Journal articles on the topic 'Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region'
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1
Fituni, L. "«Arab Spring»: Transformation of Political Paradigm in Context of International Relations." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2012): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-1-3-14.
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The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.
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Mamadjonov, A. B. "TURKEY'S ROLE IN RESOLVING POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN NORTH AFRICA (LIBYA EXAMPLE)." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 02, no. 02 (April 1, 2022): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-02-02-39.
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This study examines Turkey's relations with the Arab countries of North Africa, in particular its relations with Libya, and its relations with Libya after the Arab Spring civil war. Instability in the region and conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean have come to the fore in recent years. In this context, some considerations have been made on the role of the Republic of Turkey in resolving the internal political instability following the Libyan crisis.
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Bartenev, Vladimir. "European Donors in the Arab World: Redistribution of Resources and Roles." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620207689.
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The article explores official development assistance flows from European countries to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and highlights certain specifics and the logic of redistribution of resources and roles between the largest European donors throughout the 2010s – since the Arab Spring, which transformed the political landscape of the entire region. This trend is explained by uneven dynamics of the donor activities of three states with a direct access to the Mediterranean – France, Italy and Spain ‒ and other countries. This dynamic seems to be caused by differences in domestic economic and political environment and dissimilarities in motivation and strategy which manifested themselves in allocation of resources between MENA and other regions, humanitarian and non-humanitarian assistance, various sectors, sub-regions and recipient countries. The Arab Spring made these dissimilarities even more acute and created an illusion of a conscious 'division of labour'. However, leading European powers – Germany, France and the United Kingdom – compete actively with each other as well as with non-European actors. A wide range of new and unexpected challenges such as a recent destabilization in the countries to a lesser extent affected by the Arab Spring (Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq), escalation of tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, a devastating explosion in the Beirut port etc., notwithstanding mid- and long-term consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, might make this competition even more dynamic.
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UĞURKAN, Ersin. "FROM THE BARCELONA PROCESS TO THE ARAB DEPRESSION: THE EUROPEAN UNION'S CONCERNS AND HESITATIONS IN MEDITERRANEAN POLICY." IEDSR Association 6, no. 15 (September 20, 2021): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.377.
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The Barcelona Process has been reorganized by undergoing some changes especially after the September 11 events in the USA. By conducting its relations with the countries in the region through authoritarian regimes of secular origin, security, terrorism and immigration have come to the fore in relations. The aim of the study is to show these relationships and their causes and results. The scope of the research has been mainly analyzed for the period called "Arab Spring" from the Barcelona Process, which is the turning point. The failure of this process to a great extent, on the contrary, the instability of the region and its transformation into depression and its effects on the EU have been the main theme of the study. The reasons for the policies of the EU on its anxious and hesitant approach in regional relations from this period until today have been emphasized.Terrorism, immigration and energy, which are seen as originating from the region, have been the most determinant in the EU's policies, only the order of these elements has changed from time to time. By determining its relations with the region on these points, it has made the countries of the region implement its own priorities as policy makers to a large extent. It has produced policies that conflict with EU values, especially on migration. Moreover, in these policies of the EU, although the member states in the Union followed very fragmented policies at the beginning of the process, these elements have become the common policy of the Union over time.
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Mathlouthi, Naim. "The EU Democratisation of The Southern Neighbours Since the “Arab Spring”: An Inherently Inadequate Approach." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v4i4.110.
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This Article draws on the analysis of historical relations between the European Union and the Southern Mediterranean countries and highlights the main initiatives and consequences of the adopted practices of democratisation in the region following the Arab Uprisings. The main focus is on the continuity and limited changes in the new approach. One of the main findings is that the limited reform of the EU approach primarily resulted from the inherited political constraints. The net result was a set of structured security-orientated relationships that will continue to repeat earlier mistakes before 2011. The mechanisms of democracy promotion including conditionality remained inherently full of contradictions. The double standards in applying the conditionality principle in addition to the lack of significant leverage rendered the EU democratisation approach of the Southern neighbours inapt. Despite the 2011 ENP review promise of a substantial change in the EU democratisation approach, it seems that the EU’s initial euphoria following the “Arab spring” has waned as it seems to repeat the same old approach of liberalisation and securitisation of the Southern Mediterranean region rather than democratisation.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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MİKAYILOV, İlkin. "TÜRKİ YE’Nİ N YENİ BÖLGELERE YÖNELİ K “İ DDİ ALI” DIŞ POLİ Tİ KASI: HERKESİ N DOSTLARA İ HTİ YACI VAR." “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (April 30, 2021): 230–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.230.
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This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy shifted towards new regions, which are historically, have less confrontation with Turkey and has positive trends against Turkey such as Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, while the relations with the Turkic Council were deepened, the policy towards this region became clear with the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. During the Second Nagorno- Karabakh War Turkey gave strong support to Azerbaıjan both in term of rhetoric and military support as well based on Turkish drones and other Turkish made military equipment which shows the assertiveness of Turkey. The development of the Turkic Council’s member countries both politically and economically made organization an important regional actor. Thus, Turkic Council become an important tool for Turkish foreign policy in terms of assertiveness. Turkey’s assertive foreign policy will increase which is the in compliance with the Turkey’s national security. Also for region countries, it is important that Turkey put weight on region, which is crucial for Turkish foreign policy. Keywords: Assertiveness, Caucasus, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkic Council.
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Labatut, Bernard. "Les politiques méditerranéennes de l'Espagne à la recherche d'un équilibre entre l'impératif de la sécurité et l'éthique de l'interdépendance (Note)." Études internationales 26, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 315–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703458ar.
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Franco's Spain flattered itself as enjoying a preferential relationship with the Arab World, as with Latin America as well - a kind of compensation for Spain's lack of normalization within the international System. With its transition to democracy, Spain's place in the world has been redefined and, consequently, so have its relations in the Mediterranean. This has taken place in a context made difficult by Spain's integration into European and Western institutions, an integration that holsters it but no longer lets it take advantage of its different status. This redefinition has also occurred as Spain faces increased risks of destabilization from countries along the southern shoreline, which pose a very direct security problem for Spain. The policies it has implemented expose the divisions between several kinds of logic. They also reveal the many constraints Spain must face in a region split along different lines and in which it finds itself completely immersed.
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Timofeev, Pavel, and Maria Khorolskaya. "APPROACHES OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN TANDEM TO INTERACTION WITH TURKEY IN THE HOTBEDS OF INSTABILITY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 134–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.06.
