it has an organized and efficient army that helped it to do so. The Al-Hira Army includes four battalions (Al-Shahba, Al-Sana’i, Dawsir, and Al-Raha’in) that performed great tasks, whether collectively or individually, such as supporting the Sassanids against the Byzantines or against the Ghassanids and securing the borders He contributed to establishing the influence of al-Hirah over the Arab tribes in the north and east of the Arabian Peninsula, and he also participated in the internal conflict of the Sasanian state during the reign of Bahram Gur.

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Farrokh, Kaveh, Javier Sánchez-Gracia, and Katarzyna Maksymiuk. "Caucasian Albanian Warriors in the Armies of pre-Islamic Iran." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.02.

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Albania, an ancient country in the Caucasus, was turned into a Sasanian province by Šāpūr I (c. 253). The Albanians became increasingly integrated into the battle order of the Iranian army (especially cavalry). All along the Caspian coast the Sasanians built powerful defense works, designed to bar the way to invaders from the north. The most celebrated of these fortifications are those of Darband in Caucasian Albania. Albania remained an integral part of the Sasanian Empire until the Arab conquest of Iran.

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Kamaly, Hossein. "Whence Came the Asvārān? An Inquiry into the Ambiguity of Sources." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 207–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341258.

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Abstract Narratives of the Arab Conquests that were compiled in book form only after the ninth century fall short of providing a consistent, let alone an accurate, view of Sasanian hierarchies of rank and status during the sixth and seventh centuries. Knowledge of provincial divisions and administrative practices under Sasanian rule was reflected more accurately, not least of all because it directly pertained to the collection of tax revenues for the conquerors. When it comes to information about Iranian society and culture before the conquests, Arabic sources, often based on veterans’ tales, offer but fragmentary and anecdotal information. While scholars have made great use of these sources, it is still difficult to fathom the composition and function of groups such as the Sasanian asvārān. Focusing on a few well-known conquest narratives, this article investigates the information they contain on the asvārān, and will underline some of the difficulties involved when drawing inferences from them with respect to Sasanian social hierarchy and military structure.

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Rossi, Domiziana. "From the Fire Temple to the Mosque: the religious urban landscape in Late Antique Ērānšahr." Journal for Late Antique Religion and Culture 17 (May 2, 2023): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18573/jlarc.128.

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This paper is an analysis of the change in urban spaces in the former Sasanian empire after the Arab-Muslim conquest. How events shaped the population’s life is reflected by how urban society shaped the spaces within the city. Paradigmatic of this is the case of religious spaces. In a syncretic empire such as the Sasanian Ērānšahr (224–650 CE), places of worship were not limited to fire altars and temples, there were also churches and synagogues as vital parts of the religious environment. According to the archaeological and historiographic attestations, religious spaces in Sasanian times were prevalent in a rural dimension. In 650 CE, the empire was turned upside down by the Arab-Muslim conquest and the transition period to a unified Islamic society is known as Islamization. This event is often described as a rupture; however, it can be better represented as acculturation because of the cultural exchange taking place during the conversion and the elaboration of Islamic social institutions. One of the primary marks of this process includes constructing new religious urban spaces, the mosques both inside and outside city walls. Religious spaces marked both the territory and the identity of the people inhabiting it. However crucial to the construction of mosques, is a parallel shift of the religious space from a rural to an urban environment.

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Rezakhani, Khodadad. "Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian–Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran." Iranian Studies 44, no. 3 (April 19, 2011): 415–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210862.2011.556396.

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ALBUM, S. "An Arab-Sasanian Dirham Hoard from the Year 72 Hijri." Studia Iranica 21, no. 2 (December 1, 1992): 161–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/si.21.2.2014397.

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Shahinyan, Arsen. "Northern Territories of the Sasanian Atropatene and the Arab Azerbaijan." Iran and the Caucasus 20, no. 2 (July 26, 2016): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20160203.

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This paper reviews the administrative and political map of South-Eastern Caucasus and North-Western Iran under the Sasanian (227–651 A.D.), Umayyad (661–750 A.D.), and early ‘Abbasid (750–1258 A.D.) domination based on the Classical Armenian, Arabic and Persian primary sources. It is an attempt to specify and describe the northern territories of Atropatene-Azerbaijan in the 3rd–9th centuries.

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Daryaee, Touraj. "The Fall of the Sasanian Empire to the Arab Muslims: From Two Centuries of Silence to Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: the Partho-Sasanian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran." Journal of Persianate Studies 3, no. 2 (2010): 239–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471610x537280.

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Elman, Yaakov. "Law in the Crisis of Empire: A Sasanian Example." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341251.

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Abstract Except for a century or so beginning with Alexander’s invasion, one or another Iranian dynasty ruled a vast empire for some 1200 years—and then vanished with disconcerting speed in only a few short years in the aftermath of the Arab invasion. The following remarks attempt an explanation for this rapid demise. In particular, I intend to isolate two important factors that contributed mightily to that process, factors which, in my opinion, are reflected in perhaps the most important document dating from that short period: the so-called Sasanian Lawbook, the Mādiyān ī Hazār Dādestān, the “Book of a Thousand Decisions.” This book reveals the attempts of Sasanian jurists to cope with 1.) a demographic crisis brought on by the constant wars of the sixth century and the Black Plague, and 2.) a crisis of liquidity.

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Williams, Alan. "The literary re-placement of ‘Iran’ in India: The Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān of the Zoroastrian ‘Persians’ (Parsis)." Acta Orientalia Vilnensia 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/aov.2007.1.3752.

