Academic literature on the topic 'Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region'
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Journal articles on the topic "Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region"
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Fituni, L. "«Arab Spring»: Transformation of Political Paradigm in Context of International Relations." World Economy and International Relations, no. 1 (2012): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-1-3-14.
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The author presents his own original conception of the 2011 Arab upheavals. First, he tries to find parallels between the Arab Spring and the 19th century European Spring of Peoples. Second, he dwells on the idea of three types of transition in the Arab World: economic, demographic, and ideological. Third, he reflects on the issues of democracy and autocracy in the Arab countries emphasizing the role of youth. Fourth, he puts forward some new ideas as regards the relationship between Europe and the Arab World, offering such terms as “democratic internationalism” and “young democratic safety belt” in the Mediterranean region.
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Mamadjonov, A. B. "TURKEY'S ROLE IN RESOLVING POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN NORTH AFRICA (LIBYA EXAMPLE)." Oriental Journal of History, Politics and Law 02, no. 02 (April 1, 2022): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojhpl-02-02-39.
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This study examines Turkey's relations with the Arab countries of North Africa, in particular its relations with Libya, and its relations with Libya after the Arab Spring civil war. Instability in the region and conflicts in the Eastern Mediterranean have come to the fore in recent years. In this context, some considerations have been made on the role of the Republic of Turkey in resolving the internal political instability following the Libyan crisis.
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Bartenev, Vladimir. "European Donors in the Arab World: Redistribution of Resources and Roles." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (November 1, 2020): 76–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope620207689.
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The article explores official development assistance flows from European countries to the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and highlights certain specifics and the logic of redistribution of resources and roles between the largest European donors throughout the 2010s – since the Arab Spring, which transformed the political landscape of the entire region. This trend is explained by uneven dynamics of the donor activities of three states with a direct access to the Mediterranean – France, Italy and Spain ‒ and other countries. This dynamic seems to be caused by differences in domestic economic and political environment and dissimilarities in motivation and strategy which manifested themselves in allocation of resources between MENA and other regions, humanitarian and non-humanitarian assistance, various sectors, sub-regions and recipient countries. The Arab Spring made these dissimilarities even more acute and created an illusion of a conscious 'division of labour'. However, leading European powers – Germany, France and the United Kingdom – compete actively with each other as well as with non-European actors. A wide range of new and unexpected challenges such as a recent destabilization in the countries to a lesser extent affected by the Arab Spring (Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon and Iraq), escalation of tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, a devastating explosion in the Beirut port etc., notwithstanding mid- and long-term consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, might make this competition even more dynamic.
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UĞURKAN, Ersin. "FROM THE BARCELONA PROCESS TO THE ARAB DEPRESSION: THE EUROPEAN UNION'S CONCERNS AND HESITATIONS IN MEDITERRANEAN POLICY." IEDSR Association 6, no. 15 (September 20, 2021): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.46872/pj.377.
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The Barcelona Process has been reorganized by undergoing some changes especially after the September 11 events in the USA. By conducting its relations with the countries in the region through authoritarian regimes of secular origin, security, terrorism and immigration have come to the fore in relations. The aim of the study is to show these relationships and their causes and results. The scope of the research has been mainly analyzed for the period called "Arab Spring" from the Barcelona Process, which is the turning point. The failure of this process to a great extent, on the contrary, the instability of the region and its transformation into depression and its effects on the EU have been the main theme of the study. The reasons for the policies of the EU on its anxious and hesitant approach in regional relations from this period until today have been emphasized.Terrorism, immigration and energy, which are seen as originating from the region, have been the most determinant in the EU's policies, only the order of these elements has changed from time to time. By determining its relations with the region on these points, it has made the countries of the region implement its own priorities as policy makers to a large extent. It has produced policies that conflict with EU values, especially on migration. Moreover, in these policies of the EU, although the member states in the Union followed very fragmented policies at the beginning of the process, these elements have become the common policy of the Union over time.
