Relevant bibliographies by topics / Arab countries

Academic literature on the topic 'Arab countries'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Arab countries"

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Akhmedov, Vladimir M. "THE ROLE OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS IN ARABO-IRANIAN RELATIONS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 1 (19) (2022): 42–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-1-42-49.

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In the last decades Iran became one of the powerful states in the Middle East. Today Iran plays a significant role in political, economic, social, religious and ideological issues of the region. Iran’s politics shape major developments in regional security and international relations in the Middle East, pursuing active policy towards Arab countries in the region. Iran plays an active role in military conflicts in several Arab countries (Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Yemen and Libya). However, Iran’s involvement in the inner-political life of Arab countries; their societies, security affairs, and politics strengthens tensions and hostility between Arabs and Iran. The existing strains in Arabo-Iranian relations provoke the religious strife in the Middle East that takes different forms, among which are Sunny-Shiite conflicts. The worsening of Arabo-Iranian relations encourages new conflicts; it undermines power balance and destabilizes security in the Middle East. The long history of Arabo-Iranian relations still influences Iran’s policy in the Middle East. Ethnic and sectarian differences and the historical Arab-Persian rivalry reflected the major orientation of Iran’s foreign policy in general and determine some major parameters of Arabo-Iranian relations in the Middle East, in particular. Before the Arab conquest of Iran the interactions between Arabs and Iran had had many positive dimensions. The Islamization of Iran and its partial Arabization dramatically changed Iran’s cultural, social, and political development. These processes challenged the behavioral patterns of many Iranians towards Arabs and vice versa. Since that time the ethnic identity of two peoples, their adherences to Sunnis and Shiites have acquired antagonistic overtones. In this view, research of Arabization and Islamization processes as one of the main drivers of Arabo-Iranian relations and Iranian policy in the Middle East proves to be a pressing subject of grave importance.
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Abu-Hamda, B., A. Soliman, A. Babekr, and T. Bellaj. "Emotional Expression and Culture: Implications from Nine Arab Countries." European Psychiatry 41, S1 (April 2017): S230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eurpsy.2017.01.2237.

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IntroductionThere is a notion that emotional expression is universal, yet it is subject to cultural variations. Research in this field has studied cultural extremes in European, American and East Asian cultures. However, very little is known about the differences in emotional expression in the Arab subcultures.ObjectiveExploring the differences between the emotional reactions among the nine Arab subcultures.Aims (1) Examining the cultural differences in emotional reactions; (2) examining the differences between Muslim and non-Muslim individuals; (3) exploring the differences between Arabs and non-Arabs.MethodsSeveral real life scenarios including 15 different stressful situations and 15 non-stressful situations were presented to 40 individuals from the nine Arab subcultures. The participants were aged between 18 to 40 years of age. The subjects were randomly classified into groups depending on whether they were Arabs or non-Arabs and according to whether they were Muslims or non-Muslims. The subjects’ emotional reactions were measured by means of Likert-like items.ResultsThe results showed that there were no significant differences among the nine Arab subcultures in their emotional reactions to the non-stressful situations. However, there were significant differences among the Arab subcultures in the stressful situations. Moreover, both religion and ethics were strong predictors of the differences in the emotional reactions that varied between subjects in their cultural group. The Arab Muslims tended to express more anger but the Arab non-Muslims expressed more sadness.ConclusionsEmotional expression is impacted by ones’ cultural background and is particularly influenced by religion and ethics. Although Arab countries share the same language, they express emotions differently.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.
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Alshammari, Thamir M., Neslihan Mendi, Khalidah A. Alenzi, and Yazed Alsowaida. "Pharmacovigilance Systems in Arab Countries: Overview of 22 Arab Countries." Drug Safety 42, no. 7 (April 20, 2019): 849–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s40264-019-00807-4.

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Ivanov, Sergey. "Arab diplomacy after ''Arab spring''." Diplomatic Service, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2001-06.

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Devastated conditions in major part of the Arab world as the result of the so cooled ''Arabs spring'' cound not but influensed upon capability and effectiveness of the Arab diplomacy, which was disorientated by new discourse among Arab frontline countries and lost of its former assertiveness and strength in defending Arab interest as the whole.
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Al-Issa, Ihsan. "Arab Psychology or Psychology in the Arab Countries?" Contemporary Psychology 45, no. 5 (October 2000): 549–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/002301.

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Sobeih, Ahmed Hassan. "The Decision of the Iraqi Parliament and the Criminalization of Normalization with Israel from the Perspective of International Covenants." International Academic Journal of Humanities 9, no. 1 (September 14, 2022): 24–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/iajh/v9i1/iajh0903.

