Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Arab countries – Military policy'

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1

Madani, Hamed. "Socioeconomic Development and Military Policy Consequences of Third World Military and Civilian Regimes, 1965-1985." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277872/.

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This study attempts to address the performance of military and civilian regimes in promoting socioeconomic development and providing military policy resources in the Third World. Using pooled cross-sectional time series analysis, three models of socioeconomic and military policy performance are estimated for 66 countries in the Third World for the period 1965-1985. These models include the progressive, corporate self-interest, and conditional. The results indicate that socioeconomic and military resource policies are not significantly affected by military control. Specifically, neither progressive nor corporate self-interest models are supported by Third World data. In addition, the conditional model is not confirmed by the data. Thus, a simple distinction between military and civilian regimes is not useful in understanding the consequences of military rule.
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2

De, Roy van Zuydewijn Edwin Karel Willem. "The arms transfer policy of the Federal Republic of Germany towards the Middle East, 1949-1982." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321547.

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Sless, Jonathan Philip. "Britain's policy towards Israel 1949-1951 : from recognition to the fall of the Labour Government." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313293.

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4

El, Baker Lina. "L'Institut du monde arabe : une institution culturelle au carrefour des récits." Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28267.

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This thesis is a case study of a cultural institution located in Paris, France, namely the Arab World Institute. It strives to identify the various political and ideological discourses that manifest themselves throughout the Institute's history. The Institute's mission is to bridge the two cultures, Arab and European. It is a particularly interesting case study because of its problematic status which lies somewhere between the imperatives of local policies and those inherent to the international arena.
The first chapter is a presentation of the institute, its history and its mission. It also dwells upon the local French political scene and the relations between France and the Arab world. It also offers a brief overview of the political and social realities of the Arab world.
Chapter two is an introduction to the particularities of the French cultural landscape. It looks at the historical and social movement towards the democratization of culture, specifically through the transformation of the museum and of cultural institutions as a whole.
Chapter three aims at identifying the repercussions of the French cultural policies on the Institute's functioning. The perceived failure of these policies is confronted with the official discourse surrounding the Institute.
Chapter four is a mapping of the different discourses that manifest themselves through the Institute. The multiplicity of the discourses and the discrepancies of their proclaimed objectives are understood to be at the source of the malfunctioning of the Institute.
This thesis does not attempt at finding solutions to the many problems of the Arab World Institute. It is rather an excavation work that aims at bringing forth some of the issues that could be explored while attempting at finding a resolution to the ailments of the Institute.
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Bartz, Jamie. "Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy: politics, military, society /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.

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6

Sule, Attila. "The European Union in peace operations : limits of policy-making and military implementation." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1061.

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The 1992 European Union (EU) Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, Maastricht Treaty) marked a turning point in the trans-Atlantic relationship. The Balkan conflicts and broader political changes in the 1990s compelled the EU to assume more responsibility in peace operations. The EU's 60,000 strong Rapid Reaction Force (RRF) is planned to be operational in 2003. Will the EU be able to conduct Petersberg-type peace operations? This thesis analyzes policy and military shortfalls of the Balkan peacekeeping effort. Questions about the legitimacy of armed humanitarian interventions, about difficulties in common policy formulation and translation to sound military objectives are the core problems of civil-military relations in European peace operations. The case studies focus on the EU failure to resolve the Bosnian crises between 1992-95, and on the gaps between NATO policies and military objectives in the operations of 'Implementation Force' in Bosnia and 'Allied Force' in Kosovo. The thesis considers developments in EU CFSP institutions and EU-NATO relationship as well as the EU's response to terrorist attacks on September 11 2001. The thesis argues that the difficulty in EU CFSP formulation limits the effective use of RRF in military operations.
Major, Hungarian Army
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7

Ballesteros, Moyano Andrés Enrique. "Military conversion in post-conflict countries : determinants, impact, and a case study on policy implications for Colombia." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/23471/.

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This dissertation examines the determinants and the impact of military conversion on conflict recurrence in post-conflict countries. The dissertation also aims to identify some of the main elements needed to design a public policy addressing conversion processes. Military conversion is the process of transferring military resources to civilian activities. This process could appear after the end of an internal war. Based on existing theoretical and empirical studies, I develop a new empirical framework that allows me to identify that democratic regimes could lead to the onset of a military conversion process, while the US military aid variable could reduce the likelihood of starting a conversion process. Likewise, I test the effect of military conversion on the risk of conflict recurrence. The empirical evidence shows that the reduction of the military expenditure could prompt the probability of conflict recurrence. Additionally, the Colombian case study complements the findings on conversion determinants in a post-conflict society, specifically how the persistence of defence and security threats and economic growth affect the onset of military conversion process. Besides those findings, the Colombian case study provides evidence about the reallocation of less-used military resources to new or existing military roles. The use of less-used military resources for fulfilling any military role could reverse conversion processes in the short term. Additionally, I identify the future and feasible conversion alternatives in Colombia according to the dual use of some military resources (e.g., military bases).
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8

Panagopoulos, Ilias. "Electronic warfare : a critical military and technological asset for the improvement of the Common European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Sep%5FPanagoloulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Engineering)--Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 2004.
Thesis Advisor(s): Donald Wadsworth, Robert Looney. Includes bibliographical references (p. 137-144). Also available online.
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9

Tebra, Hamda. "Containment as Foreign Policy Doctrine in Two United States ‘Wars’ : from the Cold War to the War on Terror : How Do Arab Spring Countries Fit into the Scheme?" Thesis, Paris Est, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020PESC0029.