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Mathlouthi, Naim. "The EU Democratisation of The Southern Neighbours Since the “Arab Spring”: An Inherently Inadequate Approach." International Journal of Social Science Research and Review 4, no. 4 (November 25, 2021): 89–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.47814/ijssrr.v4i4.110.
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This Article draws on the analysis of historical relations between the European Union and the Southern Mediterranean countries and highlights the main initiatives and consequences of the adopted practices of democratisation in the region following the Arab Uprisings. The main focus is on the continuity and limited changes in the new approach. One of the main findings is that the limited reform of the EU approach primarily resulted from the inherited political constraints. The net result was a set of structured security-orientated relationships that will continue to repeat earlier mistakes before 2011. The mechanisms of democracy promotion including conditionality remained inherently full of contradictions. The double standards in applying the conditionality principle in addition to the lack of significant leverage rendered the EU democratisation approach of the Southern neighbours inapt. Despite the 2011 ENP review promise of a substantial change in the EU democratisation approach, it seems that the EU’s initial euphoria following the “Arab spring” has waned as it seems to repeat the same old approach of liberalisation and securitisation of the Southern Mediterranean region rather than democratisation.
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Kurylev, Konstantin P., and Nickolay P. Parkhitko. "Russian Policy in the Mediterranean: Historical Continuity and International Context." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 4 (December 27, 2021): 609–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-4-609-624.
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The article considers the main directions of the Russian Federations foreign policy in the Mediterranean region in the period from 2015 to autumn 2021. The authors present a historical analysis of Russias military presence in the Mediterranean Sea since its first deployment in the 18th century and separately during the Cold War, since the key strategic goals and operational-tactical tasks facing the 5th Soviet Navy operational squadron in those years, as a whole, remained unchanged. Only their scale was adjusted. Three key aspects that determine the need for Russias presence in the Mediterranean are researched. These are the military, political and economic (raw) components that form the determinant of Russian foreign policy in the region. The expansion of the military activity of NATO countries - in particular, the United States, Great Britain and France - in the Mediterranean Sea and the Middle East, especially since the beginning of the civil war in the Syrian Arab Republic in 2011, requires an asymmetric response from Russia in the context of protecting its national interests. As far as geopolitics is concerned, Russias return of at least partial of those Soviet influence in the region also contributes to strengthening our countrys international positions. Finally, Russias presence in a part of the world, which is a natural logistics hub in the context of both world trade and energy supplies, conceptually complements the military-political agenda. The authors use the methods of historical and political analysis and practical systematization in order to formulate the main hypothesis of the study and come to scientific and theoretical conclusions. The main hypothesis is that the expansion of Russias military, political and economic presence in the Mediterranean will be intensified as the countrys economic potential grows. The authors suggest the following order as tools for implementing the strategy: speeding up efforts to ensure the permanent military presence of the Russian Navy in the Mediterranean, deepening bilateral ties with Syria and conducting a pragmatic economic policy towards Turkey, which claims to be an important actor in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East as a whole.
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MİKAYILOV, İlkin. "TÜRKİ YE’Nİ N YENİ BÖLGELERE YÖNELİ K “İ DDİ ALI” DIŞ POLİ Tİ KASI: HERKESİ N DOSTLARA İ HTİ YACI VAR." “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (April 30, 2021): 230–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.230.