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The article analyzes the position of the informal EU leaders - France and Germany - on two long and serious crises - Libyan and Syrian, which since the «Arab Spring» have had a direct and destabilizing impact on the EU security. Although the latest concept paper «Strategic Compass», adopted by the EU in March 2022, notes that European countries will seek to resolve conflicts, including with the involvement of Turkey, so far the EU member states have not developed a unified approach to the problem, nor to their interaction with Ankara. In this regard, the authors analyze in detail the positions of Berlin and Paris towards relations with Ankara in general, as well as in the Libyan and Syrian crises, highlighting the common and specific for the French and German approaches. The article shows both the converging factors and the main problems complicating the relations between France and Germany, on the one hand, and Turkey, on the other. It is noted that the formation of the approach of each of the countries of the tandem is influenced by the geographical factor and various tools typical for the foreign policy tradition of France and Germany. Finally, it is concluded that Franco-German tandem does not have a unified line in the conflicts examined, although the two countries’ approaches are not always at odds with each other. It was revealed that despite the general disagreement with Turkey’s independent policy in the region, France and Germany are not ready to take forceful measures to make Ankara to align with the EU/NATO positions. In the near future, it is unlikely that both powers will be able to work out a coordinated line of interaction with Turkey in the centers of instability in the Mediterranean.
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Amineh, Mehdi P., and Wina H. J. Crijns-Graus. "Rethinking eu Energy Security Considering Past Trends and Future Prospects." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 13, no. 5-6 (October 8, 2014): 757–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341326.
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euenergy policy objectives are directed at three highly interdependent areas: energy supply security, competitiveness and decarbonization to prevent climate change. In this paper, we focus on the issue of energy supply security. Security of energy supply for the immediate and medium-term future is a necessary condition in the current context of the global political economy for the survival of the Union and its component member states. Since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, energy policy no longer comes onto the agenda of the European Commission through the backdoor of the common market, environment and competitiveness. The Treaty created a new legal basis for the internal energy market. However, securing external supplies as well as deciding the energy mix, remain matters of national prerogative, though within the constraints of other parts of eu’s legislation in force. Without a common defense policy, the highly import dependent Union and its members face external instability in the energy rich Arab Middle East and North Africa.Concern about energy security has been triggered by declining European energy production as well as the strain on global demand exerted by newly industrializing economies such as China and India and the Middle East, as well as the political instability in this reserve-rich part of the world. This paper explores the following two topics [1] the current situation and past trends in production, supply, demand and trade in energy in the eu, against the background of major changes in the last half decade and [2] threats to the security of the supply of oil and natural gas from import regions.Fossil fuel import dependence in the eu is expected to continue to increase in the coming two decades. As global trends show, and despite new fields in the Caspian region and the Eastern Mediterranean, conventional fossil oil and gas resources remain concentrated in fewer geopolitically unstable regions and countries (i.e. the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and the Caspian Region (cr) including Russia), while global demand for fossil energy is expected to substantially increase also within the energy rich Gulf countries. This combination directly impacts eu energy supply security. It should be noted that the trend towards higher levels of import dependence was not interrupted when the era of low energy prices, between 1980 and 2003, came to an end.Within the eu itself, domestic resistance to the development of unconventional resources is an obstacle to investment in unconventional sources in this part of the high-income world. This should therefore not put at risk investments in either renewables or alternative sources at home or conventional resources mainly in the Arab-Middle East.The situation is exacerbated by the spread of instability in the Arab-Middle Eastern countries. There are three domestic and geopolitical concerns to be taken into consideration:(1) In the Arab-Middle East, threats to eu energy supply security originate in the domestic regime of these countries. Almost all Arab resource-rich countries belong to a type ofpatrimonial, rentier-type of state-society relation. These regimes rely on rents from the exploitation of energy resources and the way in which rents are distributed.Regimes of this type are being challenged. Their economies show uneven economic development, centralized power structures, corruption and poverty at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The discrimination of females is a major obstacle to the development of the service sector. At present, even the monarchies fear the spread of violent conflict.Offshoots of these consequences have proven to cause civil unrest, exemplified by what optimists have called the ‘Arab Spring.’(2) The second concern is the domestic and global impact of Sovereign Wealth Funds (swfs) managed by Arab patrimonial rentier states. swfs have proven to be an asset in both developing and developed economies due to their ability to buffer the ‘Dutch Disease,’ and to encourage industrialization, economic diversification and eventually the development of civil society. In patrimonial states, however, swfs are affected by corruption and the diversion of funds away from long-term socioeconomic development to luxury consumption by political elites. In fact, Arab swfs underpin the persistence of the Arab patrimonial rentier state system.(3) Finally, the post-Cold War, me and cea geopolitical landscape is shifting. The emergence of China and other Asian economies has increased their presence in the Middle East due to a growing need for energy and the expansion of Asian markets. The recent discovery of energy resources in the us has led to speculation that there will be less us presence in the region. There would be a serious risk to eu energy security if emerging Asian economies were to increase their presence in the Middle East as us interests recede.
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Poble, D. K. "THE 2019 – 2021 LEBANON CIVIL PROTESTS: CONCISE COMPARISON WITH MOLDOVA AND BELARUS PEACEFUL RALLIES AND ASSEMBLIES." International and Political Studies, no. 35 (November 10, 2022): 93–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259135.
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Lebanon, a unique, poly-confessional Eastern Mediterranean country of Arab origin with a long Phoenician history, has seen yet another wave of unrest in the last two years. Around the same period, widespread protests were aroused in two post-soviet countries in Eastern Europe, expressing their outrage at the falsification of vote tallies, corruption, and the political motivation of their governments in the face of a worsening economic situation. The aim of the study was to find out the common and distinctive elements of these civil rallies and assemblies, as well as to predict their possible impact on interregional relations and geopolitical tendencies. The article may indicate some unique features due to the lack of fundamental research studies on the theme rather than analytics and media reports. A concise comparison is made of Lebanon’s, Moldova’s, and Belarus’s situation with respect to their establishment, political and economic crisis, resulting protest actions. Some peculiarities were discovered following the interests of internal and external political groups and their influence. A cautious prognosis was made in order to forecast some further developments in the situation around these countries, including the attitude of the key actors in the region towards the processes inside and outside, trying to tip the scales in their favor.
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Et. al., Ahmed Mahmood Alaw Al-Samarrae ,. "The American-Turkish Political Relations 1991-2001 A.D." Turkish Journal of Computer and Mathematics Education (TURCOMAT) 12, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 2451–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/turcomat.v12i2.2079.
