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Journal articles on the topic 'Arab countries'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.

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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.

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2

Abu-Hamda, B., A. Soliman, A. Babekr, and T. Bellaj. "Emotional Expression and Culture: Implications from Nine Arab Countries." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.2237.

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IntroductionThere is a notion that emotional expression is universal, yet it is subject to cultural variations. Research in this field has studied cultural extremes in European, American and East Asian cultures. However, very little is known about the differences in emotional expression in the Arab subcultures.ObjectiveExploring the differences between the emotional reactions among the nine Arab subcultures.Aims (1) Examining the cultural differences in emotional reactions; (2) examining the differences between Muslim and non-Muslim individuals; (3) exploring the differences between Arabs and non-Arabs.MethodsSeveral real life scenarios including 15 different stressful situations and 15 non-stressful situations were presented to 40 individuals from the nine Arab subcultures. The participants were aged between 18 to 40 years of age. The subjects were randomly classified into groups depending on whether they were Arabs or non-Arabs and according to whether they were Muslims or non-Muslims. The subjects’ emotional reactions were measured by means of Likert-like items.ResultsThe results showed that there were no significant differences among the nine Arab subcultures in their emotional reactions to the non-stressful situations. However, there were significant differences among the Arab subcultures in the stressful situations. Moreover, both religion and ethics were strong predictors of the differences in the emotional reactions that varied between subjects in their cultural group. The Arab Muslims tended to express more anger but the Arab non-Muslims expressed more sadness.ConclusionsEmotional expression is impacted by ones’ cultural background and is particularly influenced by religion and ethics. Although Arab countries share the same language, they express emotions differently.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

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3

Alshammari, Thamir M., Neslihan Mendi, Khalidah A. Alenzi, and Yazed Alsowaida. "Pharmacovigilance Systems in Arab Countries: Overview of 22 Arab Countries." Drug Safety 42, no. 7 (April 20, 2019): 849–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40264-019-00807-4.

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4

Ivanov, Sergey. "Arab diplomacy after ''Arab spring''." Diplomatic Service, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2001-06.

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Devastated conditions in major part of the Arab world as the result of the so cooled ''Arabs spring'' cound not but influensed upon capability and effectiveness of the Arab diplomacy, which was disorientated by new discourse among Arab frontline countries and lost of its former assertiveness and strength in defending Arab interest as the whole.

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5

Al-Issa, Ihsan. "Arab Psychology or Psychology in the Arab Countries?" Contemporary Psychology 45, no. 5 (October 2000): 549–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/002301.

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6

Sobeih, Ahmed Hassan. "The Decision of the Iraqi Parliament and the Criminalization of Normalization with Israel from the Perspective of International Covenants." International Academic Journal of Humanities 9, no. 1 (September 14, 2022): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/iajh/v9i1/iajh0903.

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Arab countries, especially Gulf Arab countries, tend to normalize relations with Israel for various internal and external reasons until the Palestinian issue is just resolved. These regimes believe that normalization with Israel will help them protect their security and bring them closer to Washington, regardless of where the Palestinians and their people stand on normalization, knowing that Arab opinion still overwhelmingly refuses to recognize it Israel. Some countries relations with Israel expanded to the point of alliance before the establishment of diplomatic relations; what makes normalization impossible to describe, but due to the extreme sensitivity of Arab public opinion, the focus remains on steps to normalize relations. Clearly, this position has not been influenced by concerns and issues within the Arab people. Relations with Israel depend on the calculations of the regime, not the people. In addition to acknowledging that Arab opinion believes that peace with Israel has not brought prosperity to the people of the Arab countries that signed the agreement, and that such peace is one of the reasons for the suspension of political reforms, the Arabs see the Palestinian issue as the ultimate colonial issue and an Arab national issue. change it.

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7

Muhammadsidiqov, Muhammadolim. "ANALYSIS OF SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESSES IN ARAB COUNTRIES." Journal of Social Research in Uzbekistan 02, no. 05 (December 1, 2022): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-jsru-02-05-04.