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Cette thèse de doctorat porte sur le sens et rôle de la notion de néo-endiguement dans le contexte de l‘après-Guerre-froide. Elle postule que la politique d‘endiguement a évolué depuis pour s‘adapter aux nouveaux défis que pose le nouvel ère, tout en restant fidèle aux principes de la politique étrangère américaine développés pendant la Guerre froide durant la guerre contre le terrorisme et la période du printemps arabe qui a surgit dans la région du Moyen-Orient et de l‘Afrique du Nord. Ce travail de recherche revoit la littérature portant sur les grandes stratégies américaines, de la Guerre froide au printemps arabe. Il s‘appuie sur des données issues de documents officiels, de discours politiques, des écrits académiques, et de diverses ressources médiatiques pour comprendre comment les Etats-Unis ont pu adapter et adopter la politique d‘endiguement pour contrer la montée du terrorisme et la venue du printemps arabe. Cette thèse présente une analyse détaillée des principaux mécanismes d‘endiguement de la Guerre-froide, tels que nous les avons conçus. Aussi, elle démontre l‘emploi de ces mêmes mécanismes durant la période de l‘après-Guerre-froide pour contrer les nouveaux adversaires, notamment dans la région duMoyen-Orient et de l‘Afrique du Nord. Les États-Unis se sont d'abord appuyés sur l'endiguement économique qui consiste à utiliser l‘arme économique, soit pour affaiblir leurs rivaux, en leur imposant des sanctions économiques, soit pour soutenir leurs alliés,en leur versant des aides économiques annuels. Ensuite, il y a l'engagement des administrations américaines à défendre l‘idéologie américaine de la « démocratie dans le monde », qui constitue la pierre angulaire de la politique de la Guerre froide au néo-endiguement du 21ème siècle. Les présidents américains successifs ont joué la carte de la démocratie pour soutenir les alliés et contrer les adversaires. Ils pointent du doigt, d‘une manière sélective, certains régimes autoritaires, tout en fermant les yeux sur d‘autres. Enfin, l'endiguement militaire reflète le recours des administrations américaines à apporter une aide militaire et technique considérable au profit de leurs alliés, malgré l'effondrement de la ‗menace soviétique‘, tout en continuant à préconiser des guerres régionales par procuration dans les zones géostratégiques afin de maintenir la sphère d'influence américaine.Cette thèse examine également les politiques étrangères du point de vue de la quête de primauté qui constitue une constante de la politique étrangère américaine. Elle met ainsi en évidence la continuité des doctrines de la politique étrangère américaine qui ne s‘est pas fondamentalement modifiée, en dépit de la disparition de la menace communiste depuis la chute du mur de Berlin. Notre étude de cas confirme notre hypothèse sur le choix du néo-endiguement comme politique étrangère américaine vis-à-vis du printemps arabe, visant à isoler les gouvernements islamiques fraîchement élus au Moyen-Orient et en Afrique du Nord entre 2011 et 2014. L‘administration Obama a oeuvré activement pour endiguer l'Islam politique et les partis islamiques dans les pays du printemps arabe comme réponse au dilemme qu‘ils ontposé aux Etats-Unis : bien qu‘élus démocratiquement, ils ont représenté une menace pour le système d'alliances des États-Unis
This doctoral dissertation develops the notion of neo-containment in the post-Cold War era. Its premise is that Cold War containment evolved to adapt to new challenges in a new era and continued to be the cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy and notably during the War on Terror and the Arab Spring period in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). This research revisits the sizeable body of literature about the U.S. grand strategies from the early Cold War to the Arab Spring. It relies on data from official policy documents, policy makers‘ speeches, academic writings and various media resources to understand why, how and with what results the United States extended and developed the containment policy as its approach to the War on Terror and the Arab Spring. The dissertation provides a balanced account of the extent to which what we have qualified as the major Cold War mechanisms of containment continued to be implemented in comparable proportions in the post-Cold War era, but to contain new adversaries, mainly in the MENA. The United States relied firstly on economic containment which consists in using its economic power either to weaken challenging rivals by imposing economic sanctions upon them or empower allies through annual economic packages. The second mechanism of containment is the commitment to defend the U.S. ideology of ―democracy‖ which continued to be a cornerstone of neo-containment policy in the 21st century. The successive U.S presidents played the democracy cardto contain allies and adversaries. They selectively accused some authoritarian governments of abusing democracy while turning a blind eye on others. Finally, military containment reflects the American administrations‘ reliance on annual military aid and training services at consistently high levels, despite the collapse of the ‗Soviet Threat,‘ to its allies, while at the same time continuing to advocate regional proxy wars in geostrategic areas to maintain its sphere of influence.The dissertation also examines policies through the quest of primacy as U.S. ‗habit‘. It asserts, therefore, that the United States‘ political doctrines remained fundamentally unaltered despite the demise of the Soviet Union. The case study applies the dissertation hypothesis of neo-containment in U.S. foreign policy vis-à-vis the Arab Spring, to the U.S. quest for countering rivals such as Iran, by containing the newly elected Islamic governments in the Middle East and North Africa from 2011 to 2014. The Obama administration contained political Islam and Islamic parties in the Arab Spring countries as the policy response to the dilemma they posed; even though they were democratically elected, the governments represented a threat to the United States alliance system
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10