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The U.S. Turkish relations are one of the issues of interest to the researcher in the field of politics as it is a relationship between two important and active parties in the international arena, especially the Middle East region.
The United States had a great interest in Turkey's siding with the West. Turkey also found its interest in that, so we found it a member of the NATO.
In contrast to the expected after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Turkey's importance in the strategic perception of the United States did not end, especially since Turkey's geographical proximity seemed to be more strained and changing, not to mention the Western model adopted by Turkey, which the United States wants to be an example in the region.
The American- Turkish relations for the period (1991-2001) were influenced by radical and fundamental changes. These variables are either internal or international. The internal factors influencing this relationship lie in the Turkish political parties which play a major role in the political process. The other factor is the Kurdish issue, which Turkey is dealing with very cautiously, while the United States has used it as a pressure card on the Turkish governments. It has not pursued a consistent policy on the issue and has always appeared against human
rights violations.
The other external factors, including the Cyprus issue, are a source of concern for the alliance strategy between the two countries from the 1960s until the present, and there is the matter of dealing with terrorism especially after the events of 11 September 2001.
The other factor is the question of the EU accession which is the Turkish dream and the source of interest for its foreign policy. Which the United States is trying to show that it is the only one who able to persuade the Europeans to accept the membership of Turkey.
Turkut Ouzel's government has sought to play a pivotal role at the regional and global levels and in the realization of Turkish interests in the Central Asian republics, the Black Sea basin, the Mediterranean basin, the Middle East region, the Arab neighbors, Israel, Iran and the Balkans, beside achieving the economic development and self-sufficiency; efforts are incessant to fulfill those ambitions.
Turkey has acted to change the unilateral approach towards the United States and the NATO to another one that includes multilateral policies related to the normalization of relations with the African and Asian worlds as well as neighboring countries.
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Zajaczkowski, Malgorzata. "The European Neighborhood Policy: a perspective of the partner countries." Central European Review of Economics and Management 2, no. 4 (December 22, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.29015/cerem.510.
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Aim: The aim of the paper is an analysis and assessment of the partner-countries’ various positions and interests with regard to the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP). The focus was put on expectations and reservations related to ENP in the partner countries. Design/ research method: The analysis is based on the subject literature related to the ENP. The paper comprises three parts. The first one depicts general geopolitical overview of the ENP. Second part concentrates on partner countries different approaches towards the initiative and the third section is an attempt to examine the neighboring countries’ conflicting visions towards the ENP. Conclusions: The widespread criticism of the outcomes of the ENP is a result of grave geopolitical turbulences, i.e.: the Mediterranean partners have experienced the Arab Spring uprisings and the Eastern neighbors have again found themselves in the orbit of particular interests of Russia. The partner countries’ visions and expectations towards the ENP are very diverse. Some of them seek to achieve economic benefits without closer political relations with the EU, others strive to achieve membership in the EU which is perceived as an inherent element of the process of successful reforms and systemic transformation. Value of the article: The paper addresses the problem of declining the ENP. The reason is twofold: contradictory interests of the partner countries and second, floppy engagement of the UE’s institutions in forging of the ENP policy. Limitations of the research: The analysis is limited to general political tendencies and line of actions addressed by the ENP partner countries. It resulted both from changes in the ENP agenda as well as international relations and internal turbulences in the regions.
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Subhi, Lyutha K. Al, Shekar Bose, and Maraim F. Al Ani. "Prevalence of Physically Active and Sedentary Adolescents in 10 Eastern Mediterranean Countries and its Relation With Age, Sex, and Body Mass Index." Journal of Physical Activity and Health 12, no. 2 (February 2015): 257–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/jpah.2013-0134.
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Background:A cross-country profile of physical activity and sedentary behavior is lacking within Eastern Mediterranean region (EMR) counties. The objectives were to examine prevalence of physical activity and sedentary behavior among adolescents of 10 EMR countries, and to describe potential differences in the 2 factors by sex, age, and BMI.Methods:A total of 23,562 adolescents were included from 10 EMR counties based on completeness of data (physical activity, sedentary behavior, age, sex, weight and height) from the Global school-based student health survey (GSHS).Results:Overall prevalence of physical activity (19%) is low and sedentary behavior is high (29%), with significant differences among counties. Oman had the highest (26%) and Egypt had the lowest (9%) prevalence of active students. Prevalence of sedentary behavior was the highest in United Arab Emirates (40%) and lowest in Pakistan (8%). Physical activity was lower and sedentary behavior was higher among female adolescents. A linear trend was observed between BMI and both physical activity and sedentary behavior; a similar pattern was seen with age.Conclusions:There is a need for interventions to increase the prevalence of adolescents meeting physical activity recommendations in the 10 countries. More investigation is required to understand the cultural context of sex and BMI influence on activity patterns.
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Kornilov, Alexander Alekseevich, and Alexandra Ilyinichna Afonshina. "Gaullism and Neogaullism: Foreign Policy Continuity and Dynamics in France." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 256–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-256-263.
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Article describes the main priorities and objectives of foreign policy of Gaullism and neogaullism, trying to underline those elements that remain untouched during the decades and those that have been transformed due to the changes on the international arena. Besides, the authors focus on the notion of “grandeur” that was extensively used by the general de Gaulle, and estimate the direct influence of this concept on the French foreign policy. The main foreign policy priorities of Charles de Gaulle include independent foreign policy, status quo change in the bipolar world and great power status regain. Foreign policy priorities of neogaullists, Jacques Chirac and Nicolas Sarkozy, haven’t been changed so far, but the ways of achieving goals are different now. Both presidents have been trying to develop the EU integration, even through strengthening the supranational institutions, and develop the integration with NATO (Sarkozy even returned France to the military structures of NATO). France, led by neogaullists, also conducted an active policy in the Mediterranean, cooperating not only with traditional partners (Arab states) but making attempts to restore relations with Israel. Sarkozy launched the idea of the Mediterranean Union that had the aim to strengthen the influence of France in the region, boost cooperation with Mediterranean countries and solve the numerous problems that all of them were facing. But this idea wasn’t realized as it was supposed to. In general, neogaullists follow the main principles of Charles de Gaulle, also responding to the current challenges. It’s worth mentioning that the authors analyze the foreign policy of French presidents holistically from the point of view of neogaullism, trying to evaluate the level of continuity during the decades and conclude whether the provisions of Gaullism are relevant for France in the 21st century.