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University of ManchesterThe Persian Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān (‘the Story of Sanjān’), written in 1599 CE, is our only source for the account of the supposed Zoroastrian ‘migration’ from Iran to India in the 8th cent. The last of the Sasanian kings, Yazdegard III, had been deposed after the battle of Nehāvand in 642 CE, and Zoroastrian Iran was overrun by Arab invaders who Islamicized Iran after hundreds of years of Zoroastrian domination of the country under Achaemenian, Parthian and Sasanian empires (530 BCE–651 CE). According to the Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān, ‘Iran’ was ‘shattered’ by the Arab conquest, and those who remained faithful to the old religion fled from persecution by the new Muslim presence. The Qeṣṣe-ye Sanjān tells of the long journey of a group of Zoroastrians to seek asylum in India, and the subsequent resettlement there, where they later became the Parsis, ‘the Persians’. The key factor in this re-placement of Iran is their finding a new monarch, not in human form but in a sacred fire, called ‘King of Iran’. When it is read as a myth of charter and series of rites de passage, it reveals much about the literary construction of place as a form of religious and social commentary.

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Gazagnadou, Didier. "The Iranian Origin of the Word ‘Barid’." Journal of Persianate Studies 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 49–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341306.

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The origin of the Arabic word barid (“the post”) is problematic; various interpretations have been advanced, but are based solely on linguistic reasoning, which is an essential yet insufficient approach. Loan words like barid must be assessed in the global historic and anthropological context of the Middle East during the transition to Islam. In particular, the importance of oral culture during this period in Sasanian and Arab societies needs to be considered.

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Akopyan, Alexander V. "Revisiting the Question of the Time and Place of Writing of the Caucasian Albanian Palimpsest According to Numismatic Data (Part I)." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016817-5.

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This article concerns the dating of the Caucasian Albanian palimpsest (Gospel of John) on the basis of a refined interpretation of the monetary term **zaizowzńa. In the first part of paper is offered and justified the etymology of the word **zaizowzńa, that derived from the Sasanian monetary term zūzā ‘dirham’. The Albanian umbrella term **zaizowzńa indicated a general concept of a ‘zuza-like (coin)’, which unified wide range of various imitations of Hormizd IV’s silver coins (or ZWZWN, as they named in Pahlavi on coins), struck in the end of the 6th century after defeating of Varhrān Čōbīn in 592 as payment to the Byzantine army, as well as typologically close to them pre-reform Islamic coins of the Sasanian type struck in the 7th – beginning of 8th centuries (so-called Arab-Sasanian coins). In the Caucasian Albanian Gospel of John the word **zaizowzńa was used to translate the Greek δηναρίων, but in the corresponding places of Armenian or Georgian translations were used another words — dahekan/drahkani, denar or satiri/statiri (etymology of these words also discussed and shown that they are not related to Sasanian zūzā). Thus, the use of a special term for Greek δηναρίων is not associated with the established translation tradition and unequivocally indicates its local, Caucasian Albanian origin. The period of time when **zaizowzńa coins were used in the Transcaucasia is outlined, and it is shown that the Sinai edition of the Albanian Gospel of John was completed between the beginning of the 6th century and the beginning of the 10th century.

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Toral-Niehoff, Isabel. "Late Antique Iran and the Arabs: The Case of al-Hira." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341252.

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Abstract This article reevaluates our evidence for the interaction of Arab and Iranian elements in the Arab frontier-state of al-Hira, a state in late antiquity, which can be seen as a paradigmatic “third space” of special cultural dynamics. First, it sums up our evidence about the political and commercial ties connecting the Lakhmid principality and the Sasanian Empire; next, it focuses on the possible agents of cultural exchange between the two; finally, we direct our attention to the cultural spheres themselves and the issue of where and how Iranian-Arab transculturation as a process can be detected in the Hiran context. The article argues for a cautious reassessment of the material in light of current research in cultural studies. This is significant in its wider historical perspective, as such a process might have prepared the path for later developments in Islamic times, when the apogee of Arab-Iranian interaction is supposed to have taken place, i.e., in Abbasid Iraq.

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Ishida, Sachiko, Adrian G. Parker, Derek Kennet, and Martin J. Hodson. "Phytolith analysis from the archaeological site of Kush, Ras al-Khaimah, United Arab Emirates." Quaternary Research 59, no. 3 (May 2003): 310–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0033-5894(03)00043-7.

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AbstractDespite the wealth of archaeological sites and excellent conditions for preservation, few phytolith investigations have been undertaken from the Arabian Gulf region. The results from the Sasanian and Islamic archaeological tell of Kush, Ras al-Khaimah, United Arab Emirates, are presented. Kush is situated just inside the Gulf on an important trade route. The occupation sequence dates from the 4th century A.D. until the 13th century A.D., recording the development of the site in the Sasanian period, followed by the arrival of Islam in the 7th century A.D. and the final abandonment of the site in the late 13th century when the nearby site of al-Mataf (Julfar) began to develop closer to the present day coastline. All the samples analyzed contained abundant phytoliths (short cells, elongated cells, and groups of elongated cells) of various types. They included date palm (Phoenix dactylifera), papillae (possibly from barley (Hordeum)), and hair cells possibly from species of canary grass (Phalaris spp.). Some researchers have suggested that groups of elongated cells may indicate the presence of irrigation in semiarid environments. The present results for this class of phytoliths appeared to imply that intensive irrigation was unlikely to have taken place around Kush.

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TSUMURA, Makiko. "What is the Meaning of the “Score Mark” on the Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins from Wuqia, in Xinjiang, Northwest China?" Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 49, no. 2 (2006): 40–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.49.2_40.

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Daryaee, Touraj. "JAMSHEED K. CHOKSY, Conflict and Cooperation, Zoroastrian Subalterns and Muslim Elites in Medieval Iranian Society (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). Pp. 207. $46.00." International Journal of Middle East Studies 32, no. 1 (February 2000): 158–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800002129.