Ko, Sung-youn. "Military Spending, External Dependence, and Economic Growth in Seven Asian Nations: a Cross-National Time-Series Analysis." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279398/.

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The theme of this study is that seven major East Asian less developed countries (LDCs) have experienced "dependent development," and that some internal and external intervening factors mattered in that process. Utilizing a framework of "dependent development," the data analysis deals with the political economy of development in these countries. This analysis supports the fundamental arguments of the dependent development perspective, which emphasize positive effects of foreign capital dependence in domestic capital formation and industrialization in East Asian LDCs. This perspective assumes the active role of the state, and it is found here to be crucial in capital accumulation and in economic growth. This cross-national time-series analysis also shows that the effects of external dependence and military spending on capital accumulation and economic growth can be considered as a regional phenomenon. The dependent development perspective offers a useful way to understand economic dynamism of East Asian LDCs for the past two decades.
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Nguyen, Kimthoa Thi. "How resource rich countries attract foreign direct investments: a study of Western Asian countries and strategies of industrialization and diversification." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/15058.

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Fuel is a self-depleting resource and long term dependency on this commodity alone will not suffice. An export trade oriented approach can lead to faster industrialization while diversification leads to economic sustainable growth. This research seeks to understand how countries compete for foreign direct investments, and how certain activities have the most impact in the competitive global marketplace. Research suggests that when companies decide to invest abroad, they seek only to find countries that facilitate their strategic objectives. The results conclude with appropriate levels of government accountability, credibility and visibility with the private sector, foreign direct investment is attracted by policy advocacy and policy reform. By reviewing countries such as United Arab Emirates in direct comparison to Western Asian countries, including Kuwait and Iraq with high levels of fuel exports, along with Qatar with optimistic marketplace indicators and plentitude of skills and capabilities – research seems to suggest that despite high capabilities and attractive GDP, promotional investment activities yield the highest returns using policy advocacy and reform.
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Allison, Benjamin V. "Through the Cracks of Detente: US Policy, the Steadfastness and Confrontation Front, and the Coming of the Second Cold War, 1977–1984." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1587394697039162.

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13

Grevi, Giovanni. "The common foreign, security and defence policy of the European Union: ever-closer cooperation, dynamics of regime deepening." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210673.

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“What is Europe's role in this changed world? Does Europe not, now that is finally unified, have a leading role to play in a new world order, that of a power able both to play a stabilising role worldwide and to point the way ahead for many countries and peoples?” These were two of the central questions put by the Laeken Declaration, adopted by the European Council in December 2001. The Declaration offered the beginning of an answer, pointing out the direction for future policy developments, and for the institutional reform underpinning them: “The role it has to play is that of a power resolutely doing battle against all violence, all terror and all fanaticism, but which also does not turn a blind eye to the world's heartrending injustices. In short, a power wanting to change the course of world affairs…A power seeking to set globalisation within a moral framework.” At the same time, the Laeken Declaration pointed out some more specific questions concerning the institutional innovations required to enhance the coherence of European foreign policy and to reinforce the synergy between the High Representative for CFSP and the relevant Commissioners within the RELEX family. With a view to a better distribution of competences between the EU and Member States, on the basis of the principle of subsidiarity, the text mentioned the development of a European foreign and defence policy first, and referred more particularly to the scope for updating the ‘Petersberg’ tasks of crisis management, a policy domain that would take a pivotal place in the consolidation of ESDP and CFSP at large. This Declaration marks the beginning of the process of regime reform that covers the last three years of common foreign and security policy (CFSP) of the European Union. This evolution, and the innovations that it has brought about in institutional and normative terms, are the subjects of this thesis.