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This article’s main argument is that after failure of ‘zero problems with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy Turkey is experiencing the transformation of foreign policy and more focusing towards the regions which were ignored before. After Arab Spring, especially after the Syrian Crisis, it has been observed that ‘zero problem with neighbours’ oriented foreign policy became ineffective and lost its effect in the Middle East. However, this does not mean that Turkey’s foreign policy loses its assertiveness. After assertive policies towards Middle East and Mediterranean areas, Turkey’s assertive foreign policy shifted towards new regions, which are historically, have less confrontation with Turkey and has positive trends against Turkey such as Caucasus and Central Asia. In this context, while the relations with the Turkic Council were deepened, the policy towards this region became clear with the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War. During the Second Nagorno- Karabakh War Turkey gave strong support to Azerbaıjan both in term of rhetoric and military support as well based on Turkish drones and other Turkish made military equipment which shows the assertiveness of Turkey. The development of the Turkic Council’s member countries both politically and economically made organization an important regional actor. Thus, Turkic Council become an important tool for Turkish foreign policy in terms of assertiveness. Turkey’s assertive foreign policy will increase which is the in compliance with the Turkey’s national security. Also for region countries, it is important that Turkey put weight on region, which is crucial for Turkish foreign policy. Keywords: Assertiveness, Caucasus, Turkish Foreign Policy, Turkic Council.
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Labatut, Bernard. "Les politiques méditerranéennes de l'Espagne à la recherche d'un équilibre entre l'impératif de la sécurité et l'éthique de l'interdépendance (Note)." Études internationales 26, no. 2 (April 12, 2005): 315–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703458ar.
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Franco's Spain flattered itself as enjoying a preferential relationship with the Arab World, as with Latin America as well - a kind of compensation for Spain's lack of normalization within the international System. With its transition to democracy, Spain's place in the world has been redefined and, consequently, so have its relations in the Mediterranean. This has taken place in a context made difficult by Spain's integration into European and Western institutions, an integration that holsters it but no longer lets it take advantage of its different status. This redefinition has also occurred as Spain faces increased risks of destabilization from countries along the southern shoreline, which pose a very direct security problem for Spain. The policies it has implemented expose the divisions between several kinds of logic. They also reveal the many constraints Spain must face in a region split along different lines and in which it finds itself completely immersed.
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Timofeev, Pavel, and Maria Khorolskaya. "APPROACHES OF THE FRANCO-GERMAN TANDEM TO INTERACTION WITH TURKEY IN THE HOTBEDS OF INSTABILITY IN THE MEDITERRANEAN." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 4 (2022): 134–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2022.04.06.
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The article analyzes the position of the informal EU leaders - France and Germany - on two long and serious crises - Libyan and Syrian, which since the «Arab Spring» have had a direct and destabilizing impact on the EU security. Although the latest concept paper «Strategic Compass», adopted by the EU in March 2022, notes that European countries will seek to resolve conflicts, including with the involvement of Turkey, so far the EU member states have not developed a unified approach to the problem, nor to their interaction with Ankara. In this regard, the authors analyze in detail the positions of Berlin and Paris towards relations with Ankara in general, as well as in the Libyan and Syrian crises, highlighting the common and specific for the French and German approaches. The article shows both the converging factors and the main problems complicating the relations between France and Germany, on the one hand, and Turkey, on the other. It is noted that the formation of the approach of each of the countries of the tandem is influenced by the geographical factor and various tools typical for the foreign policy tradition of France and Germany. Finally, it is concluded that Franco-German tandem does not have a unified line in the conflicts examined, although the two countries’ approaches are not always at odds with each other. It was revealed that despite the general disagreement with Turkey’s independent policy in the region, France and Germany are not ready to take forceful measures to make Ankara to align with the EU/NATO positions. In the near future, it is unlikely that both powers will be able to work out a coordinated line of interaction with Turkey in the centers of instability in the Mediterranean.
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Amineh, Mehdi P., and Wina H. J. Crijns-Graus. "Rethinking eu Energy Security Considering Past Trends and Future Prospects." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 13, no. 5-6 (October 8, 2014): 757–825. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341326.