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This article analyzes the essence of the political, socio-economic processes taking place in the countries of North Africa, and the issues of influence on the internal and external policies of the countries of the region.

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8

Акхмедова, Шакхло. "Literary creation in the gulf Arab countries." Арабский язык в эпоху глобализации: инновационные подходы и методы обучения 1, no. 1 (December 23, 2023): 124–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47689/atgd:iyom-vol1-iss1-pp124-129-id28428.

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In this article, the role of women in the family and society in the Gulf Arab countries, which constitute a significant part of Arab storytelling, is expressed. Also, in the works of Gulf writers, it is mentioned that women are represented as equal members of society, that is, society.

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9

Belousova, K. "“Oil Weapon” in the Third and Fourth Arab-Israeli Wars." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2010): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-2-47-56.

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In the modern world, energetic base materials, and especially petroleum connections, with their hubs, streams and directions, are much closer than economic ties. The history of relationship between oil-producing countries and the leading powers of the West became especially vivid during the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973. The attempts of "petroleum weapon" employment in 1967, under the weight of radical Arab regimes and local population against the U.S. and West-European countries (Israel's allies), failed owing to a two-faced position of Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing Arab countries. During the Arab-Israeli war of 1973, the "petroleum weapon" had more serious consequences for the West. For once the Arabs were acting more in concert. Oil-importing countries realized their economic exposure. For the first time the Arab countries started to determine their oil output level and control its price assessment. In this way, the war of 1973 and its consequences created the new phenomenon: the oil prices dynamics came to be integrated with politics in the Middle East.

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10

Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations: Historical and Ideological Dimensions." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.

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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.

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11

Meteb. M, Alotaibi Mohamed. "The Official Development Aids to Developing Countries with Reference to the Arab Countries." International Journal of Scientific Research 2, no. 3 (June 1, 2012): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/mar2013/30.

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12

Mohamed, Teroj, Rabab Abed, Milad Mezher, Hebatallah Abo Nahas, Wassima Lakhdari, Shimal Abdul-Hadi, and Ahmed Abdel-Azeem. "Fungal conservation in Arab countries." Microbial Biosystems 6, no. 1 (August 29, 2021): 32–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/mb.2021.93278.1039.

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13

Mahdy, Heba M. "Huntington’s Disease in Arab Countries." Journal of Huntington's Disease 4, no. 3 (September 29, 2015): 205–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3233/jhd-150158.

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14

Mohamed Salah Ben Aissa. "Report on the Arab countries." International Review of Administrative Sciences 52, no. 1 (March 1986): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002085238605200107.

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15

Al-Lababidi, M. Mukhtar. "Energy resources in Arab countries." Applied Energy 64, no. 1-4 (September 1999): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0306-2619(99)00089-6.

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16

Waast, Roland, and Pier-Luigi Rossi. "Scientific Production in Arab Countries." Science, Technology and Society 15, no. 2 (September 2010): 339–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097172181001500207.

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17

Pons, Alexander. "E-Government for Arab Countries." Journal of Global Information Technology Management 7, no. 1 (January 2004): 30–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1097198x.2004.10856365.

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18

Abdullah, M., M. Rajab, and A. Alkhashan. "INTERREGIONAL TRADE OF ARAB COUNTRIES." Arab Universities Journal of Agricultural Sciences 26, no. 6 (February 1, 2019): 2031–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/ajs.2018.35328.

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19

El-Khoury, Gabi. "Financial statistics of Arab countries." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 600–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.714574.

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20

El-Ahdab, Abdul Hamid. "Arbitration with the Arab Countries." Arab Law Quarterly 6, no. 1 (1991): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3381898.

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21

Eltigani, Eltigani E. "Childbearing in Five Arab Countries." Studies in Family Planning 32, no. 1 (March 2001): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4465.2001.00017.x.

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22

Jawad, Ali S. M., Georges El Hasbani, and Imad Uthman. "Rheumatology research in Arab countries." Saudi Medical Journal 45, no. 5 (May 2024): 542. http://dx.doi.org/10.15537/smj.2024.45.5.20240362.