The Convention on the future of Europe, set up by the Laeken Declaration, represented an important stage in the pan-European debate on the objectives, values, means and decision-making tools of CFSP. The US-led intervention in Iraq in March 2003 marked a new ‘critical juncture’ in the development of the conceptual and institutional bases of CFSP. As it was the case in the past, following major policy failures in the course of the Balkan wars, Member States sought to mend the rift that divided them in the run up to the Iraq war. In so doing, Member States agreed on a significant degree of institutional reform in the context of the Convention and of the subsequent Inter-Governmental Conference (IGC). The creation of the new position of a double-hatted Foreign Minister, as well as the envisaged rationalisation and consolidation of the instruments at his/her disposal, including a new European External Action Service (EAS), is a primary achievement in this perspective. On the defence side, a new formula of ‘permanent structured cooperation’ among willing and able Member States has been included in the Treaty Establishing the European Constitution (Constitutional Treaty), with a view to them undertaking more binding commitments in the field of defence, and fulfilling more demanding missions. Right at the time when the Iraq crisis was sending shockwaves across the political and institutional structures of the Union, and of CFSP in particular, the first ESDP civilian mission were launched, soon followed by small military operations. The unprecedented deployment of civilian and military personnel under EU flag in as many as 13 missions between 2002 and 2005 could be achieved thanks to the development of a new layer of policy-makign and crisis-management bodies in Brussels. The launch of successive ESDP operations turned out to be a powerful catalyst for the further expansion and consolidation of this bureaucratic framework and of the conceptual dimension of CFSP/ESDP. Most importantly, these and other dimensions of institutional and operational progress should be set in a new, overarching normative and political framework provided by the European Security Strategy (ESS).

Needless to say, institutional innovations are stalled following the rejection of the Constitutional Treaty in the French and Dutch referenda of May/June 2005. With a view to the evolution of the CFSP regime, however, I argue in this thesis that the institutional reforms envisaged in the Constitutional Treaty are largely consistent with the unfolding normative and bureaucratic features of the regime. As illustrated in the course of my research, the institutional, bureaucratic and normative dimensions of the regime appear to strengthen one another, thereby fostering regime deepening. From this standpoint, therefore, the stalemate of institutional reform does slow down the reform of the international regime of CFSP but does not seem to alter the direction of its evolution and entail its stagnation, or even dismantling. On the contrary, I maintain that the dynamics of regime change that I detect will lead to stronger, endogenous and exogenous demands for institutional reform, whose shapes and priorities are to a large extent already included in the Constitutional treaty. This vantage point paves the way to identifying the trends underlying the evolution of the regime, but does not lead to endorsing a teleological reading of regime reform. As made clear in what follows, CFSP largely remains a matter of international cooperation with a strong (although not exclusive) inter-governmental component. As such, this international regime could still suffer serious, and potentially irreversible, blows, were some EU Member States to openly depart from its normative coordinates and dismiss its institutional or bureaucratic instances. While this scenario cannot be ruled out, I argue in this thesis that this does not seem the way forward. The institutional and normative indicators that I detect and review point consistently towards a ‘deepening’ of the regime, and closer cooperation among Member States. In other words, it is not a matter of excluding the possibility of disruptions in the evolution of the CFSP regime, but to improve the understanding of regime dynamics so as to draw a distinction between long-term trends and conjunctural crises that, so far, have not undermined the incremental consolidation of CFSP/ESDP.

Central to this research is the analysis of the institutional and normative features of the CFSP regime at EU level. The focus lies on the (increasing) difference that institutions and norms make to inter-governmental policy-making under CFSP, in the inter-play with national actors. The purpose of my research is therefore threefold. First, I investigate the functioning and development of the bureaucratic structures underpinning the CFSP regime, since their establishment in 2000/2001 up to 2005. This theoretically informed review will allow me to highlight the distinctive procedural and normative features of CFSP policy-making and, subsequently, to assess their influence on the successive stages of reform. Second, I track and interpret the unprecedented processes by which innovations have been introduced (or envisaged) at the institutional and normative level of the regime, with a focus on the Convention on the future of Europe and on the drafting of the European Security Strategy. Third, I assess the institutional and normative output of this dense stage of reform, with respect both to the ‘internal’ coherence and the deepening of the regime, and to the ‘external’ projection of the EU as an international actor in the making.

On the whole, I assume that a significant, multidimensional transition of the CFSP regime is underway. The bureaucratic framework enabling inter-governmental cooperation encourages patterned behaviour, which progressively generates shared norms and standards of appropriateness, affecting the definition of national interests. In terms of decision-making, debate and deliberation increasingly complement negotiation within Brussels-based CFSP bodies. Looking at the direction of institutional and policy evolution, the logic of ‘sharing’ tasks, decisions and resources across different (European and national) levels of governance prevails, thereby strengthening the relevance of ‘path-dependency’ and of the ‘ratchet effect’ in enhancing inter-governmental cooperation as well as regime reform.


Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Strolená, Lucie. "Vliv revolucí v arabských zemích na azylovou a imigrační politiku Evropské unie." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-191983.

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The content of the thesis is an analysis of the impact of the revolutions in the countries of North Africa during the year 2011 on the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union. The aim of the paper is to evaluate the response of the European Union and its member states to the migration situation. The thesis is divided into four chapters. The first one describes the situation and migration during revolutions in the North Africa, the second chapter deals with the migration into the European Union. The third chapter analyzes the reaction of chosen member states and the institutions of the European Union. The last chapter finally evaluates the situation and identifies the opportunities and threats for the immigration and asylum policy of the European Union that emerged from the previous analysis.
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Ramahi, Hanan. "Teachers leading school improvement and education reconstruction in Palestine." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277681.

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This dissertation presents an intervention-based study that aimed to enable teachers to improve teaching and learning in one school in Ramallah, Palestine. The non-positional approach to teacher leadership was adopted as a means to mobilise all teachers in the drive towards bottom-up, participatory school change processes that increase teacher self-efficacy and collaboration, build professional capacity and social capital, and promote sustainability. The Teachers Leading the Way programme provided a contextually tailored strategy, and set of instruments and tools that through reflective exercises and dialogic activities aimed to support teachers to innovate practice, and impact organisational structures and professional culture. This is significant in the Palestine setting for facilitating the building of locally based and sourced knowledge to inform an authentic Palestinian vision and agenda for policy-making and education reconstruction, with implications for countries of the Middle East and North Africa region. In the process, a grassroots change movement is intended to shift historical and continued reliance on foreign intervention and international assistance, and lay the foundation for democratisation and social transformation. The intervention was investigated using a critical action-based, participatory methodology that emphasised context and researcher reflexivity in one school and amongst a cohort of 12 participants. Data were collected using a range of research-designed and programme-based methods and instruments, analysed deductively and inductively, and narrated critically to maintain coherence, and convey experiential and temporal dimensions. The study outcomes indicate that teachers in Palestine are capable of leading school improvement, and impacting school structures and professional culture for system-wide change, when the proper support is provided. Non-positional teacher leadership is the vehicle and can be developed through Teachers Leading the Way. At the individual level, this is enabled through a transformation in teachers’ perspective towards a self-empowered, agential mindset that leads to action on ways to improve practice. The transition process underscores the role of effective facilitation as an enabling condition for developing non-positional teacher leadership in Palestine and similar settings.
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16

Gurkan, Seda. "The impact of the European Union on turkish foreign policy during the pre-accession process to the European Union, 1997-2005: à la carte Europeanisation." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209295.

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The dissertation is about the impact of the European Union (EU) on the foreign policy of a candidate in the pre-accession period. More specifically, the research analyses the factors and processes that intervene between the EU power to generate change in Turkish foreign policy and Turkish national compliance with the EU conditions between 1997 and 2005 by way of analysing three cases: Turkish foreign policy towards Cyprus issue, Greek-Turkish bilateral problems in the Aegean Sea; and Turkey’s stance vis-à-vis the launch of the ESDP. Main question the research addresses is “why does a candidate choose to comply (or fail to comply) with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” In other words: “How (through what mechanisms) does the EU generate compliance with the EU conditions in foreign policy?” The dissertation approaches these questions through the perspective of the Europeanization literature and its conditionality school drawing on the Rational Choice Institutionalism. In accordance with this rationalist account, main argument the doctoral research intends to prove is that “the EU’s adaptational pressure on Turkey (operationalized as a function of clear/attainable membership perspective and credible conditionality policy) is a necessary yet not a sufficient condition for domestic compliance in foreign policy if the cost of compliance is high for the target government. In this respect, domestic actors’ strategic calculation is the ultimate determinant of the compliance degrees at the domestic level. In order to prove this core hypothesis, the research used theory testing process-tracing, longitudinal comparison of cases, counter-factual reasoning and the use of a control case. The evidence for testing the argument comes from the measurement of conditionality (measured as the linkage between a given foreign policy condition and membership-related reward) and domestic compliance (measured as foreign policy output ranging from rhetorical to behavioural change) through the content analysis of primary documents. This analysis is complemented with 33 semi-structured elite interviews. The dissertation by proving that the EU’s transformative power in foreign policy works through the cost and benefit calculation of the ruling party and by elaborating on the conditions under which the EU can interfere with this rational calculus (hence modify the opportunity structure for the target government), advances our understanding of the EU’s transformative power and contributes to the Accession Europeanization literature in general. Furthermore, the study provides additional empirical as well as theoretical in-depth case knowledge to the available literature on the Europeanization of Turkey and Turkish foreign policy.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Papastathopoulos, Stavros. "Expanding the European Union's Petersberg tasks : requirements and capabilities /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FPapastathopoulos.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): David S. Yost. Includes bibliographical references (p. 57-64). Also available online.
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18

KOEHLER, Kevin. "Military elites and regime trajectories in the Arab spring : Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen in comparative perspective." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/29621.