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Kuznetsov, Vasily A., and Anastasia I. Vasilenko. "Maghreb 2021: Political Development Impasses and Threats to the Subregional System." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 642–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-642-654.
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The article is devoted to the relevant issues of international relations in the Maghreb subregion, which became especially acute after the rupture of diplomatic relations between Algeria and Morocco in August 2021. The authors analyze the general parameters of the Maghreb subsystem of international relations and identify key trends in the internal political development of its member states. The growing tension in the bilateral relations between Algeria and Morocco is only a symptom of the general crisis of the regional subsystem. The study is based on the analysis of a wide array of information and analytical materials and documents, as well as the authors field research in the border regions of Morocco (2019) and Algeria (2018, 2019) and interviews with Maghreb politicians (2020, 2021). The first part of the article highlights the key parameters of the Maghreb subsystem, describes its internal architecture, reveals the interconnections with other regional subsystems, and identifies the development trends of the Maghreb that took shape in the 2010s. The second part analyzes the internal political dynamics in Libya, Tunisia and Algeria. The current situation in each country can be described as an impasse, both in terms of the development of the democratic process and the possibilities for national consolidation on an authoritarian basis. The political elites of the region are unable to offer realistic strategies for state development and it leads to the growing alienation of societies. The third part of the article reveals the implications of political development crises for the regional relations. The authors conclude by putting forward a scenario of a partial reorientation of a number of Maghreb states from a deeper Mediterranean integration to finding other allies. They also identify prospects for rebalancing relations of Maghreb states with their Arab partners. In the framework of these processes the elites can use conflicting foreign policy agenda for the national consolidation of some countries. Finally, the authors raise the question of seeking new models of state and regional development in the Maghreb.
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Salameh, Ali, Sergey Aleksandrovich Kargin, and Bachar Ahmad. "Syrian sea ports and their global indicators." Vestnik of Astrakhan State Technical University. Series: Marine engineering and technologies 2021, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 99–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24143/2073-1574-2021-2-99-108.
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The article considers the role of the seaport in the economy and politics of the state. There are listed the main functions of seaports: trade, transportation, employment, industrial, fiscal, and political functions. The important role of the seaports of Syria in improving the quality of transport support for foreign trade activities was noted. The favorable geographical position of the Syrian ports on the Mediterranean coast determines a significant role in international maritime trade between European and Oriental countries. The statistical data on the seaports of the Syrian Arab Republic in the cities Latakia and Tartus have been analyzed. The dynamics of the volumes of containers transshipped through the seaport of Latakia, as well as through the seaport of Tartus is considered. A comparative analysis of the dynamics of the traffic volumes between both ports was carried out. The pace of development in the work of the Syrian ports is being studied on the basis of the GCI (The Global Competitiveness Index) and the liner shipping service index. Comparison of the liner shipping service index between Syrian ports and ports of neighboring countries has been made. The international rating of Syrian ports is presented in comparison with the rating of the nearest ports in the region by infrastructure. Conclusions are made about the low rating of Syrian ports in comparison with competing countries and international ports in general. There has been found the necessity of a detailed study of the reasons for the low competitiveness of the Syrian ports, including the crisis of 2011, rupture of relations between Syria and many countries of the world, economic sanctions against Syria, etc., in order to further develop measures to increase the competitiveness of Syrian seaports.
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Dolgov, B. V. "Russia and Turkey in Regional and Geopolitical Space." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-3-8.
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The article is devoted to examine Russian-Turkish relations in the historical retrospective review. The regional and geopolitical goals which Russia had to realize in XVII – beginning XX centuries and which is stipulated the necessity to ensure Russia security and further economical development are revealed. The factors which led to push of Russia and Turkey interests and which became the cause of Russian-Turkish military conflicts which is occurred at interval of cooperation and partnership in this period are represented. The results of Russian military and political efforts which allowed realize the tasks to liberate Crimea, for Russia passage to Black Sea and to Mediterranean Sea basin, to support Balkan peoples to win their national independence, what strengthened Russian regional and geopolitical positions considerably are examined. The character of Russian-Turkish relations in Soviet period which passed the stages of the cooperation and confrontation which caused “Cold War” is revealed.The main attention is allotted to analyze in details the recent stage of Russia – Turkey relations. The character of the actual Turkish ruling elite, which is represented of the Justice and Development Party (JDP), which is confessing the ideology of the moderate Islamism and Neo Osmanism is exposed. The internal social and economical politics of JDP is examined. The goals and intentions, which Turkish leadership pushed forward, are analyzed and their influence on Russian-Turkish relations is inspected. The activity of the Turkish foreign politics on the different directions in the Arab World, Europe, countries of CIS, Moslem regions of Russian Federation is examined. In the conclusions the differences and common interests in the foreign politics of Russia and Turkey and the possibility of their cooperation are analyzed.
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Bham, Bilal. "The First Eastern Mediterranean Region/Arab Countries Meeting of Pharmacovigilance." Drugs - Real World Outcomes 2, no. 1 (February 21, 2015): 111–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40801-015-0015-8.
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Rezaeian, Mohsen, and Murad Moosa Khan. "Suicide Prevention in the Eastern Mediterranean Region." Crisis 41, Supplement 1 (March 1, 2020): S72—S79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/0227-5910/a000669.
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Abstract. The WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region (EMR) consists of 22 countries including Afghanistan, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Islamic Republic of Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Pakistan, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syrian Arab Republic, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Yemen. According to Global Burden of Disease (GBD) data, death from self-harm has increased by 100% between 1990 and 2015 in this region. Although this increase is substantial, it appears trivial in comparison to the 1027% increase in deaths due to war and legal interventions. This might partly explain why suicide prevention does not have a high priority in these countries and why there are currently no suicide prevention strategies in place. Despite the above, some important activities in the area of suicide prevention have been carried out in the region. And while peace and stability may take time to come to the region, it should not prevent suicide prevention programs from being developed and implemented.
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Montagnese, Concetta, Lidia Santarpia, Fabio Iavarone, Francesca Strangio, Brigida Sangiovanni, Margherita Buonifacio, Anna Rita Caldara, Eufemia Silvestri, Franco Contaldo, and Fabrizio Pasanisi. "Food-Based Dietary Guidelines around the World: Eastern Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Countries." Nutrients 11, no. 6 (June 13, 2019): 1325. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/nu11061325.