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Arab countries, especially Gulf Arab countries, tend to normalize relations with Israel for various internal and external reasons until the Palestinian issue is just resolved. These regimes believe that normalization with Israel will help them protect their security and bring them closer to Washington, regardless of where the Palestinians and their people stand on normalization, knowing that Arab opinion still overwhelmingly refuses to recognize it Israel. Some countries relations with Israel expanded to the point of alliance before the establishment of diplomatic relations; what makes normalization impossible to describe, but due to the extreme sensitivity of Arab public opinion, the focus remains on steps to normalize relations. Clearly, this position has not been influenced by concerns and issues within the Arab people. Relations with Israel depend on the calculations of the regime, not the people. In addition to acknowledging that Arab opinion believes that peace with Israel has not brought prosperity to the people of the Arab countries that signed the agreement, and that such peace is one of the reasons for the suspension of political reforms, the Arabs see the Palestinian issue as the ultimate colonial issue and an Arab national issue. change it.
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Muhammadsidiqov, Muhammadolim. "ANALYSIS OF SOCIO-POLITICAL PROCESSES IN ARAB COUNTRIES." Journal of Social Research in Uzbekistan 02, no. 05 (December 1, 2022): 29–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-jsru-02-05-04.

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This article analyzes the essence of the political, socio-economic processes taking place in the countries of North Africa, and the issues of influence on the internal and external policies of the countries of the region.
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Акхмедова, Шакхло. "Literary creation in the gulf Arab countries." Арабский язык в эпоху глобализации: инновационные подходы и методы обучения 1, no. 1 (December 23, 2023): 124–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.47689/atgd:iyom-vol1-iss1-pp124-129-id28428.

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In this article, the role of women in the family and society in the Gulf Arab countries, which constitute a significant part of Arab storytelling, is expressed. Also, in the works of Gulf writers, it is mentioned that women are represented as equal members of society, that is, society.
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Belousova, K. "“Oil Weapon” in the Third and Fourth Arab-Israeli Wars." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2010): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-2-47-56.

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In the modern world, energetic base materials, and especially petroleum connections, with their hubs, streams and directions, are much closer than economic ties. The history of relationship between oil-producing countries and the leading powers of the West became especially vivid during the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973. The attempts of "petroleum weapon" employment in 1967, under the weight of radical Arab regimes and local population against the U.S. and West-European countries (Israel's allies), failed owing to a two-faced position of Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing Arab countries. During the Arab-Israeli war of 1973, the "petroleum weapon" had more serious consequences for the West. For once the Arabs were acting more in concert. Oil-importing countries realized their economic exposure. For the first time the Arab countries started to determine their oil output level and control its price assessment. In this way, the war of 1973 and its consequences created the new phenomenon: the oil prices dynamics came to be integrated with politics in the Middle East.
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Ahmedov, Vladimir M. "The Role of Nationalism in Arab-Iranian Relations: Historical and Ideological Dimensions." Oriental Courier, no. 4 (2022): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310023831-2.

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For the last decades Iran has been playing significant role in Middle Eastern politics. Tehran’s rooted involvement in Arab’s political environments provokes tensions and hostilities in Arab-Iranian relations. The author believes that historical legacy of Arab-Iranian interactions has been still determined some important characteristics of Arab-Iranian relations. In this article the author investigates the role of nationalism and national building process in Arab countries and Iran. He shows that the rise of national movement and emergence of new nation-states based on different ideological principals and theoretical models politicized historical Arab-Iranian ethnic and sectarian differences and cultural rivalries. The author studies how developments of various forms of nationalism in Arab countries and Iran, their approaches to national state building affected their relations. The author considers that both Arabs and Iran have been challenged the internal political dynamics and regional transformations were forced to instrumentalized nationalism as a protective tool to secure and legitimize their state suzerainty, establish their presence and provide their interests in the region. In practice, regards their historical territorial, ethnic, religious disputes, both Arabs and Iran frequently exaggerated Iranian threats to Arabism and overestimated Arab nationalism, pan-Arabism as Arab’s ambitions for regional leadership. These fears converted into real politic have spoiled Arab Iranian relations. The author stresses that emphasizing on Islamic feelings at the expense of particular nationalism in Iran after Islamic revolution in 1979 and giving up secular ideas in favor of Islamism in Arab countries after the “Arab Spring” brought neither reconciliation, nor normalization in the Arab-Iranian relations. The author pays special attention to the dynamic of Iranian nationalism in view of the developments in power mechanism of Tehran’s politics in the Middle East.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Arab countries"

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Culcasi, Karen. "Cartographic constructions of the Middle East." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Mahmoud, Khalid Salah el-Dien Taha. "Agricultural foreign trade among Arab countries /." Berlin : Köster, 2005. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=013306609&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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Bison, Linda <1987&gt. "Challenging the US. Arab Countries and the Arab Spring. The Bahrain Case." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2774.