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Defence date: 13 September 2013
Examining Board: Professor Laszlo Bruszt, (EUI - Supervisor); Professor Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI - Co-Supervisor); Professor Holger Albrecht, (American University in Cairo); Professor Robert Springborg, (Naval Postgraduate School, Monterrey, CA.)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
Why did different regimes react differently to the mass uprisings that shook the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011? Why did the personalist presidencies of Husni Mubarak in Egypt and Zine al-Abidin Ben Ali in Tunisia collapse only weeks into the uprisings while Syria’s Bashar al-Assad still holds onto power and Yemen’s Ali Abdallah Salih could negotiate his way out of office? Focusing on the cases of Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen, this thesis is an attempt to answer this question. The central argument of this thesis is that military elite behavior shaped regime trajectories in the Arab Spring. Where the armed forces as an institution defected from the incumbent, the presidency immediately collapsed; where at least some military elites remained loyal, the respective chief executives survived in office for a significantly longer period. I develop an explanation that focuses on the presence of regime cronies within the military leadership. Where such cronies exist, the costs of defection increase for all members of the officer corps. Since the loyalty of cronies appears as a forgone conclusion, defection would likely lead to confrontation within the military. In other words, the absence of crony officers is a necessary condition for the cohesive defection of the armed forces from authoritarian presidents. Empirically, the fact that there were no crony officers in their respective militaries enabled the Egyptian and Tunisian armed forces to defect from their commanders in chief without endangering their internal cohesion. In Syria and Yemen, on the other hand, the defection of the armed forces as an institution was not an option given the fact that key units in both militaries were controlled by officers closely connected to the president. The result was the swift collapse of personalist presidencies in Egypt and Tunisia and the escalation of conflict in Syria and Yemen. This thesis traces the emergence of patterns of political-military relations in Egypt, Syria, Tunisia and Yemen from regime foundation in the 1950s and 1960s to the uprisings of 2010 and 2011. I argue that path dependent processes of institutional development link patterns of political-military relations at the outbreak of the uprisings to the dynamics of regime foundation in the early 20th century. While the institutional form of the founding regimes that II emerged in the 1950s and 1960s was a function of the composition of regime coalitions, the patterns of political-military relations that shaped regime trajectories in 2011 were shaped by attempts to reproduce these initial institutional features over time and under changing environmental conditions. The initial role of the armed forces in founding regimes was determined by whether or not the regime coalition had drawn institutional support from the military. Where this was the case as in Egypt and Syria, the military developed into a central regime institution, whereas the armed forces remained marginal in Tunisia and institutionally weak in Yemen. These initial differences were reproduced in the context of a period of institutional and economic reform from the second half of the 1970s onwards. While all four regimes succeeded in reining in the military, they used different strategies that had different and partially unintended consequences. In Egypt the depoliticization of the military was sugarcoated by the emergence of a parallel ‘officers’ republic’ that ensured substantial military autonomy, in Syria the armed forces were controlled via a system of praetorian units, while in Tunisia the military remained marginal but largely independent from the regime and in Yemen tribal dynamics prevented the army from developing into a strong institution. These processes all fulfilled their primary goal of ensuring that the armed forces would not actively intervene in politics. At the same time, however, they produced different incentive structures for military elites confronted with regime threatening protests.
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19

Emilio, Luís Antonio Bitencourt. "Developing countries and missile proliferation the cases of Argentina, Brazil, and india /." 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/51955177.html.

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20

WOLF, Katharina. "Europe's military responses to humanitarian crises." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/53504.

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Defence date: 13 April 2018
Examining Board: Prof Ulrich Krotz, EUI (Supervisor); Dr. Antonio Missiroli, NATO; Prof James Sperling, University of Akron; Prof Jennifer Welsh, EUI
Why do European Union (EU) member states sometimes respond collectively to prevent or address large-scale humanitarian crises while, at other moments, they use different institutional channels? More than once, EU states have pondered, hesitated, disagreed and let others interfere when widespread and systematic killing of civilians were looming. Instead of using the EU’s military crisis management capacities, member states have acted through different institutional channels such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), ad-hoc coalitions of states or single state-led operations to interfere in humanitarian crises. At times, they have decided not to intervene at all. Why does Europeans’ involvement in humanitarian intervention vary so strikingly? To examine this striking variation in European states’ responses to large-scale humanitarian crises, the thesis draws on in-depth case study evidence from the conflict in Libya during 2011, the post-electoral crisis in Côte d’Ivoire during 2010/2011, the sectarian war in the Central African Republic during 2013 and 2014 and the fight against Boko Haram in Nigeria and the Lake Chad region. The cases capture the entire range of variation on the dependent variable covering EU operations, NATO operations, ad-hoc operations, and non-intervention. The thesis develops a three-step model to explain why, when, and how European states use military force for humanitarian purposes. The model is situated at the intersection of domestic preferences and the international opportunities and constraints under which European states seek to realize their foreign policy goals. The findings show that, in combination, these factors condition European states’ readiness to intervene. Hence, a preference for non-intervention is easier to maintain if others are willing to intervene, but more difficult to pursue if the resort to force is urgent and the non-European actors are unable or unwilling to offer an appropriate response. At the regional European level, states’ power resources and preferences influence the institutional channel through which European states ultimately decide to intervene militarily. The findings show that the deployment of EU and NATO operations is likely when member states’ preferences are at least weakly congruent and backed by the interests and preferences of the organizations’ most powerful states. Diverging preferences among member states severely hinder common military operations and compel states to resort to ad-hoc arrangements. The dissertation concludes that European states’ preferences, the political contexts in which they operate and their ability to pursue their goals at the international and the regional level considerably influence why, when, and in which format European states intervene in humanitarian crises.
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21