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In Eastern Mediterranean countries, undernutrition and micronutrient deficiencies coexist with overnutrition-related diseases, such as obesity, heart disease, diabetes and cancer. Many Mediterranean countries have produced Food-Based Dietary Guidelines (FBDGs) to provide the general population with indications for healthy nutrition and lifestyles. This narrative review analyses Eastern Mediterranean countries’ FBDGs and discusses their pictorial representations, food groupings and associated messages on healthy eating and behaviours. In 2012, both the WHO and the Arab Center for Nutrition developed specific dietary guidelines for Arab countries. In addition, seven countries, representing 29% of the Eastern Mediterranean Region population, designated their national FBDGs. At the moment several of these guidelines are available only in the English language. In summary, Eastern Mediterranean FBDGs mainly focus on food safety, not all are available in the local Arabic language, and they do not provide specific suggestions for the large number of foreign workers and migrants.
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Onodera, Henri, Bruno Lefort, Karim Maiche, and Sofia Laine. "Dynamics of engagement among youth in Arab Mediterranean countries." Journal of North African Studies 25, no. 2 (December 12, 2018): 280–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2018.1547197.
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Dolgov, Boris V. "The Islamist Challenge in the Greater Mediterranean." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 655–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-655-670.
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The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "IRAN’S POLITICS IN THE MIDDLE EAST: POLITICAL AND MILITARY DIMENSIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 4 (14) (2020): 247–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-4-247-256.
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The article explores the core components of Iran’s politics in the Middle East and its latest developments achieved in the region since the 1990s. The author focuses on the Iranian activity in some Arab countries, mainly in Syria, showing why and how Iranian influence managed to ground so deeply in the social fabric of the Syrian society. The author briefly characterizes historic background of Arab-Iranian relations, showing the place and role of Iranian politics in Arab society and political institutions on the eve of ‘Arab Spring’. The article studies the influence of ‘Arab Spring’ on Arab-Iranian relations and shows the challenges, caused by this popular uprising on its early stages in some Arab countries, for Iran and its relations with Middle Eastern states. The stand of the Arab authorities with regards of the given situation and its ability to influence its development are demonstrated as well. The author explores the latest actions of IRI to create structures under Iranian control in some Arab countries, showing the latest developments of Iranian penetration into Arab countries, first of all into Syria. The author analyzes the actions of Iranian diplomacy in concerning the above mentioned goals to strengthen Iranian positions in the Middle East. The article shows the main spheres of Iranian, Israeli, Turkish and Russian contradictions in some Arab countries, first of all in Syria, paying special attention to the development of Russian-Iranian relations in the Middle East. The author estimates Iran’s chances to safeguard its present position in the Middle East in the contexts of latest developments in the region and with regards to Iran’s relations with Russia and Turkey. The author tries to predict transformations in Iran’s Middle Eastern politics in view of further political developments in the region, sharing his views about reconsidering Russian-Iranian relations aiming to improve it, considering the upcoming challenges in the region, where Moscow pursues today an active policy.
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Coralluzzo, Valter. "Italy and the Mediterranean: Relations with the Maghreb countries." Modern Italy 13, no. 2 (May 2008): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940801962017.
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After outlining the trends of Italian Mediterranean politics, this article examines the relationship between Italy and the Maghreb region. As a result of its central geographic position, acting as a natural bridge between Europe and Africa, Italy is undoubtedly more exposed and vulnerable than other countries to any critical developments in the political and economic situation of this area, so it is understandable that it occupies an increasingly important position in Italian foreign policy. Italy has especially considered it in its national interest to make it a specific, high priority to contribute to stabilising this region through multilateral and bilateral initiatives aimed at reinforcing political dialogue and economic cooperation with the coastal countries on the southern shore of the Mediterranean. The aim has been to create a safety net around Italian maritime borders against the risks posed by an uncontrolled increase in migration (to which Italy is more exposed than other countries), the instability of North African energy resources and Islamist terrorists infiltrating Italian territory. Apart from examining the concerns regarding the Maghreb region that have become crucially important for Italian national interests (security, immigration, development, energy), the article analyses the salient elements of bilateral relations between Italy and the Maghreb countries, particularly Libya.
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Savicheva, Elena Mikhaylovna, Nigina Sukhbatovna Akhmedova, and Somar Hafez Ghanem. "Ethnic and confessional factor in the Arab countries of the Eastern Mediterranean." RUDN Journal of World History 13, no. 1 (December 15, 2021): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2021-13-1-37-48.
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The article analyzes the role of ethno-confessional factor in the social and political life of two Eastern Mediterranean Arab countries - Lebanon and Syria. It is emphasized that ethnic and confessional diversity in combination with cultural and civilizational specifics predetermines the peculiarities of political processes in the countries and their foreign policy orientations. The authors note the tendency of wide involvement of various ethnic and confessional groups in political processes. The authors come to the conclusion about significance of ethnic and confessional factors in the development of traditional societies in the Middle Eastern countries, including Syria and Lebanon. The ethno-confessional factor can both consolidate and mobilize society, as well as increase the potential for conflict and complicate the settlement process in multi-ethnic and multi-confessional countries of the region.
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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Agriculture in Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 9, no. 4 (October 1, 2016): 644–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2016.1244943.
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In line with the global trend, this statistical file assumes that the Arab countries are in a situation where they must find ways of feeding the growing population with a limited amount of land and water and other natural resources. It also assumes that the population in the Arab region is becoming increasingly urban. This represents a clear challenge for the region to ensure that agricultural communities are able to contribute to ensuring that expanding urban populations have access to safe and nutritious food, recognizing the crucial role of agriculture in reducing rural poverty, malnutrition in poor countries and, at the same time, contribute to sustainable development. Table 1 introduces statements on the rural population, while Table 2 gives figures on agricultural labour forces. Table 3 provides figures on total and cultivated areas, while Table 4 presents statements on land use. Table 5 is concerned with agricultural production and its contribution to gross domestic product (GDP), while Tables 6 and 7 present statements on agricultural and food imports and exports. Figures on Arab countries' contribution to the food gap value, self-sufficiency ratio (SSR) in main agricultural products and on the proportion of the under-nourished in Arab countries and their ranking in the Economist Intelligence Unit's Global Food Security Index (GFSI) 2016 are shown in Tables 8–10 respectively.
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Ma’oz, Moshe. "Strategic Upheavals in Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Countries since the Arab Spring." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 18, no. 4 (July 3, 2016): 352–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2016.1195982.
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Dessouki, Ali E. Hillal. "The whirlwind in the Arab nation, 2014–15: from regime change to state collapse." Contemporary Arab Affairs 8, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 295–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2015.1057426.