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23

Shannon, Vaughn Parnell. "Role-Play Simulations and Changing Perceptions of the Other: Model UN, Model Arab League, and Student Views of the Muslim World." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 3 (July 30, 2019): 219–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz011.

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Abstract Role-play simulation can both enhance knowledge and favorably affect perceptions of others in global politics. This article tests these hypotheses in two quasi-experimental pretest/post-test surveys of student perceptions of Muslims, Arabs, and the countries of the Middle East. Students engaging in Model UN and Model Arab League simulations representing Arab and Muslim countries demonstrated improved knowledge of the countries they represented and, more importantly, positive changes in perceptions of Muslims and the Muslim countries they represented. A control group demonstrated no such change in images of the Muslims, Arabs, and countries of the Middle East. This preliminary study shows the potential importance of role-play simulations in fostering cross-national and cross-cultural understanding in the fraught relationship between the Middle East and the West.

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24

Mohammed, Assistant Professor Dr Rahim Hassan. "The nationalist movement in the Levant during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries." Thi Qar Arts Journal 3, no. 44 (December 31, 2023): 49–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.32792/tqartj.v3i44.498.

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The idea of the emergence of the Arab nationalist movement is not accidental to the Arabs in terms of its general concept, as the Arab history has been filled with evidence and events that it is prominent in many roles, scenes and stages of the Arab era in previous historical periods. Therefore, there were several internal or external factors that contributed effectively to the crystallization and emergence of the nationalist, intellectual and literary currents and organizations, as the weakness of the authority of the Ottoman state, and what the Arab countries in general and the Levant in particular were exposed to, of colonial control, and opening the way for missionary missions in the cities of the Levant, had an impact on the Arab writers and thinkers in their interest in Arabic literature and reviving the Arabic language and the ancient Arab heritage. The Arab Renaissance, in its comprehensive concept, meant the transformation of the Arab society from a state of stagnation, backwardness and dependence in the Ottoman era, to a state of interaction and harmony with the political and civilizational developments, and the awareness of the Arab society of its national existence and its human role. Therefore, the ideas and calls of the Arab thinkers and reformers, especially in the Levant, called for the unification of the Arabs in a state independent of the Ottoman Caliphate, with a national entity unified in feeling, culture, goals and political, economic and military interests, and thus their efforts resulted in the establishment of nationalist, literary, scientific and political associations and parties, both inside and outside the Arab countries, and holding conferences to convey the voice of the sons of the Arab people to the public opinion in Paris, to demand their legitimate rights in achieving freedom, independence and getting rid of the dependence and tyranny of the Ottomans, as well as the European colonial countries, especially during and after the First World War.

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25

Saadia, Korichi Halima. "Green Marketing Practices of Petroleum Companies in Arab Countries." International Journal of Information and Electronics Engineering 8, no. 4 (December 2018): 50–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18178/ijiee.2018.8.4.694.

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26

Sarabiev, Aleksei. "PULL FACTORS OF LABOR MIGRATION FROM THE ARAB WORLD TO EUROPEAN COUNTRIES." Eastern Analytics, no. 3 (2020): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2227-5568-2020-03-202-213.

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Pull factors (“attracting”) of labor migration to Europe are considered in application to migrants from Arab countries. Features of Arab labor migration and socioeconomic adaptation of Arabs in Europe are given. According to the author’s classification of pull factors, they are grouped into three groups: selection stage factors, conditional dominants, and extra- economic factors. Each of the groups, or levels, is preferred for a certain category of potential migrants. Special characteristics of Arab Diaspora business networks in European countries are revealed. The author describes an approach to labor migrants, in which they are considered not only as a labor force, but as social capital, which is in demand, first of all, within these networks. The problems of socio- cultural adaptation and economic integration are presented in the light of changes in the pull factors of migration. The key to solving a number of problems along this path is, according to the author, moving towards the withdrawal of business networks of Arab diasporas from their objective self-isolation, their focus on themselves and the business networks of their countries of origin as well in response to the unfamiliar and sometimes closed business environment in the host countries.