KUROWSKA, Xymena. "The Politics of a Policy: Framing European security and defence policy." Doctoral thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10449.

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First made available online 4 June 2015.
Defence date: 25 February 2008
Examining Board: Professor Friedrich Kratochwil, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Ole Wæver, University of Copenhagen (External Supervisor) Professor Michael Merlingen, Central European University Professor Pascal Vennesson, European University Institute
This thesis enquires into the making of European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from the perspective of the actors endorsing and contesting the policy. By identifying the political milieu of the policy, it seeks to problematise the established depiction of ESDP and delineate the framing involved in designing and implementing the policy. I thus advance the argument about the all-pervading character of the political and I stipulate the value of micropolitical analysis for unpacking broad political arrangements. In order to trace security practices enacted through the policy, I explore in depth two instances of ESDP operations and a case of strengthening the UNIFIL forces to Lebanon via an EU initiative. I conclude that the ESDP has proven transformative both within the EU internal system of governance and vis-à-vis the EU’s international positioning. The former involves the rise of domestic politics engendered by the interplay of institutional identities and conceptions of achieving EU security. The latter exposes the shift in the international role assignments wherein the EU becomes a deputy of the US and a saviour of the UN’s reputation.
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22

BICCHI, Federica. "European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean non member countries." Doctoral thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5220.

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Defence date: 22 July 2003
Examining Board: Prof. Emanuel Adler, The Herbrew University of Jerusalem; Prof. Christopher Hill, LSE; Prof. Leonardo Morlino, University of Florence; Prof. Thomas Risse, Free University and European University Institute (Supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
A comprehensive and theoretically informed examination of European foreign policy making towards the Mediterranean, from 1957 to nowadays. This dissertation focuses on the reasons and the patterns of Europeans’ actions, with a special emphasis on the early 1970s and on current times. It analyses how interest in Europe for the Mediterranean has generally arisen out of a shared sense of puzzlement in front of challenges, such as terrorism or migration, originating from the Southern neighbours. The dissertation casts new light on the role of member states as policy entrepreneurs in European integration, and explains European foreign policy as a way to collectively reconstruct a new understanding of Euro-Mediterranean relations.
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23

Dostalík, Igor. "Arabské vojenské hodnosti." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-405735.

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(in English): This master's thesis is focusing on the issue of military ranks in the armed forces of contemporary Arab states. In the thesis, the terms for military ranks of all branches of the armed forces (ground force, navy, air force) of Arab armies are being discussed. At the same time, the proposed thesis is dealing with the historical and political context of development of military ranks in the region; therefore, there is a focus on early developments of military ranks in the Middle Ages, reform efforts in the Ottoman military of Sultan Mahmut II., and the creation of Egyptian army during the rule of Muḥammad ʿAlīʼs dynasty. In the thesis itself, military traditions of European colonial powers together with the political developments in the second half of the 20th century are also taken into consideration while discussing the ranks and terminology. The rank system of the Armed Forces of the Egyptian Arab Republic serves as a reference for other states throughout the thesis. The thesis is based on analysis of scholarly literature and relevant legislation of Arab countries.
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24

BREUER, Fabian. "Die Konstruktion, die Institutionalisierung und das Entscheidungssystem der ESVP." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/6587.

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Defence date: 8 December 2006
Examining Board: Prof. Gunther Hellmann (Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität Frankfurt a.M.) ; Prof. Jens Otmar Höll (Österreichisches Institut für Internationale Politik, Wien) ; Prof. Alexander H. Trechsel (EUI, Florenz) ; Prof. Firedrich Kratochwil (EUI, Florenz, Supervisor)
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25

Abu-Sharia, Rateb Moh'd Ahmad, University of Western Sydney, College of Law and Business, and School of Economics and Finance. "A theoretical and empirical study of stock market development, economic reform and economic growth : a case study of Arab countries." 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/31782.