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This article is based on the executive summary of a book in the Arabic language, The State of the Arab Nation 2014–2015, edited by Ali E.Hillal Dessouki and published by the Center for Arab Unity Studies. The book analyzes events in the Arab region from 2014 to the first part of 2015. The chapters examine the international order, the Arab regional system, and domestic conditions in the Arab states and neighbouring countries, such as Turkey and Iran. There is also particular focus on the countries of the Arab Spring and the remaining Arab countries, as well as the outlook for the youth in Arab countries and their role in future. Other chapters consider economic developments and their link to political developments and issues relating to science, technology and digital technologies. The final chapters cover the major political hotspots in the region, namely Palestine, Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen. The conclusion points to the main challenges facing the Arab nation in 2015.
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Abu–Hussin, Mohd Fauzi, Asmady Idris, and Mohd Afandi Salleh. "Malaysia’s Relations with Saudi Arabia and Iran: Juggling the Interests." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 5, no. 1 (January 10, 2018): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917744294.
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The Middle East region, especially the oil-rich Arab economies, is regarded as one of Malaysia’s important economic and trading partners. Economic and political changes at the global and regional level have simultaneously shifted Malaysia’s interests in the region. At the same time, there has also been rising interest from countries in the region to expand their economic relationships with Malaysia. Apart from the United Arab Emirates, which is Malaysia’s largest trading partner in the Middle East region, Saudi Arabia and Iran are now becoming more visible for their contributions toward the Malaysian economy. Economic interest certainly is the main driving force behind the latter’s efforts to enhance its connection with these countries. Efforts to reap economic benefit from these countries and to attract petro-dollar investments would also have negative consequences on Malaysia’s domestic, social, and religious affairs due to an influx of Arab and Iranian people coming into the country. Religious extremism and sectarianism are among the challenges that Malaysia is encountering and the authorities are quite critical of those ideologies, and over the years, the teaching of Wahhabism and Shiism have been banned in the country. Could this affect Malaysia’s connection with those countries in the Persian Gulf? How has the government engaged with these local issues without jeopardizing its economic inter-connection with Saudi Arabia and Iran? Given that they are two contrasting countries, how has Malaysia balanced its relationships with these two states?
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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Public debts of Arab countries: selected indicators." Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, no. 2 (April 1, 2017): 321–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1311104.
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This statistical file is concerned with the issue of public debts in Arab countries. It assumes that public debt is a key source to fund the budget deficit in most Arab countries, and the rising public debt, particularly external debt, is increasingly becoming a concern for several countries in the region due to the pressure debt servicing might impose on these countries, which basically suffer an uncomfortable primary balance, in addition to the impact of crises in the region. Table 1 provides indicators on domestic public debts with ratios of debts to GDP, while Table 2 gives figures of external public debts with debt ratios to GDP. Table 3 provides estimates of total public debts with their ratios to GDP, while Tables 4 and 5 show figures of external public debt service, ratios of debt servicing to exports of goods and services and external public debt service ratios to Arab governments’ revenues respectively.
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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Basic agricultural indicators in Arab countries." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 4 (October 1, 2010): 596–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.519186.
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Soaring of food prices in recent years have seriously affected developing countries in the Arab region and worldwide, especially low-income and food-importing countries, which have stressed the need to achieve ‘food security’ to eradicate poverty and hunger as one of the basic Millennium Development Goals (MDG). This statistical file focuses on data that might help explore the situation of food security in Arab countries, recognizing that – except for fish and vegetables – Arab countries suffer from a shortage of all types of farm products, and the farm gap – the difference between imports and exports of food products – peaked at about US$23 billion in 2008 to bring the cumulative Arab food shortage to US$155.5 billion during 2000–2008 (Kawach 2010).
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Latkina, V. A. "The European Union's Mediterranean Policy in the Context of the "Arab Spring"." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 2(35) (April 28, 2014): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-2-35-139-149.
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The article discusses the policy of the European Union aimed at the export of its democratic values, acquis communautaire and governance models to the neighbour countries in the Southern Mediterranean. The process of Europeanization reflects a particular case of global megatrend -democratization which in its turn positioned as democracy promotion through soft power instruments. From the EU point of view the goal of the Barcelona process launched in 1995 was to construct Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and common identity in order to promote democratic transitions in Southern Mediterranean. While the EU Foreign Policy in the Mediterranean region was historically conditioned by the security interests of the European Union, it suffered from securitization/democratization dilemma. The article analyses the process of external Europeanization in the Southern Mediterranean as a regional dimension of global democratization process in the context of Union for the Mediterranean development before and after the Arab Spring and new approach in the framework of the ENP Partnership for Democracy and Shared Prosperity with the Southern Mediterranean. The article proposes that the lack of political strategic vision in the EU toward the Arab democratic transition during 2011-2013 narrows its role as a transformative democratic power, hinders Europeanization/ democratization process in the macro-region of North Africa and Middle East and presents the EU with a new dilemma - to continue its traditional democratization policy or to shift towards a more pragmatic approach to cooperating with new Arab regimes.
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Shawky, S. "Infant mortality in Arab countries: sociodemographic, perinatal and economic factors." Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal 7, no. 06 (December 15, 2001): 956–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.26719/2001.7.6.956.
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The infant mortality rates for 1978 and 1998 of 16 Arab countries in the Eastern Mediterranean region were studied. The data were extracted from World Health Organization and United Nations Children’s Fund sources. The impact of demographic, social, perinatal care and economic indicators on infant mortality rates in 1998 was studied using Spearman rank coefficient to detect significant correlations. All countries, except Iraq, showed a sharp decline in rates from 1978 to 1998. Infant mortality rates were directly related to population size, annual total births, low birth weight and maternal mortality ratios. Also, infant mortality rates were inversely related to literacy status of both sexes, annual gross national product per capita and access to safe drinking-water and adequate sanitation facilities.
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Osipov, Evgeny Aleksandrovich. "French “Mirages” in Libya in 1970 as a symbol of “new Arab” policy of France." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 12 (December 2020): 18–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2020.12.34569.
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The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.
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Khadra, Mohamed M. Ali Abu, and Mohamed Mohamed Husein Mustafa. "Israeli – Mauritanian Relations from 1999 to 2008." Asian Social Science 13, no. 9 (August 24, 2017): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n9p89.