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27

Al-Maimani, Hawra Abdulrahman Juma. "Online versus Offline World: A Thematic Analysis of Arab Women’s Empowerment via Social Media." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MASS MEDIA AND COMMUNICATIONS 7, no. 3 (March 17, 2021): 165–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajmmc.7-3-2.

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This research study examines Arab women experiences of being empowered by existing in the virtual world. The aim of the study is to establish paper that discuses if female users of Twitter in Arab countries believe that the religious and cultural restrictions of Arabs state institutions are circumvented by the Internet. The study is questioning the Arab female experiences and feelings if and when she bypasses the restrictions, that she is associate with as being Arab, to make herself existing online and how does this reflect on her in the real world. The investigation is carried out by conducting semi-structured interviews, targeting to collect qualitative data only. To achieve the aims of the study, the sample consists of seven females from different countries who all use Twitter. The study showed that there is a gap between the action of Arab women online and offline which is due to prompting of social and political empowerment. Keywords: Arab women, empowerment, media, virtual world

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28

Al-Shamsi, Humaid O., Ibrahim Abu-Gheida, Kareem Sameh, Nouran E. Tahoun, and Khaled M. Musallam. "Arab Countries and Oncology Clinical Trials: A Bibliometric Analysis." Cancers 15, no. 18 (September 5, 2023): 4428. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/cancers15184428.

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The increasing cancer burden is a major health concern in Arab countries with cross-regional variations in cancer profiles. Given the limited oncology research output and scarce data on cancer trial participation in the Arab region, this study explored the therapeutic cancer trial landscape in Arab countries over the past 20 years. A bibliometric analysis of the PubMed database was conducted on primary publications of therapeutic trials with a participating Arab center. Arab countries participated in 320 published cancer-related therapeutic trials (2000–2021). During this period, there was a consistent increase in the number of trials, sample size, multiregional site participation, and number of randomized trials. However, most trials were small, did not receive external funding, and included a single Arab site. Compared with Arab-only trials, trials with joint non-Arab sites were larger (p = 0.003) and more likely to be externally funded (p < 0.001). Citation numbers and journal impact factors were higher in trial publications with joint non-Arab authorship than those without (p < 0.001, for both). Despite improving conduct and publication records of oncology trials with Arab centers, cancer trial participation remains limited in Arab countries. Concerted efforts are required to encourage sponsorship and international collaboration in this region.

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29

Toubasi, Salem, Ahmad Alzubaidi, and Mushir Abahra. "The Problems of Arab Solidarity and the Impact of Arab Spring on It: Study on the Model of the GCC Security." Journal of Politics and Law 13, no. 3 (August 20, 2020): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v13n3p160.

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The author presents a brief study of the Arab solidarity. Furthermore, From the point of view of the author the Arab cooperation is one of the most controversial topics in the Arab world, whereas this idea extends to the first history of the Arab countries, we can also mention the creation of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and then the Maghreb Union of Arab Countries. In this article, the topic of Arab solidarity will be presented, through the views of many thinkers, and based on many analytical researches of Arab public opinion, the view of Arab solidarity and analysis of many ideas put forward for this project. There are new positive ideas possibly can be implemented to achieve the Arab solidarity, which is still a very important project for a wide sector of Arabs, this analytical study will present the case of the Gulf Cooperation Council states as example of positive implementation of Arab solidarity. This article includes the results of Arab public opinion and shed the light on the Arab spring which affected many international and local events. The author asks if Arab solidarity will a real case in the future. This study will investigate these issues and provide the readers with a modern perspective on this topic, furthermore this research approaches this subject from three different areas of discussion: the realism approach, the functionalism approach, and the idealism approach.

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30

Ismail, Hosameldin H. "The impact of FDI on foreign trade in Arab countries." International Journal of ADVANCED AND APPLIED SCIENCES 9, no. 4 (April 2022): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.21833/ijaas.2022.04.012.