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In the past two decades, several important studies have dealt with the impact of the Arab Muslim conquest on the Near East, but they have mostly dealt with the lands that were conquered from the Mediterranean region to Iraq. Although the book under review is not a detailed history of Arab Muslims' conquest of Iran, it attempts to fill the gap in our knowledge of the eastern area that came under their control. The work is primarily concerned with the interaction between the Zoroastrian and the Muslim community in Iran and Central Asia from the 7th to the 13th century. The book attempts to study the processes in which the Zoroastrian community, which was the dominant religious community during the Sasanian empire (224–641), gradually lost its status and hold on power, while the new Muslim community became dominant as a social and political group.

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Daryaee, Touraj. "The Effect of the Arab Muslim Conquest on the Administrative Division of Sasanian Persis / Fars." Iran 41 (2003): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4300643.

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SHAVAREBI, Ehsan. "Roman ‘Soldatenkaiser’ on the Triumphal Rock Reliefs of Shāpūr I - A Reassessment." Historia i Świat 4 (September 16, 2015): 47–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2015.04.03.

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Five rock reliefs surviving in Persis/Fārs province in southern Iran represent the victories of Shāpūr I (241–272 AD), the second Sasanian King of Kings (Šāhānšāh), over the Roman Empire. The three Roman Emperors depicted on these reliefs have traditionally been identified as Gordian III (238–244), Philip I – known as ‘the Arab’ – (244–249) and Valerian I (253–260). From the 1960s onward, new interpretations are presented. In the most recent of these, Uranius Antoninus (253/254) is recognised on three of Shāpūr’s triumphal reliefs. The present paper aims to re-examine these new hypotheses by considering numismatic materials, including a unique gold coin of Shāpūr which bears an image of the same topic accompanying a legend on its reverse.

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Gadjiev, Murtazali S., Arsen L. Budaychiev, Abdula M. Abdulaev, and Askekhan K. Abiev. "EXCAVATION OF DERBENT SETTLEMENT IN 2017." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, no. 2 (July 12, 2020): 461–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch162461-488.

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The article is dedicated to the results of 2017 season excavations of Derbent settlement which existed before construction of the Derbent defensive complex at the end of 560-s. This settlement was gradually left after the construction of a new city given the new name Derbent (Darband). The cultural layers and the construction remains (rooms 6, 7, 8, 9) of the 5-th – 6-th centuries AD, the medieval Muslim burials which have been dug in the layer of the settlement were open in the southern sector of the excavation area XXV. The revealed complex of inhabited and economic constructions including 9 rooms is dated the 5th century AD on the basis of chronological indicators (bronze belt buckles, fibula) and other archeological finds (including, Sasanian pottery). Authors consider that this complex has stopped existence during the military-political events of the middle of the 5th century or of the beginning of the 6th century, namely in the period of an anti-Sasanian revolt of 450-451 or Iran-Savir war of 503-508 AD. The materials obtained during excavations shed new light on issues of historical topography and layout, stratigraphy and chronology, architecture and construction, economic activity, culture and life of the inhabitants of the Derbent settlement which is identified with the city-fortress of Chor/Chol known for ancient Armenian, Georgian, Syrian, Early Byzantine and Arab authors and which was the important administrative, military and religious center of East Caucasus. The received materials characterize culture.

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Gadjiev, Murtazali S., Arsen L. Budaychiev, Abdula M. Abdulaev, and Askerkhan K. Abiev. "EXCAVATION OF DERBENT SETTLEMENT IN 2019." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 18, no. 2 (June 23, 2022): 519–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch182519-542.

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The article is dedicated to the results of 2019 season excavations of Derbent settlement which existed before construction of the Derbent defensive complex at the end of 560-s. This settlement was gradually left after the construction of a new city given the new name Derbent (Darband). The cultural layers and the construction remains (rooms No. 7, 8, 9, 10, 11) of the 5-th – 6-th centuries AD, the medieval Muslim burials (No. 31-37) which have been dug in the layer of the settlement were open in the southern sector of the excavation area XXV. The revealed complex of inhabited and economic constructions including 11 rooms is dated the 5th century AD on the basis of chronological indicators (bronze belt buckles, fibula) and other archeological finds (including, Sasanian pottery). Authors consider that this complex has stopped existence during the military-political events of the middle of the 5th century or of the beginning of the 6th century, namely in the period of an anti-Sasanian revolt of 450-451 or Iran-Savir war of 503-508 AD. The materials obtained during excavations shed new light on issues of historical topography and layout, stratigraphy and chronology, architecture and construction, economic activity, culture and life of the inhabitants of the Derbent settlement which is identified with the city-fortress of Chor/Chol known for ancient Armenian, Georgian, Syrian, Early Byzantine and Arab authors and which was the important administrative, military and religious center of East Caucasus. The received materials characterize culture.

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Simpson, St J. "Christians at Nineveh in Late Antiquity." Iraq 67, no. 1 (2005): 285–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002108890000139x.