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euenergy policy objectives are directed at three highly interdependent areas: energy supply security, competitiveness and decarbonization to prevent climate change. In this paper, we focus on the issue of energy supply security. Security of energy supply for the immediate and medium-term future is a necessary condition in the current context of the global political economy for the survival of the Union and its component member states. Since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force, energy policy no longer comes onto the agenda of the European Commission through the backdoor of the common market, environment and competitiveness. The Treaty created a new legal basis for the internal energy market. However, securing external supplies as well as deciding the energy mix, remain matters of national prerogative, though within the constraints of other parts of eu’s legislation in force. Without a common defense policy, the highly import dependent Union and its members face external instability in the energy rich Arab Middle East and North Africa.Concern about energy security has been triggered by declining European energy production as well as the strain on global demand exerted by newly industrializing economies such as China and India and the Middle East, as well as the political instability in this reserve-rich part of the world. This paper explores the following two topics [1] the current situation and past trends in production, supply, demand and trade in energy in the eu, against the background of major changes in the last half decade and [2] threats to the security of the supply of oil and natural gas from import regions.Fossil fuel import dependence in the eu is expected to continue to increase in the coming two decades. As global trends show, and despite new fields in the Caspian region and the Eastern Mediterranean, conventional fossil oil and gas resources remain concentrated in fewer geopolitically unstable regions and countries (i.e. the Middle East and North Africa (mena) and the Caspian Region (cr) including Russia), while global demand for fossil energy is expected to substantially increase also within the energy rich Gulf countries. This combination directly impacts eu energy supply security. It should be noted that the trend towards higher levels of import dependence was not interrupted when the era of low energy prices, between 1980 and 2003, came to an end.Within the eu itself, domestic resistance to the development of unconventional resources is an obstacle to investment in unconventional sources in this part of the high-income world. This should therefore not put at risk investments in either renewables or alternative sources at home or conventional resources mainly in the Arab-Middle East.The situation is exacerbated by the spread of instability in the Arab-Middle Eastern countries. There are three domestic and geopolitical concerns to be taken into consideration:(1) In the Arab-Middle East, threats to eu energy supply security originate in the domestic regime of these countries. Almost all Arab resource-rich countries belong to a type ofpatrimonial, rentier-type of state-society relation. These regimes rely on rents from the exploitation of energy resources and the way in which rents are distributed.Regimes of this type are being challenged. Their economies show uneven economic development, centralized power structures, corruption and poverty at the bottom of the social hierarchy. The discrimination of females is a major obstacle to the development of the service sector. At present, even the monarchies fear the spread of violent conflict.Offshoots of these consequences have proven to cause civil unrest, exemplified by what optimists have called the ‘Arab Spring.’(2) The second concern is the domestic and global impact of Sovereign Wealth Funds (swfs) managed by Arab patrimonial rentier states. swfs have proven to be an asset in both developing and developed economies due to their ability to buffer the ‘Dutch Disease,’ and to encourage industrialization, economic diversification and eventually the development of civil society. In patrimonial states, however, swfs are affected by corruption and the diversion of funds away from long-term socioeconomic development to luxury consumption by political elites. In fact, Arab swfs underpin the persistence of the Arab patrimonial rentier state system.(3) Finally, the post-Cold War, me and cea geopolitical landscape is shifting. The emergence of China and other Asian economies has increased their presence in the Middle East due to a growing need for energy and the expansion of Asian markets. The recent discovery of energy resources in the us has led to speculation that there will be less us presence in the region. There would be a serious risk to eu energy security if emerging Asian economies were to increase their presence in the Middle East as us interests recede.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region"
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Egbe, Daniel Enonnchong. "The Global Mediterranean Policy : the evolution of the EU-Mediterranean countries relations during 1976-1998 /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9998481.
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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.
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BICCHI, Federica. "European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.
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Defence date: 22 July 2003Examining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)
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A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
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APELLANIZ, RUIZ DE GALARRETA Francisco Javier. "Pouvoir et finance en méditerranée pré-moderne : le deuxième Etat Mamelouk et le commerce des épices." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6593.