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This study aims to identify the reality of FDI in Arab countries and analyze the relationship between FDI and foreign trade in Arab countries during the period 2000-2018. Statistical analysis tools such as the correlation coefficient and ANOVA analysis were used to test the significance of the linear regression between the variables, to analyze the relationship between FDI (independent variable) and all of the Arab exports and imports, trade balance, and Arab foreign trade (dependent variable). Despite the rapid liberalization programs of investment systems and the trend towards privatization and liberalization of economic activity and joining the WTO (hence, WTO), and other measures, the flow of foreign investments to Arab countries continues. Only three countries (UAE-Egypt-Oman) accounted for 68.5% of the total FDI coming to Arab countries in 2018. This indicates the weakness of many other Arab countries in attracting FDI. Results showed that the European Union is the leading trading partner of the Arab countries. The UAE and France topped the countries investing in the Arab countries. The statistical analysis results showed that the correlation between FDI (as an independent variable) and Arab foreign trade (as a dependent variable) is a positive, medium-strength. They also proved that (17.8%) of Arab foreign trade could be explained using FDI, while the remaining percentage is attributed to other variables.

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31

El-Khoury, Gabi. "Basic agricultural indicators in Arab countries." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 596–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.519186.

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Soaring of food prices in recent years have seriously affected developing countries in the Arab region and worldwide, especially low-income and food-importing countries, which have stressed the need to achieve ‘food security’ to eradicate poverty and hunger as one of the basic Millennium Development Goals (MDG). This statistical file focuses on data that might help explore the situation of food security in Arab countries, recognizing that – except for fish and vegetables – Arab countries suffer from a shortage of all types of farm products, and the farm gap – the difference between imports and exports of food products – peaked at about US$23 billion in 2008 to bring the cumulative Arab food shortage to US$155.5 billion during 2000–2008 (Kawach 2010).

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32

Alwahaibi, Nasar, Muna Al Maskari, Samiya Al-Jaaidi, Buthaina Al Dhahli, Halima Al Issaei, and Shadia Al Bahlani. "COVID-19 in the Arab countries: Three-year review." F1000Research 12 (May 9, 2024): 1448. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.142541.2.

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Background Twenty-two Arab countries share a common language, history, and culture. Nevertheless, governmental policies, healthcare systems, and resources differ from one Arab country to another. We have been following Coronavirus (COVID-19) from the beginning in each Arab country. In the present study, we aimed to assess the prevalence of COVID-19 in the Arab world and to compare these findings with other significantly affected countries. Methods Websites of the World Health Organization, World COVID-vaccinations tracker, Worldometer, and Ministries of Health were used to extract COVID-19 data in all Arab countries between the period January 2020 to December 2022. Results All Arab countries had 14,218,042 total confirmed COVID-19 cases, 13,384,924 total recovered cases and 173,544 total related deaths. The trend demonstrated that the third quarter of 2021 recorded the highest death toll and the first quarter of 2022 recorded the highest number of confirmed and recovered cases. Compared to the top 15 affected countries, the Arab world ranked last as it had the lowest overall incidence per million population (PMP) of 31,609. The data on total deaths PMP showed that India had the lowest number of deaths with only 377 cases followed by the Arab world with 386 cases. Conclusions Although the number of confirmed, death, and subsequently recovered cases of COVID-19 have greatly reduced in the last quarter of 2022 in most Arab countries, many Arab countries still need to re-campaign about COVID-19 vaccines and raise awareness programs about boosters. COVID-19 has had a relatively smaller impact on Arab countries than on other countries that have been significantly affected.

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33

Alwahaibi, Nasar, Muna Al Maskari, Samiya Al-Jaaidi, Buthaina Al Dhahli, Halima Al Issaei, and Shadia Al Bahlani. "COVID-19 in the Arab countries: Three-year review." F1000Research 12 (November 8, 2023): 1448. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.142541.1.