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Il lavoro di tesi prende spunto dall'attuale declino del soft power che gli USA stanno subendo nell'area mediorientale, alla luce dei mutati equilibri con gli alleati tradizionali nell'area dovuto in gran parte dai nuovi assetti di potere venutisi a creare in seguito agli eventi della primavera Araba. Nella prima parte e nella seconda parte si presenteranno i mutati equilibri degli USA con quei tradizionali alleati in Medio Oriente (Arabia Saudita, Qatar, Iran ed Israele) che non essendo stati direttamente toccati dalla recente ondata di proteste popolari che hanno portato al crollo di numerosi regimi dell'area si propongono di riempire i vuoti di potere che essa ha causato, implicando la necessità di rivedere la natura dei vincoli che tradizionalmente legano questi Paesi a Washington mettendo in dubbio la leadership statunitense sulla regione; si concluderà presentando il caso particolare del Bahrain quale esempio di come tali potenze stiano cercando sempre più di ritagliarsi il loro spazio nella leadership regionale in maniera sempre più indipendente e spesso in contrasto con la linea seguita dagli USA per quanto riguarda la loro politica estera.
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Hadili, Abduraawf Moftah. "Trade liberalisation and Arab Maghreb Union countries." Thesis, Keele University, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.695683.

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The effect of trade liberalisation on the balance of trade and balance of payments in developing countries is still ambiguous. Free trade advocates believe that adopting free trade policy and specializing in production will enhance economic growth in both exports and imports, which in turn will have a positive impact on the balance of trade and the balance of payments. In the real world, not all countries that have adopted trade liberalisation have achieved economic growth. Some of them suffered deterioration in the balance of trade because imports grew more than exports did, adding more deficits to the balance of payments. In this case, trade liberalisation will be considered as a constraint on growth. This thesis was designed to explore the impact of trade liberalisation on the economies of Arab Maghreb Union (AMU) countries for fifteen years (1995-2009) in terms of export growth, import growth, the balance of trade, and the balance of payments. H The empirical evidence has revealed some major findings that can be considered strong evidence based on four different estimation techniques: ordinary least square, panel data, panel data with first difference, and Arellano-Bond test. The results show that trade liberalisation did not enhance export growth in AMU countries during the given period (1995 to 2009). In contrast, it had a significant positive impact on import growth during the same period. Moreover, trade liberalisation worsened the balance of trade and the balance of payments during the studied period. Therefore, it seems that trade liberalisation alone has not been enough to promote economic growth. A suitable domestic business environment, well-run government institutions, and supportive government policies are important in order for trade liberalisation to achieve its goals in developing countries.
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Alawin, Mohammad. "Real exchange rate behavior in Arab countries /." Search for this dissertation online, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ksu/main.

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Haseeb, Dina Khair El-din. "Intra-Arab labor movement 1973-1985." Thesis, Kansas State University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/9915.

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Al-Olimat, Muhamad S. (Muhamad Salim). "The State of Democracy in the Arab World." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279024/.

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This comparative study assesses the state of democracy and examines the process of democratization in the Arab World between the years 1980-1993. It addresses shortcomings in the mainstream democracy literature that excluded the Arab World from the global democratic revolution on political cultural grounds. To fulfil the objectives of this study, I employ both the qualitative and quantitative research approaches to test a number of hypothesized relationships. I hypothesize that transition to democracy is negatively associated with economic development, militarism, U.S. foreign policy, the political economy of oil, and dependency. I contend that emerging civil society institutions so far have had no significant effect on democratization in the Arab World. Finally, I hypothesize that the level of democracy in the Arab World is influenced greatly by the issue of civil rights. In order to investigate the hypothesized relationships, the following data sets have been used: Gastil's Freedom House Data set, "Repression and Freedom in the 1980s" data set, and Vanhanen's 1990 data set. The findings of this study support the aforementioned hypothesized relationships. I find that Arab countries, in general have made modest progress toward democracy, making the Arab World part of the global revolution.
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Musallam, Sāmī. "Ṣūrat al-ʻArab fī ṣiḥāfat Almānyā al-ittiḥādīyah." Bayrūt : Markaz Dirāsāt al-Waḥdah al-ʻArabīyah, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/66906654.html.