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The relationship between stock market development and economic growth has been an important issue of debate. A well functioning stock market can affect economic growth through the channelling of more saving to investment and the improvement of capital productivity with efficient allocation of resources. This contrasts with the view that stock market development has little relevance, or is even unimportant, to real economic activity. In this respect, the majority of the empirical studies are concerned with advanced markets and developed emerging markets, and none exist for Arab markets. The argument of this study is that economic growth is a function of stock market development and economic reform indicators, with the main determinants of growth as the control variables set. The study considered a comprehensive theoretical framework that linked stock market development to economic growth. It presented a comparative assessment on macroeconomic level and stock market development indicators for the Arab countries with the East Asia-Pacific countries and the G-7 economies. The most important finding indicated that Arab stock markets have no significant effect on economic growth due to the lack of transparency and illiquidity that limit the effectiveness of these markets in the economy. In contrast, the results from the East Asia-Pacific countries and the G-7 economies suggested that stock market development has a significant effect on, and is positively correlated with, economic growth.
Doctor of Philosophy (Economics and Finance) (PhD)
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26

Aboud, Brian. "States, immigration and entry regulation : Canada, Australia and immigrant admissions from the Arab world, 1946-1996." Phd thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147713.

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27

Abu-Sharia, Rateb Moh'd Ahmad. "A theoretical and empirical study of stock market development, economic reform and economic growth : a case study of Arab countries." Thesis, 2005. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/31782.

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The relationship between stock market development and economic growth has been an important issue of debate. A well functioning stock market can affect economic growth through the channelling of more saving to investment and the improvement of capital productivity with efficient allocation of resources. This contrasts with the view that stock market development has little relevance, or is even unimportant, to real economic activity. In this respect, the majority of the empirical studies are concerned with advanced markets and developed emerging markets, and none exist for Arab markets. The argument of this study is that economic growth is a function of stock market development and economic reform indicators, with the main determinants of growth as the control variables set. The study considered a comprehensive theoretical framework that linked stock market development to economic growth. It presented a comparative assessment on macroeconomic level and stock market development indicators for the Arab countries with the East Asia-Pacific countries and the G-7 economies. The most important finding indicated that Arab stock markets have no significant effect on economic growth due to the lack of transparency and illiquidity that limit the effectiveness of these markets in the economy. In contrast, the results from the East Asia-Pacific countries and the G-7 economies suggested that stock market development has a significant effect on, and is positively correlated with, economic growth.
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28

Poltoratskaia, Tatiana. "Russia’s role in the Middle East : Russian weapons sales to the Syrian Arab Republic, 1950-2010." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-12-2508.

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In this paper I look at the evolving role of Russia in the Middle East, analyzing transfers of Russian military equipment to its main ally in the region, the Syrian Arab Republic. By using Syria as a case study, I provide insight as to the evolution of Russia’s Middle Eastern policy, examine the motivations that play a role in Moscow’s decision-making process and the discuss the changes that have taken place in the Middle East military landscape. My research illustrates that Russia is a prestige seeking state that is motivated my domestic issues. Furthermore, sixty years of arms transfers indicate that Russia has never sold game-changing weapons to Syria as this would be counterproductive to Moscow’s main goal in the region: the brokering of a new Middle East peace deal.
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29

Staples, Clinton. "The military policy of Leo III and Constantine V and its effect on Arab-Byzantine warfare on the Taurus border, 715-775 A.D." 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/18446.

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30

Lyttle, David M. J. "Democracy, dictatorship and development : European Union Pacific development policy in action : a study of Fijian society since December 2006 : a thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in European Studies in the University of Canterbury /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/3741.

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31

Bobryk-Deryło, Natalia. "Uwarunkowania ewolucji wspólnej polityki bezpieczeństwa i obrony UE." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/126.

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WPBiO UE wyłoniła się jako unikalny w skali świata, dysponujący szerokim wachlarzem środków narzędziem polityki bezpieczeństwa. Może ona stać się w przyszłości podstawą wspólnej obrony, nie nastąpi to jednak w najbliższym czasie. Uwspónotowieniu ulegnie najprawdopodobniej naszybciej rozwijający się apswkt WPBiO, czyli zarządzanie kryzysowe. Any WPBiO mogła stać się podstawą wspólnej obrony, konieczne jest spełnienie nas tępujących warunków: wycyfanie militarne USA z Europy, zgoda polityczna między państwami członkowskimi co do wzmonienia wspólnej polityki obronnej, wdrożenie inicjatyw takich jak pooling and sharing, konsolidacja europejskiego przemysłu obronnego. Jednak autonomizacja europejskiej polityki obronnej następować będzie powoli. W najbliższej przyszłości NATO pozostanie podstawowym instrumentem obrony wzajemnej dla MS UE.
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