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The mound of Kuyunjik contains the longest known archaeological sequence of occupation in Mesopotamia, spanning all periods from the sixth millennium BC until at least the thirteenth century AD. The prehistoric periods have been comprehensively studied by Gut (1995, 2002) and the general sequence of excavation, occupation and principal architectural finds reviewed by Reade (2000), yet despite a few exceptions (Curtis 1976, 1995; Reade 1998, 1999, 2001; Simpson 1996), the pottery and other finds from the Seleucid period onwards have thus far attracted surprisingly little study. For these periods though, the material culture is characterised by a strong mixture of Classical and Oriental traditions; thus, first-century AD graves contained gold face-coverings and the remains of diadems, both hinting at the eastern extension of practices more commonly found in the eastern Roman provinces, but Western lamps, glassware, ceramics and even a Roman military badge also occur at the site. Some of these betray direct political and military control, whereas others reflect a mixture of imports and local imitations; an appreciation of this rich cultural mix is important for the clearer understanding of Nineveh in Late Antiquity.Nineveh almost certainly held a Roman garrison at the extreme eastern limit of its empire but following the humiliation of the apostate Julian's Mesopotamian campaign of 363, it must have been ceded as part of the handover of five trans-Tigridian Roman provinces containing Nisibis, Singara, Castra Maurorum and fifteen unnamed forts to Shapur II (309–379). Thereafter the material culture from Nineveh finally acquires an Iranian character and, until its capture in 637/38 or 641/42 by an Arab army generally believed to have been commanded by ‘Utba bin Farqad, it flourished as a Sasanian town, bridgehead and fortress on the east bank of the Tigris (cf. Robinson 2000, 36–7). The datable finds of this period include four hoards of silver and bronze coins (Simpson 1996, 95–6); several personal seals, bullae and elaborate cutlery of Sasanian type (Simpson 1996, 97–8; 2003, 362–3, Fig. 3); a range of plain, mould-blown and cut glass (Simpson 2005); and four helmets, the latter hinting at the military component of the settlement referred to in the Arab sources (Simpson forthcoming, b).

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Bessard, Fanny. "The Politics of Sūqs in Early Islam." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 61, no. 4 (April 20, 2018): 491–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341460.

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AbstractIn the early Middle Ages, while Byzantium was impoverished and Anatolian cities were evolving into fortifiedkastra, the Islamic Near East enjoyed an age of economic and demographic growth. Exploring the formation ofsūqs and the rise of the Umayyad and early ‘Abbāsid states, this article argues that the Arab-Islamic aristocracy’s involvement in establishingsūqs reflected a desire to exert power and build legitimacy. Despite their physical resemblance to Late Roman and Sasanian bazaars, early Islamicsūqs functioned differently, and their specificity exemplifies an evolution of labour patterns from 700 to 950, in particular the social rise and increasing religious involvement of merchants. This article places the archaeological evidence in dialogue with the literary. Although the Islamic material is central, comparisons in the paths of trade and economic life between the Middle East and Western Europe provide ways to identify the divergences between East and West after the fall of Rome.

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Voytenko, Anton. "Arab Conquests. View from Egypt." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2023): 240–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.6.18.

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The reasons for the success of the Arab conquests present a complex problem. It is difficult to explain the victories of the Arab-Muslim troops, which had much less military-demographic potential than neighboring Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium) and Sasanian Empire. The article is devoted to identifying the main causes of Egypt’s loss by Byzantium and its capture by the Arabs. Methods. The main research method was factor analysis, which allows to find out all the possible reasons for the success of the Arabs and the defeat of the Byzantines, to identify their internal relationship and hierarchy, classifying them into basic and situational ones. Analysis. The study analyzed the influence of the religious factor (Islam for the Arabs, the Christological schism for Egypt), the military potential of the Arabs and the Byzantines (the expected number of troops, the strategy and tactics of the warring parties, the motivation of the armies, etc.), the degree of the consolidation of the elites, public sentiment. Special attention was paid to the route of the Arabs, the role of Patriarch Cyrus (Mukaukus), two attempts to reconquist Egypt by the Byzantines, the system of administration and taxation of the Arabs on the conquered territory. Results. The main factor in the defeat of the Byzantines in Egypt can be considered the weak integration of this region into the Empire, as indicated by the unresolved religious issue (Chalcedonian schism), insufficient military contingent, weak social support for the central government, etc. The main reason for the success of the Arabs in conquering and keeping Egypt under their rule can be considered a “symbiosis” of two factors: 1) early Islam, which contributed to the consolidation of society and the elites, gave meaning for the motivation of the army, contributed to the establishment of the dhimma system, which provided Christian communities with autonomy in religious matters, and 2) the genesis of the Arab state, which passed at the same time and created real conditions for borrowing managerial and fiscal models, “natural” for the conquered territories.

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Gadjiev, Murtazali S., Askerkhan K. Abiev, Arsen L. Budaychiev, and Abdula M. Abdulaev. "EXCAVATION OF THE DERBENT SETTLEMENT IN 2016." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 14, no. 3 (December 15, 2018): 127–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch143127-149.

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The article is devoted to the results of the Derbent archaeological expedition, conducted in the season of 2016 within the framework of the scientific project under the Russian Humanitarian Scientific Foundation. The settlement preceded the erection of the Derbent defensive complex in the late 560’s and was gradually abandoned after the construction of a new city, renamed Derbent (Darband). The works were carried out in the southern sector of the excavation XXV, where the cultural layers, construction (rooms 6, 7, 8) and economic remains dating from the 4th-6th centuries, medieval Muslim burials, dug into the cultural layer of the settlement, were opened. The open complex of residential structures and outbuildings, including 8 rooms, dates from the first half - the middle of the 5th century AD on the basis of chronological indicators (bronze belt buckles) and other archaeological finds (including Sasanian pottery). The authors believe that this complex ceased to exist during the turbulent military-political events of the mid-450s, namely the anti-Sasanian insurrection of the 450 - 451 years. The authors tend to associate the fact of the termination of the complex with the capture of the Derbent fortifications by rebels in 450 AD, or rather, the Huns, who, after the defeat of the insurrection in 451, committed a ruinous invasion to Albania through the Derbent passage. The obtained material (fragments of pottery, ceramics, bone, bronze, iron, stone) characterize the culture and life of the population of the Derbent settlement, identified with the city-fortress Chor/Chol, known to ancient Armenian, Georgian, Syrian, early Byzantine and Arab authors and speakers and being an important administrative, political and religious center of the Eastern Caucasus.