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Defence date: 25 September 2006Examining board: Prof. Anthony Molho (IUE, Directeur) ; Prof. Jean-Claude Garcin (Université d'Aix-Marseille I) ; Prof. Mercè Viladrich (Universitat de Barcelona) ; Prof. Diogo Curto (IUE)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Books on the topic "Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region"
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Arab society in revolt: The West's Mediterranean challenge. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press, 2012.
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Evaluating Euro-Mediterranean relations. London: Frank Cass, 2005.
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Romagnoli, Alessandro. Développement économique et "libre-échange" euro-méditerranéen. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 2003.
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Romagnoli, Alessandro. Développement économique et libre-échange euro-méditerranéen. Aix-en-Provence: Edisud, 2003.
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The Mediterranean dimension of the European Union's internal security. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
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Havrylyshyn, Oleh. A global integration strategy for the Mediterranean countries: Open trade and market reforms. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund, Middle Eastern Dept., 1997.
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Europe and the Mediterranean economy. New York: Routledge, 2012.
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Fred, Tanner, and Schemm Joanna, eds. The European Union as a security actor in the Mediterranean: ESDP, soft power and peacemaking in Euro-Mediterranean relations. Zürich: Forschungsstelle für Sicherheitspolitik und Konfliktanalyse, 2001.
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Stelios, Stavridis, ed. The foreign policies of the European Union's Mediterranean states and applicant countries in the 1990s. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1999.
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The Mediterranean world of Alfonso II and Peter II of Aragon (1162-1213). New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region"
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AbuZeid, Khaled M. "Mediterranean Water Outlook: Perspective on Policies and Water Management in Arab Countries." In Integrated Water Resources Management in the Mediterranean Region, 223–35. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4756-2_12.
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Attia, Adel, Ismail Siala, and Fathi Azribi. "General Oncology Care in Libya." In Cancer in the Arab World, 133–48. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-7945-2_9.
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AbstractLibya is a large country, ranking at fourth in terms of area both in the Arab world and the African continent (https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/which-are-the-10-largest-countries-of-africa-by-size.html). It is part of the World Health Organization–Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (WHO–EMRO) region. Oil production is the main source of income which has transformed the country massively over the past 50 years and the healthcare system is one of the sectors that have improved significantly. The Health Act No (106), issued in 1973, guarantees free health services to all Libyans, with inevitable challenges regarding the delivery of adequate and sustainable services. The health system in Libya is a mix between the public sector and the private sector. The private sector is basically depending on funding through insurance companies and self-pay. It is not yet adequately developed but is striving and rapidly growing in the last two decades.The oncology services are accessible and available for all Libyans, most of the diagnostic and therapeutic facilities are of good standards and the modern treatments like immunotherapy and targeted therapies are also available. However, there were periods when the health care system—in general—was struggling to meet the increasing demand on health services and has seen considerable challenges, especially over the past few years due to the conflict, political, and economic instability of the country. This chapter covers the oncology care in Libya, describing the current state, challenges, and future directions.
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Boboc, Cristina, and Emilia Titan. "Why a Benchmarking with EEE Countries?" In Advances in Finance, Accounting, and Economics, 22–42. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-5210-1.ch002.
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This is a chapter that introduces the major arguments for selecting EEE countries for comparisons with Arab economies. The focus is placed on the neighborhood, with the European Union and the similarities related to the transition processes experienced by EEE countries while moving form centralized and administrated to open and market-driven economies. The series of international collaborative frameworks developed with the EU, with Arab countries, and within the Mediterranean region are also among the reasons behind selecting the comparisons between Arab and EEE economies.
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Del Sarto, Raffaella A. "Restructuring the Socio-Economic and Political Order in the Mediterranean Middle East." In Borderlands, 91–125. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198833550.003.0005.
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The chapter assesses the impact of European policies on the Mediterranean Middle East, and more specifically the restructuring of the socio-economic and political order in MENA states promoted by these policies. These processes must be considered in the broader context of Western policies towards the region at large, including those adopted by international financial institutions and other Western countries such as the United States. The chapter principally focuses on trade and economic relations in the broad sense, as well as the cooperation on migration, security, and border management. It also investigates whether, and to what extent, European policies have contributed to rising socio-economic inequalities and the strengthening of the largely authoritarian regimes in the MENA region (in the event that they have not been overthrown).