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Background Twenty-two Arab countries share a common language, history, and culture. Nevertheless, governmental policies, healthcare systems, and resources differ from one Arab country to another. We have been following Coronavirus (COVID-19) from the beginning in each Arab country. In the present study, we aimed to assess the prevalence of COVID-19 in the Arab world and to compare these findings with other significantly affected countries. Methods Websites of the World Health Organization, World COVID-vaccinations tracker, Worldometer, and Ministries of Health were used to extract COVID-19 data in all Arab countries between the period January 2020 to December 2022. Results All Arab countries had 14,218,042 total confirmed COVID-19 cases, 13,384,924 total recovered cases and 173,544 total related deaths. The trend demonstrated that the third quarter of 2021 recorded the highest death toll and the first quarter of 2022 recorded the highest number of confirmed and recovered cases. Compared to the top 15 affected countries, the Arab world ranked last as it had the lowest overall incidence per million population (PMP) of 31,609. The data on total deaths PMP showed that India had the lowest number of deaths with only 377 cases followed by the Arab world with 386 cases. Conclusions Although the number of confirmed, death, and subsequently recovered cases of COVID-19 have greatly reduced in the last quarter of 2022 in most Arab countries, many Arab countries still need to re-campaign about COVID-19 vaccines and raise awareness programs about boosters. COVID-19 has had a relatively smaller impact on Arab countries than on other countries that have been significantly affected.

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34

Alwahaibi, Nasar, Muna Al Maskari, Samiya Al-Jaaidi, Buthaina Al Dhahli, Halima Al Issaei, and Shadia Al Bahlani. "COVID-19 in the Arab countries: Three-year study." F1000Research 12 (May 29, 2024): 1448. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.142541.3.

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Background Twenty-two Arab countries share a common language, history, and culture. Nevertheless, governmental policies, healthcare systems, and resources differ from one Arab country to another. We have been following Coronavirus (COVID-19) from the beginning in each Arab country. In the present study, we aimed to assess the prevalence of COVID-19 in the Arab world and to compare these findings with other significantly affected countries. Methods Websites of the World Health Organization, World COVID-vaccinations tracker, Worldometer, and Ministries of Health were used to extract COVID-19 data in all Arab countries between the period January 2020 to December 2022. Results All Arab countries had 14,218,042 total confirmed COVID-19 cases, 13,384,924 total recovered cases and 173,544 total related deaths. The trend demonstrated that the third quarter of 2021 recorded the highest death toll and the first quarter of 2022 recorded the highest number of confirmed and recovered cases. Compared to the top 15 affected countries, the Arab world ranked last as it had the lowest overall incidence per million population (PMP) of 31,609. The data on total deaths PMP showed that India had the lowest number of deaths with only 377 cases followed by the Arab world with 386 cases. Conclusions Although the number of confirmed, death, and recovered cases of COVID-19 have greatly reduced in the last quarter of 2022 in most Arab countries, many Arab countries still need to re-campaign about COVID-19 vaccines and raise awareness programs about boosters. COVID-19 has had a relatively smaller impact on Arab countries than on other countries that have been significantly affected.

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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Foreign trade statistics of Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 652–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1399656.

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This statistical file is mainly concerned with the external merchandise trade of Arab countries, which accounts for approximately 77% of the total trade of Arab goods and services due to the large share of oil and gas in the Arab foreign trade.

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Bakari, Sayef, and Malek El Weriemmi. "CAUSALITY BETWEEN DOMESTIC INVESTMENT AND ECONOMIC GROWTH IN ARAB COUNTRIES." Journal of Malikussaleh Public Economics 7, no. 1 (June 29, 2024): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.29103/jmpe.v7i1.17028.

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The aim of this investigation is to examine the nexus between domestic investment and economic growth in Arab countries. To attempt our goal, we used annual data for the period 1990 – 2020 and Vector Error Correction Model. Empirical analysis indicates that there is no relationship between domestic investment and economic growth in the long run. However, we find a bidirectional causality between domestic investment and economic growth in the short run. These results provide evidence that domestic investment is necessary in Arab countries’ economy and is presented as an engine of growth since they cause economic growth in the short term. But they are not carried out and treated with a solid and fair manner, which offer new insights into Arabe countries’ investment policy for promoting economic growth.