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KARAMIAN, Gholamreza, Kaveh FARROKH, Mohammad Fallah KIAPI, and Hossein Nemati LOJANDI. "Graves, Crypts and Parthian Weapons excavated from the Gravesites of Vestemin." Historia i Świat 7 (June 30, 2018): 35–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2018.07.03.

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The article describes a series of finds of Parthian military items in the graves and crypts of Vestemin in northern Iran. These findings are especially significant as they provide an array of discoveries of military equipment: swords, daggers, spearheads, arrowheads, armor and a possible helmet. This study obliges a revision of Winkelman’s observation that “few finds of weapons have been made inside Iran” with respect to Parthian military equipment. In an overall sense, these findings may prove to be as significant to the domain of Parthian military studies as the well-known site of Dura Europos. The excavations have also discovered a coin of Philip the Arab or his son from the early Sasanian era which has assisted the authors’ dating of the Vestemin site. The site of Vestemin is not exclusively a burial venue as the site also has defense works as well as a fortress dated the later Parthian era c. 1st century BCE to 3rd century CE).

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AL-Ubaidi, Sattar. "Architectural elements & their Functional and aesthetic role in Arabic architecture in the Islamic era." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 48 (July 13, 2021): 695–724. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2021/v1.i48.550.

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The emergence of architectural elements in the Islamic era was not a coincidence or was the effort of a specific group, but rather the efforts of groups of people who united under one language, religion and geography, and we do not forget that Islamic architecture and Arab-Islamic art influenced and was influenced by previous civilizations such as Byzantium, Sasanian and others, as the Arabs took from the rest of civilizations and developed them And vice versa. The research aims to reveal the functional and aesthetic dimensions of the architectural elements by mentioning the most prominent of these elements and shedding light on their function in relation to the building as well as their aesthetic dimensions. The research also aims to remove doubts about the fact that these elements are not Arab, but rather a mixture of other civilizations, and that this type of studies is a starting point for everything new that aims for development, not only in the field of archeology, but also in the fields of engineering and design. The functions of the architectural elements are multiple, so each element has its location in the building, and it has a specific architectural function, in addition to the decorative function. These elements were reviewed and their location and architectural and decorative functions were clarified

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الحكيم, حسن. "Planning the Arab Islamic city (Najaf and Kufa as a model)." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 1 (September 15, 2008): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2009/v1.i1.6386.

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The planning of cities in the era of early Islam is a civilized and Arab-Islamic aspect, and Iraq was the first country to have this civilized aspect in the Arab-Islamic history. The city of Wasit was planned in the year 83 AH during the Umayyad era, and the cities of Baghdad and Najaf Al-Ashraf were planned in the years 145 and 170 AH in the Abbasid era. Or religious at the forefront of other factors, as the establishment of Kufa was linked to the process of conquest of Iraq by the Muslim Arabs, and after the expulsion of the Sasanian military remnants from the land of Al-Sawad, the Muslim Arabs felt the need to establish a migration house on the borders of the conquered country, to serve as the camp and center for immigration at the same time (1) `..The city of Kufa and other Arab Islamic cities became the station of the Mujahideen, the settlement of the tribes, and the link between Medina (the capital of the Muslims) and the liberated and conquered areas. the enemy, and that it was a supply center for the armies fighting on the military fronts in Iraq and the eastern regions (2) and if the military factor occupied the center stage in establishing the city of Kufa, the religious factor was at the center stage in the foundation of the city of Najaf, the location of the city was determined by the shrine of the Imam The Commander of the Faithful, Ali Ibn Abi Talib (peace be upon him), as people focused around his honorable shrine, and buried their dead close to it, based on honorable hadiths and narratives that favor this.

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Mohamed, Rana Elhamdy. "Arab Sasanian Coins for Abd al Malk b. Abd Allah b. Amir (66-67 AH/ 686-687 AD) in Bishapur." Journal of Tourism, Hotels and Heritage 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 122–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/sis.2024.293626.1168.

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Hussain, Ashaq, and G. N. Khaki. "Expansion and Consolidation of Islam in Iran to the End of Qajar Period." Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 17, no. 3 (October 2014): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5782/2223-2621.2014.17.3.34.

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Under Islam, for the first time since the Achaemenids, all Iranians including those of Central Asia and on the frontiers of India became united under one rule. Islam was rescued from a narrow Bedouin outlook and Bedouin mores primarily by the Iranians, who showed that Islam, both as a religion and, primarily, as a culture, need not be bound solely to the Arabic language and Arab norms of behavior. Instead Islam was to become a universal religion and culture open to all people. This was a fundamental contribution of the Iranians to Islam, although all Iranians had become Muslims by the time of the creation of Saljuq Empire. So, Iran in a sense provided the history, albeit an epic, of pre-Islamic times for Islam. After all, the Arabs conquered the entire Sasanian Empire, where they found fullscale, imperial models for the management of the new Caliphate, whereas only provinces of the Byzantine Empire were overrun by the Arabs. The present paper is an attempt to give reader a detailed introduction, emergence and spread of Islam in Iran. It is in this context the present paper has been analyzed.

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Mohamed, Rana Elhamdy. "Arab Sasanian Dirham in The Name of Abd Allah b. Amir in in Fars Mints (66-67 AH/661-664 AD)." Journal of Tourism, Hotels and Heritage 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2024): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/sis.2024.294945.1169.

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Barotzoda, Faizullo. "FEATURES OF THE ARAB-KHAZAR RELATIONS IN THE “HISTORY OF TABARI”." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-67-80.