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The closer ties and relations between Mauritania and Israel had an effective impact on the Arab region, as the mutual interests between the two parties led to the creation of a sort of anxiety and turmoil in the relationship of Mauritania with the Arab countries, linked to them by the neighboring factor in addition to the history, culture, language and religion factors, where the Mauritanian-Israeli relations influence in several Arab and Islamic trends and to reach its maximum impact with respect to the Mauritanian relations for the war in Yemen, Iraq and the war in Syria and the Palestinian issue and the war on terrorism.
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Anikeeva, Natalya. "Euro-Mediterranean Association: from the Barcelona process to the Union for the Mediterranean." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2018): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2018-4-14-18.
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The Mediterranean has been the priority direction in the politics of Spain in the post-Franco era. When Spain entered the EEC in 1986 and participated between 1990 and 2000 in the Barcelona Process and the founding of the Union for the Mediterranean, the Mediterranean accent of its policy became even clearer. The Spain of today’s stage shares, in broad strokes, the EU’s approaches to politics in the Mediterranean region. The Spanish School of Mediterranean Studies is represented by a series of fundamental works from the centers of the International Research Institute of Barcelona, the Autonomous University of Madrid and other specialized institutions. In our study, the publications of famous public figures from Spain that came to light in the Spanish magazine “Política Exterior” are particularly important. The UPM was founded on July 13, 2008, during the Paris Summit for the Mediterranean, which was attended by representatives of 43 nations. Its implementation, however, took time to complete. The obstacles to the operation of the project were due to a series of causes. They were provoked, first of all, by the disparity between the EU members and the Mediterranean countries, as well as by the consequences of the Arab Spring, by the challenges of the Arab-Israeli settlement, and by the EU’s policy regarding some states in the region, in particular, to Syria.Cooperation and development in the Mediterranean are the objective of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), an association that promotes peace and prosperity for an area with 750 million inhabitants.
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Gandolfo, K. Luisa. "Debating Arab Authoritarianism." American Journal of Islam and Society 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 100–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v26i1.1416.
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The Middle East has long contended with the title of the region most lackingin democratic state structures, and while several countries endeavor toenforce a form of democracy, yet others preserve the frameworks that efficientlysustain their monarchies, revenue, and power status in the area. Thetwin questions of how and why democracy has proved elusive in theMiddleEast forms the crux of the collection of essays comprised within Schlumberger’stome: Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durabilityin Nondemocratic Regimes.Spanning Morocco to Oman, via Egypt, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia, theauthoritarian mode of governance is surveyed through an assessment of thedurability of regimes, the role of Islamist political parties, intra-regimedynamics, and the economic aspects of political reform. Divided into foursections, the book’s structure incorporates key elements of Arab authoritarianism:“State-Society Relations and Political Opposition,” “The Regimes,”“The Economy and the Polity,” and “The InternationalArena.” That the sectionsretain a subtle reluctance to address the link between the repressivecapacities ofArab states and their longevity, as well as the concept that Islamis incompatible with democracy, is conspicuous, yet prudent. Far fromretreadingworn theories, the contributors provide fresh conceptual and comparativeanalyses of individual countries and the region on a wider level, inaddition to prospects for the respective regimes ...
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Boukreisa, Boubaker. "The Arab World." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.4.3.
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Many researchers who believed in the “Arab Spring” are now debating the “Arab Autumn.” The two concepts are misleading because they reflect the entangled and complex reality of Arab countries at the current time. Such significant events that comprised the Arab Spring require knowledge of the influence of countries that were not directly involved in it, but which were pursuing their interests beyond their own borders. An attempt to engage with this sort of analytical framework leads to political fallacy that will contribute more to the crisis rather than solve it. Thus, it is important to understand that those who fight tyranny are not necessarily democratic themselves. What is the state of play in the Arab world today? At what stage of history is this region positioned? To answer both questions a lateral approach is needed, but this should not overlook the size of cases and their different levels.
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Bilgin, Abdul Rezak. "Relations Between Qatar and Saudi Arabia After the Arab Spring." Contemporary Arab Affairs 11, no. 3 (September 2018): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2018.113006.
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The Arab Spring initiated a new era in the history of the Middle East and significantly shifted regional dynamics. It profoundly marked the history of the region and affected relations between Middle Eastern countries. Qatar–Saudi Arabia relations have likewise been profoundly impacted by it. This study focuses on how the Arab Spring affected relations between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, and on how the regional power struggle and rivalry between Riyadh and Doha were exacerbated during that period when disagreements and clashes escalated and deepened between both countries. It also emphasizes the causes of tensions that emerged during the period of the Arab Spring between both states. Using classical realism as a theoretical framework in approaching the issues at hand, the study begins by outlining the historical background to Qatar–Saudi Arabia relations. It then describes the policies of Qatar and Saudi Arabia towards the Arab Spring and explores the problem areas in their bilateral relations. Finally, the sanctions imposed against Qatar are also discussed.
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Huber, Daniela. "Ten Years Into the Arab Uprising: Images of EU’s Presence, Practices, and Alternatives in the Mediterranean Space." European Foreign Affairs Review 25, Special Issue (May 1, 2020): 131–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2020015.
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Ten years into the Arab uprisings, how is the EU perceived in the Mediterranean region in terms of its democracy and human rights agenda? Based on a systematic inquiry into images of EU presence and practices through 144 recursive multi-stakeholder consultations with mainly civil society and grassroots actors in Morocco, Tunisia, Lebanon, Egypt and Europe, we found that the EU presence is described as invisible, incoherent, preferable to other powers, ambivalent, unresponsive, ineffective, divisive, and even neocolonial. Its practices appear as depoliticizing, securitizing, and technocratic. While it is not seen as a model in the region, no new model is emerging. However, ideas for alternatives exist, namely embracing the local struggle for democracy, taking account of human security needs on all shores of the Mediterranean, and investing into a new two-way relationship where all voices matter equally. European Union, Arab countries, external perceptions, non-Eurocentric, alternatives
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El-Khoury, Gabi. "Selected indicators on science and knowledge in Arab countries." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 415–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.592403.
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This statistical file is concerned with indications of the status of science and knowledge in Arab countries, assuming that these countries have no alternative but to stimulate the areas of science and technology together along with the education sector, if for nothing more than to overcome some lingering problems like food-, water- and energy security (UNESCO, p 251). Tables 1 and 2 provide general socio-economic data, which might serve as prelimnary indicators. Table 3 presents indicators on higher education student enrollment, while Table 4 provides statements on public expenditure on education. Ranking of Arab research institutions is shown in Table 5, while Table 6 indicates the ranking of Arab countries in the Assimilation of Technology Index. Tables 7 provides statements on the numbers of reserchers in some Arab countries, while Table 8 presents statements on gross expenditure on research & development (GERD) as a Percentage of GDP. Tables 9 and 10 give figures on the number of scientific publications and articles being written in Arab countries, while Table 11 presents figures on internet penetration into the Arab Region.