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Zahlan, A. B. "Science and the Arabs: opportunities and challenges." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 2 (April 1, 2011): 190–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.569180.

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Tunisians and Egyptians sought recently to transform their political culture. Their political economy has rendered it impossible to develop the scientific infrastructure needed to benefit from science. This paper shows that, by comparison with China and India, the Arabs in 1999 had a substantially higher level of university enrolment, per million inhabitants abroad and at home; and were ahead in per capita R&D output. Yet both China and India were able to take off with these resources while the Arab countries were left behind. The research output of the Arab countries increased about 50-fold over the period 1967–2010. Egypt, the GCC and the Maghreb are in the lead, and the leading countries are Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Tunisia. Yet Arab governments provide minimal support to R&D at 0.2% of GNP and few countries have recently increased support to R&D. The paper discusses their research output as well international collaboration.

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Harb, Mustafa. "POLITICAL PARTIES DEVELOPMENT IN ARAB COUNTRIES." European Political and Law Discourse 7, no. 5 (2020): 159–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46340/eppd.2020.7.5.16.

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Naseer, Maged Abdel. "Burden of migraine in Arab countries." Journal of the Neurological Sciences 429 (October 2021): 117883. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jns.2021.117883.

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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Energy in Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 140–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.979021.

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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Knowledge in Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 456–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1054117.

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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Agriculture in Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 644–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1244943.

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In line with the global trend, this statistical file assumes that the Arab countries are in a situation where they must find ways of feeding the growing population with a limited amount of land and water and other natural resources. It also assumes that the population in the Arab region is becoming increasingly urban. This represents a clear challenge for the region to ensure that agricultural communities are able to contribute to ensuring that expanding urban populations have access to safe and nutritious food, recognizing the crucial role of agriculture in reducing rural poverty, malnutrition in poor countries and, at the same time, contribute to sustainable development. Table 1 introduces statements on the rural population, while Table 2 gives figures on agricultural labour forces. Table 3 provides figures on total and cultivated areas, while Table 4 presents statements on land use. Table 5 is concerned with agricultural production and its contribution to gross domestic product (GDP), while Tables 6 and 7 present statements on agricultural and food imports and exports. Figures on Arab countries' contribution to the food gap value, self-sufficiency ratio (SSR) in main agricultural products and on the proportion of the under-nourished in Arab countries and their ranking in the Economist Intelligence Unit's Global Food Security Index (GFSI) 2016 are shown in Tables 8–10 respectively.

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Al-Krenawi, Alean. "Mental health practice in Arab countries." Current Opinion in Psychiatry 18, no. 5 (September 2005): 560–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.yco.0000179498.46182.8b.

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Julius, Lyn. "Jewish Property Claims against Arab Countries." Middle Eastern Studies 45, no. 4 (July 2009): 687–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263200903096228.

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Campbell, John C., and Heskel M. Haddad. "Jews of Arab and Islamic Countries." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 1 (1985): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042546.

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Anonymous. "Erosion and sedimentation in Arab countries." Eos, Transactions American Geophysical Union 66, no. 20 (1985): 443. http://dx.doi.org/10.1029/eo066i020p00443-02.

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ElObeidy, Ahmed A. "Governing public universities in Arab countries." Perspectives: Policy and Practice in Higher Education 18, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 131–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13603108.2014.965237.

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Gat, Moshe. "Jewish Property Claims against Arab Countries." Journal of Israeli History 28, no. 1 (March 2009): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13531040902752556.

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Hamamy, Hanan. "Community genetic services in Arab countries." Middle East Journal of Medical Genetics 2, no. 1 (January 2013): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.mxe.0000422777.67364.e5.

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Harb, Fouad. "Quality and accreditation in Arab countries." Clinical Biochemistry 42, no. 4-5 (March 2009): 308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.clinbiochem.2008.09.025.

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