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The issue of studying and comparative analysis of the historical materials of Tabari’s chronicle has long been discussed in literature, because it also contains valuable information on the fate of the peoples and state formations of the Muslim East. Researchers agree that the introduction of the prose material of this book into academic circulation could shed light on many aspects of the consistent development and formation of dynasties in the ancient times. However, the narrative tradition of Arabic literature did not allow presenting the material about a particular historical or cultural object in the context of the chronicle. Based on this, in the pre-Islamic part of the Tabari chronicle an important discussion topic is the definition of borders, history, ethnic and religious composition, state structure, diplomatic relations, location of cities and other issues concerning the Khazars. Written monuments are considered a valuable source for determining the zone of distribution of the Khazars and Khazaria, although the boundaries were constantly changing following the changes in the balance of power between the Khazars and neighboring states. In the first centuries the struggle of two empires — Byzantium and Sasanian Iran for dominance in the Middle East — began to increasingly influence the establishment of borders. Later, the Arab Caliphate joined in this struggle against Khazaria to establish control in the Transcaucasia and the Black Sea region. The Tabari chronicle preserved a huge amount of narrative material about the role of the Khazars in the development of the past centuries’ events. Plans of the Abbasid caliphs in the 8–9th centuries undergone major changes due to the resistance of the Khazars. Further clarification of the role of the Khazars and Khazaria is possible only based on a critical analysis of Tabari’s information in comparison with the materials of late medieval authors.

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Gadzhiev, M. S., A. L. Budaychiev, A. M. Abdulaev, and K. B. Shaushev. "EXCAVATIONS OF THE DERBENT SETTLEMENT IN 2015." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 13, no. 1 (February 15, 2017): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch13170-92.

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The article presents the results of the excavations of the Derbent settlement conducted by the Derbent archeological expedition in 2015 within the framework of the grant of the Russian Foundation for Humanities, which started in 2012. The settlement predated the construction of the Derbent defensive complex in late 560s and it was gradually left after the construction of a new town, which was named Derbent (Darband). The excavations carried out in the southern sector of excavation site XXV revealed cultural strata, construction and household remains (walls of rooms, pits, etc.) dated back to the 3rd-6th centuries, and medieval Muslim burials in the cultural layer. As a result of the works, a variety of archaeological finds were obtained. Among the various finds, of special interest is a bronze belt clasp found in pit 18, which is associated with layer 3 and represents an important chronological indicator – according to its analogies it dates back to the last decades of the 4th–early 5th centuries AD. In 2014 during the excavations, a similar clasp was found in pit 12, which stratigraphically is also associated with deposits of layer 3. These clasps allow narrowing the absolute date of pits 12 and 18 to late 4th – early 5th centuries AD. Alongside with other chronologically indicative finds (including samples of the so-called Sasanian ceramics), they give support to dating of the cultural strata of the excavation site and associated constructions and household objects. The obtained materials (fragments of ceramic ware, objects made of ceramics, bone, bronze, iron, stone) characterize the culture and life of the population of the Derbent settlement, identified with the walled town Chor/Chol, known to ancient Armenian, Georgian, Syrian, early Byzantine and Arab authors, and which was an important administrative, political and religious center of the East Caucasus.

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Greatrex, Geoffrey. "Parvaneh Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran. Reprinted ed. London and New York: I. B. Tauris, in association with the Iran Heritage Foundation, 2009. Pp. xiv, 537; black-and-white figures and tables. $95. First published in 2008." Speculum 85, no. 4 (October 2010): 1009–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713410002472.

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Chelidze, V. "Written Sources from Ancient Albanian-Georgian Communications (Sagdukht - Princess Rani and Queen of Kartli)." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070309.

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National-cultural and religious disappearance of the Christian countries of the Caucasus (Albania, Iberia, Armenia) from the V century was threatened by Persia. "Kartlis Tskhovreba" (History of Georgia) tells in detail about these acute and dramatic historical events. Historical writings from a later period show one feature of this region. The references to Rani (Aran) as Persia ("Mirian... called from Persia his relative, a descendant of kings, named Peroz") and the inhabitants of this country as Persians ("in Ran, wherever the Persians fought") should not be taken literally. In Georgian historical works, the terms "Persia" and" Persian " in addition to Persia and Persians also meant countries and peoples of the Near and Middle East-Arabs, Turks, and others: "Sultan Arfasaran came out, king of P e R s I I" (Leonti Mroveli, Life of kings); "P e R s I d s K I e s u l t a n s, far and near" ("Chronicle of the times of lash Giorgi", life of king Giorgi); "the Georgians entered the castle, and there was a strong battle, and p e R s s B a g d a d a were defeated" (Chronicle of the century). This situation is due to the fact that the entire territory to the East of the Caucasus for centuries belonged to and was ruled by the Persian Empire of the Achaemenid, Arshakid and Sasanian eras (much later the Arab Caliphate and then the Turkish Sultanate appeared on the historical scene). In Georgian historical texts, in particular in the chronicle "Life of the kings" by Leonti Mroveli, a logical geographical description is given about this – "Persians from the East of the sun". According to Georgian historical data, these peoples also include Albanians who lived to the East of the Georgians. One of the most notable historical events is an extensive episode of romantic love in the life of an Albanian Princess, the daughter of the ruler of Rani (Aran) Barzaboda and a thorough historical account of the dramatic state activities of the Queen of Kartli (Iberia), mother of the great Georgian king Vakhtang Gorgasal-S a g d u x t.

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La Vaissière, Étienne de. "« Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian silver coins from Xinjiang. Sasanian Type Silver Coins in the Xinjiang Museum ». Silkroadology, 19 (2003), 342 p." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 26 (May 15, 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.2530.

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"Decline and fall of the Sasanian empire: the Sasanian-Parthian confederacy and the Arab conquest of Iran." Choice Reviews Online 46, no. 09 (May 1, 2009): 46–5207. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.46-5207.

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Bates, Michael L., and Mehdy Shaddel. "Note on a peculiar Arab-Sasanian coinage of Ibn al-Ashʿath." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, February 9, 2022, 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186321000778.