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Szmolka, Inmaculada. "Introduction." In Political Change in the Middle East and North Africa. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474415286.003.0001.
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The introductory chapter explains the four sections of the book. The first section deals with the theoretical and methodological analysis of changes that have occurred since 2011 as a result of the Arab Spring: in political regimes, from a Comparative Politics approach; and in the MENA region, from an International Relations perspective. The second section includes an analysis of the transformations in party systems, the elections, the constitutional reforms undertaken, changes in government and power relations within political regimes, advances or deteriorations in governance in the MENA countries, the role of civil society in processes of political change, and the current situation regarding rights and civil liberties, and particularly in media and press freedom in the MENA countries. Section III analyses the political consequences of the processes of change at both regional and international level. The section thus takes into account the importance of the MENA region on the international scene, the role played by international powers in the processes of political change and in the conflicts that have erupted since the Arab Spring, the configuration of new political interests, regional powers, and alliances, and revised understandings of the threats facing the region and the international community. Finally, section IV presents the processes of political change undertaken as a consequence of the Arab Spring according to the typology established in chapter 1.
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Gunn, T. Jeremy, and Alvaro Lagresa. "The human rights encounter between the EU and its Southern Mediterranean Partners." In The European Union and Human Rights, 244–64. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814191.003.0012.
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In 2004, the European Commission adopted its ‘European Neighbourhood Policy’ (ENP) to guide relations with the states on its periphery, including its ten ‘Southern Partners’ (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Palestine, Syria (suspended in 2011), and Tunisia). The ENP promoted the Southern Partners as a ‘ring of friends’, each of which would develop bilateral relations with the EU under the common ENP framework. The ENP and the bilateral Euromed Association Agreements (EMAAs) emphasise the linkage of democracy, human rights, rule of law, trade, economic development, and security relations. Historical European interference in the region, however, in particular the colonial rule of several European countries, has left an enduring taint of hypocrisy and double standards. As of today, none of the ten states, with the arguable and qualified exception of Israel, has developed a representative democracy. Respect for human rights and the rule of law remains a challenge in the region. At the same time, the EU frequently prioritises its ‘hard interests’ in trade and security over its ‘soft values’ of promoting human rights. It is recommended that the EU adhere to its official policies rather than employ mere human rights rhetoric, and to require its Southern Partners to effectively implement their EMAAs (presumably through the ‘essential-elements clauses’). The EU is capable of using its vast and disproportionate economic influence to implement its ‘more for more’ policy: the more the Southern Partners comply with the EMAAs, the better will be economic relations with the EU.
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Thompson, Todd M. "‘Disinterested’ Scholarship, Arab Nationalism and the Study of Islamic Law in Britain." In Norman Anderson and the Christian Mission to Modernize Islam, 137–60. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190697624.003.0006.
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This chapter provides an account of Norman Anderson’s views of Anglo-Arab relations amidst the decline of British imperial involvement in the region and analyses the debt his account of the development of legal reform owed to a diffusionist vision of the globalization of the ‘modern’ European state. It does so by providing an account of Anderson’s influence on the domestic laws of Libya and Tunisia and the international laws of commercial arbitration in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The chapter illustrates the parallels between Anderson and secular nationalist legal thinkers and politicians who advocated for legal change in Muslim majority countries during the period.
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Tolan, John, Gilles Veinstein, and Henry Laurens. "In Search of Egyptian Gold." In Europe and the Islamic World, translated by Jane Marie Todd. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691147055.003.0005.