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Elafif, Mohamed. "An examination of the extent of and the potential for Arab economic integration." View thesis, 2008. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/38052.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Western Sydney, 2008.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree Doctor of Philosophy, School of Economics and Finance, College of Business, University of Western Sydney." Includes bibliographies.
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Eraikat, Abdul K. "Education in the Arab-Islamic world." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2008. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/243.

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Education in the Arab countries is discussed in the light of ongoing international educational reform. It is argued that education in the Arab/Muslim world faces serious problems. Educational reform cannot be achieved in isolation; it has to be part of a full scale reform that tackles social, economic and cultural issues. It is contended that cultural values, economic, social and political factors in the Arab/Muslim societies have contributed a great deal to the backwardness of education within Arab/Muslim societies. Questions such as whether Arabs/ Muslims could cope with the new trends in education, and whether they would be able to respond to the new ICT revolution and globalisation are addressed. It is also argued that Arabs/Muslims respond to globalisation and ICT in different ways each according to their perspective. This paper explores in detail the factors that shape education in the Arab world. It also attempts to shed light on relations between Arabs/Muslims and the West, considering how they have understood or misunderstood each other throughout the course of history. It is argued here that globalisation has been understood as Westernisation in the Arab/Islamic world due to a long history of mistrust and misunderstanding between the two. However, before undertaking this exploration, a brief summary of the historical background of Arabs I Muslims is provided.
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Books on the topic "Arab countries"

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Zaʼrour, George I. Universities in Arab countries. Washington, DC (1818 H St., NW, Washington 20433): Population and Human Resources Dept., World Bank, 1988.

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Guaaybess, Tourya. The Media in Arab Countries. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119579786.

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Aḥdab, ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd. Arbitration with the Arab countries. Deventer, The Netherlands: Kluwer Law and Taxation Publishers, 1990.

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1973-, El-Ahdab Jalal, ed. Arbitration with the Arab countries. 3rd ed. Alphen aan den Rijn: Kluwer Law International, 2011.

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Mahmoud, Allaya, ed. Food security in Arab countries. Amman, Jordan: Arab Thought Forum, 1986.

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Aḥdab, ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd. Arbitration with the Arab countries. 2nd ed. The Hague: Kluwer Law International, 1999.

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Islamic Research and Training Institute. Financial development in Arab countries. Jeddah, Saudi Arabia: Islamic Research and Training Institute, 2005.

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Boogaerde, Pierre van den. Financial assistance from Arab countries and Arab regional institutions. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund, 1991.

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Boogaerde, Pierre van den. Financial assistance from Arab countries and Arab regional institutions. Washington, DC: International Monetary Fund, 1991.

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Boogaerde, Pierre van den. Financial Assistance from Arab Countries and Arab Regional Institutions. Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781557751805.084.

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Book chapters on the topic "Arab countries"

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Shaban, Radwan A., and Shantayanan Devarajan. "Inequality in Arab Countries." In Inequality and Growth: Patterns and Policy, 195–211. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137554598_6.

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Abdelbaqy, Mohamed A. "Reproductive Health in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 1–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74365-3_1-1.

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Hussain, Hamid Yahya. "Spousal Violence in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 1–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74365-3_186-1.

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Hussain, Hamid Yahya, and Waleed Al Faisal. "School Health in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 1–13. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74365-3_34-1.

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Hussain, Hamid Yahya, and Waleed Hassan Al Faisal. "Health Policies in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74365-3_78-1.

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Brentjes, Sonja. "Arab Countries, Turkey, and Iran." In Writing the History of Mathematics: Its Historical Development, 317–28. Basel: Birkhäuser Basel, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-0348-7033-7_19.

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Abdelbaqy, Mohamed A. "Reproductive Health in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 3–40. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36811-1_1.

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Hussain, Hamid Yahya, and Waleed Al Faisal. "School Health in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 725–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36811-1_34.

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Hussain, Hamid Yahya, and Waleed Hassan Al Faisal. "Health Policies in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 1621–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36811-1_78.

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Hussain, Hamid Yahya. "Spousal Violence in Arab Countries." In Handbook of Healthcare in the Arab World, 257–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-36811-1_186.

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Conference papers on the topic "Arab countries"

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Guettaoui, Amel, and Ouafi Hadja. "Women’s participation in political life in the Arab states." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-93-105.