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Abstract The present note offers a new, and hopefully more nuanced, reading for a cryptic marginal legend on an issue of the Umayyad-era rebel ʿAbd al-Raḥmān ibn al-Ashʿath (d. circa 85 ah/704 ce). Comparing this legend with several marginal legends of like character, and contextualising the formulae within contemporary religious idiom as expressed in late ancient Arabic-Islamic epigraphy, it is argued that all these legends contain proper nouns invariably belonging to the issuing authority, in conjunction with invocations addressed to God, in an attempt to establish a hierarchic relationship between the two. Drawing on literary sources, it is then demonstrated that the legend of the Ibn al-Ashʿath issue does indeed mention the name of an individual, the local governor, Kharasha ibn Masʿūd ibn Wathīma, a new name in the repertoire of governors known through Arab-Sasanian coinage. Based on these results, a case for further reliance on literary, epigraphic, papyrological, and other forms of evidence in the study of numismatics is made. A new chronology, based on numismatic evidence, for Ibn al-Ashʿath's rebellion is also proposed.

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Lucas, Noëmie. "Parvaneh Pourshariati, Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: The Sasanian-Parthian confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran." Bulletin critique des Annales islamologiques, no. 35 (May 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/bcai.355.

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Gyselen, Rika. "Decline and Fall of the Sasanian Empire: the Sasanian-Parthian Confederacy and the Arab Conquest of Iran. I. B. Tauris, 2008, 537 p." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 31 (May 15, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.39551.

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Мишин, Д. Е. "‘Shapur’s Trench’ and the Sasanian-Arab Borders in the 4th through the 7th Century." Istoricheskii vestnik, no. 48(2024) (June 16, 2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.35549/hr.2024.2024.48.003.

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Статья представляет собой попытку топологической реконструкции границы Сасанидской державы на западе и юго-западе. Эта граница защищала сасанидские владения от нападений со стороны арабов, вниз по Евфрату и из Аравии. Она опиралась на важнейший естественный барьер – реку, называемую в источниках ал-Атик; в качестве гипотезы её можно отождествить с нынешним западным рукавом Евфрата, Шатт ал-Хиндиййа. С западной стороны от ал-Атика ответвлялись один или несколько каналов; они составляли то, что средневековые авторы считали «Шапуровым рвом», т.е. рвом, который сасанидский царь Шапур II (307/8–379/80) прокопал между своими владениями и землями арабов. Узловыми пунктами защиты границы были Пероз-Шапур, Хира, Убулла и, возможно, Амгишийа. Их прикрывали крепости и сторожевые заставы, расположенные на важнейших путях коммуникаций; таковыми были крепости Евфрата для Пероз-Шапура, ал-Узайб и ал-Кадисиййа для Хиры, Вахиштабад Ардашир и ал-Манджашаниййа для Убуллы, Уллайс для Амгишайи. В некоторых местах строились и протяжённые укрепления (защитные стены), прикрывавшие открытые участки границы. This article is an attempt to present a geographical re-construction of the Sasanid empire’s western and south-western borders. Those borders protected Sasanid possessions against Arabs’ attacks down Euphrates’ stream as well as from Arabia, and largely leant against an important natural barrier, the river named in the sources al-ˁAtīḳ, which hypothetically may in general be identified with Shaṭṭ al-Ḥilla, the present-day western branch of Euphrates. To the west from al-ˁAtīḳ, one or more channels branched off it; they were, in the extant sources, considered to be Shapur’s trench, or the trench which Sasanid king Shapur II (307/8–379/80) reportedly dug between his possessions and the Arabs’ lands. The key points of the border were Pērōz-Shāpūr, al-Ḥīra, Ubulla, and, possibly, Amghishiyā. They were protected by fortresses and castles which stood on major routes, such as fortresses on the Euphrates (for Pērōz-Shāpūr), al-ˁUdhayb and al-Ḳādisiyya for al-Ḥīra, Wahisht-ābād Ardashīr and al-Mandjāshāniyya (for Ubulla), and Ullays (for Amghishayā). In some places there were defensive walls which protected open sections of the border. Arabs, Pre-Islamic Arabia, Sasanids, Shapur’s Trench

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Jullien, Christelle. "Sajad Amiri Bavandpour, “A Survey of Christian Arab Sources for the Study of Sasanian History”." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 40-41 (July 15, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.50746.

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Gyselen, Rika. "Hodge Mehdi Malek. “Sistān During the Umayyad Period: Providing a Chronology Through Arab-Sasanian Coinage (64-86H)”." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 40-41 (July 15, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.47829.

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Տոնոյան, Արտյոմ, and Արտյոմ Դավիդով. "On the lexical evidence of the concept of “leader” in Middle Persian and Arabic languages." BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, December 14, 2022, 152–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.52837/27382702-2022.2-152.

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In New Persian (hereafter NP) there are more than two dozen Arabic borrowings, attested in different dictionaries and partly still using today for the concept of "leader" [8], while most of the words for the same concept in Middle Persian (hereafter MP) are of Iranian origin. The present article introduces and examines the lexemes attested in Middle Persian and Arabic with the meaning "leader, leader, commander". The choice of the Middle Persian language is due to the task of showing the features of the public perception of the concept "leader" and its expressions at the linguistic extent in Sassanid Iran, still free from strong Arab influence. On the other hand, the choice of Arabic is due to the fact that it shows the enormous influence that the Arab world had already in the post-Sassanid period on the Iranians' perception of the concept of "leader", and, consequently, the Arabic language itself, in the level of linguistic thought, in the face of Arabic borrowings to denote the concept of "leader" in NP. The Arabic loanwords in NP, used for the concept of "leader", are presented in the authors' previous paper [8], because of which the present examination is limited in the presentation of the denotants of the concept of "leader" only in Sasanian Middle Persian and Arabic.