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Sidani, Yusuf M., and Tony Feghali. "Female labour participation and pay equity in Arab countries: commonalities and differences." Contemporary Arab Affairs 7, no. 4 (October 1, 2014): 526–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2014.948313.
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While there is a common belief that female labour indicators in Arab countries demonstrate a problematic situation, little is understood about the varieties within countries in that region. This paper attempts to draw a segmentation of the Arab world to show how different countries differ in this regard. It looks at two specific measures: the level of female participation as a percentage of male participation (FPM), and the female earned income to male income (FIM). Statistics from 20 Arab countries generated four clusters in which those countries are classified. Female labour indicators in most countries in the Arab world show similar patterns found in other countries in their stage of development. This confirms earlier research that indicates that women's labour participation decreases as societies move away from agriculture into manufacturing, services and industry. Only four countries are identified as outliers whose labour indicators can be understood within the context of the cultural values that dominate. The implications are discussed and individual research on female labour within each Arab country is invited.
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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations: Historical and Ideological Dimensions." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.
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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.
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Shved, V. "Arab States of the Persian Gulf in the System of Geopolitical Changes of the Beginning of the XXI Century." Problems of World History, no. 7 (March 14, 2019): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2019-7-6.
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The impact of changes in the geopolitical landscape at the global and regional levels on the development and transformation of such an important region of the Arab world as the Persian Gulf is analyzed. It is noted that the transformation processes of this region were primarily influenced by the US intervention in Iraq in 2003 and the “Arab spring” of 2010-2011. Over the past two decades, Iran has become the main rival of the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf. The tough and uncompromising confrontation with Iran mainly determines the peculiarities and aspirations of the foreign policy of these countries, the development of their integration formats and the emergence of new alliances. It isindicated that under the influence of the events of the “Arab spring” and the need to confront Iran, a “revolution from above” is unfolding in the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf today, and large-scale reforms have begun. The prospects for creating a new military-political project “Middle East Strategic Alliance”, the possibilities and risks of normalizing relations between the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and Israel are analyzed
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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.
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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.
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Berro, Tamara. "التعاون الصيني العربي في مجال الفضاء: الفرص والتحديات / Sino-Arab Space Cooperation: Opportunities and Challenges." Chinese and Arab Studies 2, no. 1 (July 1, 2022): 81–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caas-2022-2007.
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Abstract In recent years, space has become a new area of cooperation between China and Arab countries. This cooperation, based on mutual respect, openness, equality and mutual benefit, is of great importance due to its role in developing and strengthening relations between the two sides and pushing them forward. Despite the progress witnessed by the Chinese-Arab relations in the field of space sciences, there are challenges facing space cooperation between the two sides, relating to the conditions of some Arab countries that have suffered wars, and political, economic and social crises, in addition to the relationship that links the countries of the region with some major countries. This research sheds light on the space program of China and shows how this country has made great progress in the field of space sciences, it also includes the space program of Arabic countries, some of which have recently witnessed a remarkable development in space sciences, trying to catch up with the more developed countries in this field. This research also discusses the cooperation between China and Arab countries, stresses the importance of this cooperation, and puts forward the challenges that could impede the process of space cooperation.
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Magued, Shaimaa. "Changes in Turkish Regional Policy from an Arab Perspective in the aftermath of Arab Uprisings." Contemporary Arab Affairs 14, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/caa.2021.14.2.39.
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This study presents Arab perspectives on changes in Turkish policy in the Middle East from 2010 until 2020. It examines how Arab countries perceive changes in Turkish regional policy after the 2010–11 uprisings. Unlike Western and Turkish literature that has highlighted identity–security combinations behind changes in Turkish regional policy, this study argues that the Arabic research literature provides a different perspective. Based on a foreign policy analysis concept of operational milieu, this study argues that Arab countries negatively perceive the changes in Turkish policy due to structural transformations in the region during and after the uprisings that paved the way for the reemergence of psychological barriers between both sides.
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Mansurov, Uktam. "The History Of Trade Relations Of Central Asian Countries With Foreign Countries." American Journal of Social Science and Education Innovations 02, no. 10 (October 24, 2020): 110–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajssei/volume02issue10-17.
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The article describes the history of trade relations of Central Asian countries with foreign countries in ancient and medieval times, the importance of the Great Silk Road, the impact of these relations on political, economic, diplomatic, ethnic and cultural relations. It states that due to diplomatic and trade relations with foreign countries, mutual relations have been established, and the movement of citizens abroad and their entry is based on certain rules. Attention is paid to such factors as the impact of such relations on the socio-political and economic situation in those countries, the specific way of life of the peoples of the region, the way in which diplomatic relations are established. The article focuses on the development of trade relations with foreign countries during the reign of ancient Khorezm, Sogdiana, Parthia and the medieval Hephthalites, the Turkish Khanate, the Arab Caliphate, Amir Temur and the Temurids, the Central Asian khanates, Khiva, Kokand, Bukhara khanates.
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Guemide, Boutkhil, and Samir Amir. "The US-backed Moroccan- Israeli Normalization Agreement: Implications on the Future of the Maghreb Union." Journal of US-Africa Studies International Journal of US and African Studies 1, no. 1 (2019): 102–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.21747/21846251/joura4.
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After the signing of the Abraham Accords between the Zionist entity and the countries of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Bahrain under the auspices of US President Trump, Morocco joined the normalization process and became the latest country in the Arab League which agreed to normalize its relations with Israel through US mediation. As part of the agreement, the US agreed to recognize Morocco’s sovereignty over the disputed Western Sahara region, and to release $ 1 billion in military aid to Morocco. This Moroccan step added fuel to the flame and worsened its relations with the Palestinian Authority, on the one hand, and the countries of the Maghreb union, on the other hand. Morocco’s normalization of its relations with the Zionist entity does not only deteriorate its relations with Algeria, which supports the POLISARIO, but also affects the future of the Maghreb union. This paper discusses the implications of Morocco’s normalization of its relations with the Zionist entity on the Arab Maghreb integration project. It takes into account the Moroccan normalization process as a part of the overall Arab approach. In addition, it highlights the Israeli relations with the Maghreb countries of Morocco, Mauritania, and Tunisia, and how Moroccan normalization will affect the future of integration of Maghreb union.