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This chapter shows the profound impact of trade on all the societies it touched, especially from the twelfth century on. In the Mediterranean world, commerce established strong ties between the European seaport cities (such as Pisa, Venice, Genoa, and Barcelona) and ports in the Muslim world. The Arab world was located on the major axes of world trade, linked to India, China, Byzantium, Africa, and Europe. In the tenth century, Latin Europe was only a minor partner in these exchanges, but over the following centuries, commercial relations developed and contributed to an economic boom for both civilizations, turning the Mediterranean region into a single economic unit.
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Buehler, Matt, and Kyung Joon Han. "Integrating African Migrants?" In Mobility and Forced Displacement in the Middle East, 165–86. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197531365.003.0008.
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Given historically amicable relations between North Africa’s native citizens of Arab and African descent, it is counterintuitive that prejudice against foreign African migrants from sub-Saharan countries seems to be rising. Discrimination seems to be intensifying against African migrants who have recently arrived from Congo, Nigeria, Senegal, Cameroon, Mali, and elsewhere. Where conflict and poverty proliferate in these countries, migrants flee to North Africa seeking clandestine access to Europe by boat across the Mediterranean, or by foot through Spain’s North African enclaves of Melilla and Ceuta. In response, Spain, Italy, and North African countries have increased border and maritime security. Thus, as an alternative, many sub-Saharan African migrants have decided to resettle in North Africa. Previously, articles have appeared depicting North African states as “sender” countries of migrants. Yet, more recently, they have also become “recipient” countries of African migrants.
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Şahin, Devrim, and Ahmet Sözen. "Maintaining a Collaborative Environment Between Turkey and Israel on the Issue of Energy Resources." In Economic Dynamics of Global Energy Geopolitics, 242–61. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-4203-2.ch012.
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The discovery of energy sources in the Eastern Mediterranean region, while providing opportunities, further complicates Turkey-Israeli relationship. If Israel and Turkey can cooperate on energy, they can revitalize their relationship to the extent when the military elites were strong in Turkey and the relationship between two countries was established with the hands of generals. The 2016 Israel-Turkey agreement, which ended years of tension, provides Israel and Turkey with the opportunity to cooperate in energy areas. This collaboration, in turn, could generate the eventual emergence of the new ruling elites that would fill the vacuum created by the decline of the military's role in Turkey. It was the crisis management experience of the US that made the agreement between two countries possible in June 2016. Yet, any normalization process between Israel and Turkey will not be easy. US policy in the Mideast influences Turkey-Israel relations, and Turkey-Israel relations, in turn, affect the future of the Middle East. This obliges the US to bear a tremendous responsibility.
Conference papers on the topic "Arab countries – Relations – Mediterranean Region"
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Uslu, Kamil. "The Evaluation of the Energy Resources of Exclusive Economic Zones in Eastern Mediterranean." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02348.
Full textAbstract:
The Eastern Mediterranean has attracted new attention on the gas potential in the world. In fact, overseas research in the eastern Mediterranean waters began in the late 1960s with a number of wells opened by Belpetco. With the overseas production of the region in recent years, it has entered the world agenda. However, these discoveries have triggered additional conflicts between the states on the establishment of sovereign rights and the limitation of the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). In 2009, a large amount of energy was produced in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The resulting supply, economic line in the westward movement, between Cyprus and Turkey, Turkey would reach out to EU countries. Arish-Ashkelon, which supplies gas to Israel, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon, has been identified as a pipeline. The other line is the Arab Gas Pipeline. The cooperation with the implementation of the line was met and accepted. But the Syrian civil war has postponed this view for now. When Cyprus joined the EU in 2004, the Sea of Levantine made the European Union a sea border for all practical purposes. In the early 2000s, Cyprus and Turkey's EU membership expectancy, could boost optimism about the possibility of a breakthrough. Turkey should not be admitted to the EU has prevented the solution of the Cyprus problem. Turkey and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and made clear that the agreement with the International Exclusive Economic Zone reached 200 Mile limits. The energy source derived from the region, the future of both Turkey and the TRNC will be able to improve the economic well-being. Thus, will contribute to peace in the region.