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Rédaction. "Arab-Sasanian Copper Coinage. Veröffentlichungen der numismatischen Kommission, Band 34, Wien, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2000, 208 p., 15 pl." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 25 (May 15, 2004). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.4358.

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Gyselen, Rika. "« The effect of the Arab Muslim conquest on the administrative division of Sasanian Persis/Fars ». Iran, XLI, (2003), pp. 193-204." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 26 (May 15, 2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.3453.

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Reinink-Smith, Linda M., and Robert Carter. "Late Holocene development of Bubiyan Island, Kuwait." Quaternary Research, April 18, 2022, 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qua.2022.3.

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Abstract Bubiyan Island, presently a vast sabkha and salt flat in the westernmost part of the Shatt Al-Arab delta, originated ca. 4000 cal yr BP as prodelta deposits from a paleochannel of the Euphrates River that flowed into a shallow sea. Southeastern Bubiyan Island first surfaced when spits and barrier islands formed on a 1–2 m forebulge caused by heavy sediment load to the northwest; the spits and barriers delineated an incipient shoreline and sheltered a shallow lagoon. Progradation of southeastern Bubiyan Island began when the spits and barriers were gradually stranded as beach ridges during minor sea-level fluctuations and continued marginal uplift. AMS dating of the beach ridges, which are ~1–5 km from the present shoreline, implies that Late Holocene relative sea level fell in three phases: ca. 3700–3400 cal yr BP, ca. 2600–1000 cal yr BP, and ca. 600–500 cal yr BP. Prior to each phase, relative sea level apparently stabilized to near stillstands, allowing spits and barriers to accrete. Torpedo-jar pottery sherds scattered on some of the most prominent beach ridges indicate Sasanian (AD ca. 300–650; 1650–1300 cal yr BP) to early Islamic (AD ca. 650–800; 1300–1150 cal yr BP) periods of human presence, concurrent with the Second phase of beach-ridge formation.

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Бзаров, Р. С. "CAUCASIAN ALANIA AND SASANIAN IRAN: SOCIO-POLITICAL MECHANISM OF COOPERATION." Известия СОИГСИ, no. 34(73) (December 13, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.23671/vnc.2019.73.42911.

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В статье рассматриваются особенности территориально-политической консолидации Алании VI-VII вв., которые отразились в письменных, археологических и языковых источниках. Особая роль принадлежала связям Алании с Сасанидским Ираном. В литературе отмечено участие аланских контингентов в военных операциях Ирана в Закавказье горные же аланы той эпохи обычно представляются как наемная охрана коммуникаций, участники торговли, мигранты с равнины. Между тем значение накопленной археологами информации выходит далеко за рамки предлагаемых ими бытовых интерпретаций ее подлинный исторический смысл проявляется лишь в контексте социальных и политических процессов. В письменных источниках, отразивших события VI-VII вв., говорится о том, что аланы независимый народ, заключивший союз с персами, которые установили свою власть в грузинских землях, а затем укрепляли северную границу, сооружая крепости в горах Алании. При этом правитель Алании именуется персидским титулом шах , арабским малик , греческим басилевс их принято переводить как царь . Есть веские основания предполагать, что военно-стратегическое сотрудничество с персами использовалось как внешнеполитический инстумент для централизации власти и политической консолидации Алании. Археологические источники помогают реконструировать картину установления аланской элитой властного контроля над горными территориями. Одновременно с концентрацией власти в руках царя в VI-VII вв. идет волна сасанидского импорта, и в горной зоне появляется сеть памятников равнинной аланской культуры . Их единые воинские черты, синхронность создания и локализация в ключевых точках контроля над Центральным Кавказом по обеим сторонам Главного хребта позволяют предполагать устройство постоянных наместнических центров. В фольклоре и топонимике сохранилось общее название воинского сословия, расселенного в наместнических центрах и совместных с персами укреплениях горной зоны царциат (по смыслу военные поселенцы , букв. пограничники ). The present article highlights peculiarities of territorial and political unity of Alania in the VI-VIIth cent., which were reflected in written, archaeological and language sources. Of special importance were the relations of Alania and Sasanian Iran. The participation of Alanian forces in the military operations of Iran in the South Caucasus is noted in the literature as for the mountain Alanians of that epoch, they were represented as the mercenary guards of communications, trade participants, and migrants from the plain. However, the significance of the information, accumulated by the archaeologists, goes beyond the suggested common interpretations, its original historical implication is revealed only in the context of social and political processes. In written sources, which reflected the events of the VI-VIIth cent., the Alans are referred to as independent people, who concluded an alliance with the Persians, who, in their turn, established their rule in the Georgian lands, and then strengthened the northern border, constructing fortresses in the mountains of Alania. It should be noted that the ruler of Alania is referred to with the Persian title shah , the Arab malik and the Greek basileus , which are traditionally translated as king . There are solid grounds to suppose that the military strategic cooperation with the Persians was used as a foreign policy instrument for greater concentration of power and political unity of Alania. Archaeological sources help to reconstruct the picture of instituting control over the mountainous territories by the Alanian nobles. Along with centralizing of the royal power in the VI-VIIth cent., there is a wave of Sasanian import and in the mountainous areas there appears a net of monuments of the plain Alanian culture . Their common military features, simultaneity of creation and location in the key points of control over the Central Caucasus on both sides of the Greater Mountain Range allow to presume the establishment of permanent vicegerent centres. In the folklore and in the toponymy there is a common name for the military estate, which settled in the vicegerent centres and in the conjoint with the Persians fortresses of the mountain area tsartsiata (by implication military settlers , literally frontier guards ).

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Journal articles on the topic 'Arab-Sasanian'

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