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The level of political representation of women in different legislative bodies around the world varies greatly. The women in the Arab world, is that as in other areas of the world, have throughout history experienced discrimination and have been subject to restriction of their freedoms and rights. Many of these practices and limitations are based on cultural and emanate from tradition and not from religion as many people supposed, these main constraints that create an obstacle towards women’s rights and liberties are reflected in the participation of women in political life. Although there are differences between the countries, the Arab region in general is noted for the low participation of women in politics. Universal suffrage has become common in most countries, but there are still some Arab women who are denied such rights. There have been many highly respected female leaders in Arab history, such as Shajar al-Durr (13th century) in Egypt, Queen Orpha (d. 1090) in Yemen. In the modern era there have also been examples of female leadership in Arab countries. However, in Arabic-speaking countries no woman has ever been head of state, although many Arabs remarked on the presence of women such as Jehan Al Sadat, the wife of Anwar El Sadat in Egypt, and Wassila Bourguiba, the wife of Habib Bourguiba in Tunisia, who have strongly influenced their husbands in their dealings with matters of state. Many Arab countries allow women to vote in national elections. The first female Member of Parliament in the Arab world was Rawya Ateya, who was elected in Egypt in 1957. Some countries granted the female franchise in their constitutions following independence, while some extended the franchise to women in later constitutional amendments.
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Mohamed, Bouchahdane, Bouzid Aissa, and Bouchareb Ilhem. "Electric network interconnection of Maghreb Arab countries." In 2011 10th International Conference on Environment and Electrical Engineering (EEEIC). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/eeeic.2011.5874800.

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Dyduck, Celia. "ECONOMIC COOPERATION OF RUSSIA WITH ARAB COUNTRIES." In 6th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2019v/1.1/s12.047.

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Alsaffar, Eanas, Lily Sun, and Mohamed Magdy Kabeil. "E-governments' Role Activation in Arab Countries." In 2009 International Conference on Information Management and Engineering. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icime.2009.27.

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Omran, Emad Attia Mohamed, and Michael Amponsah Odei. "CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT AND INNOVATION IN ARAB COUNTRIES." In 18th International Bata Conference for Ph.D. Students and Young Researchers. Tomas Bata University in Zlín, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.7441/dokbat.2022.30.

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Martin, Justin D., and Klaus Schoenbach. "Predictors of Blogging Activity in Six Arab Countries." In Qatar Foundation Annual Research Conference Proceedings. Hamad bin Khalifa University Press (HBKU Press), 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5339/qfarc.2016.sshapp6184.

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Jaradat, Yousef, Mohammad Masoud, Ismael Jannoud, Ahmad Manasrah, and Amer Zerek. "Popularity of Current Technology Trends in Arab Countries." In 2021 IEEE 1st International Maghreb Meeting of the Conference on Sciences and Techniques of Automatic Control and Computer Engineering MI-STA. IEEE, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mi-sta52233.2021.9464437.

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Yisen, Zhang. "CHINA-ARAB ENERGY COOPERATION: CONSTRUCT NEW ENERGY SILK ROAD." In – Social Science & Humanities Research Association International Conference, 07-08 May, Kuala Lumpur. Global Research & Development Services, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.20319/icssh.2024.300301.

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Arab countries are one of the most important energy supply bases in the world and a key area for China's ‘Belt and Road’" initiative(BRI). China and Arab countries have long been committed to enhancing energy cooperation. While the global energy transition is the background of China-Arab energy cooperation, the international situation in the region is still in flux, but there is a good political foundation for China-Arab energy cooperation. These are the basic conditions for China-Arab energy cooperation. Against the backdrop of energy transition and continuous changes in the international situation, China and Arab countries are working together to promote energy cooperation in terms of policy design, mechanism improvement, industry chain layout, human resource support and project implementation, combining the BRI and ‘a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind’, and the ‘China-Arab Community with a Shared Future’ in order to promote the building of a China-Arab community of energy cooperation. China-Arab cooperation in the oil and gas sector continues at a high level, while new energy sources are becoming the highlight of China-Arab energy cooperation, which is the ‘new’. In addition, despite frequent changes in the international situation, China and Arab countries have insisted on promoting a community-based approach to cooperation, which is a ‘new’ way of cooperation compared to the energy strategies of Western countries.
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Baycar, Hamdullah. "Creating a Nation through Heritage: Emiratization of the Coffee Pot (Dallah)." In Qatar University Annual Research Forum & Exhibition. Qatar University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.29117/quarfe.2020.0257.

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Coffee plays a significant role in today’s Arab culture, and it has long been considered one of the main aspects of Arab history, culture, heritage, and hospitality. It has even been recognized by UNESCO, which added Arabic coffee to its Intangible Cultural Heritage List following the application by several Gulf countries. This study explores the nation-building process of the United Arab Emirates (UAE) through its heritage, with specific reference to the coffee pot (dallah). The UAE forms its national identity (the Emirati identity) by deriving it from a broader identity (that is, being Arab) and defining it to a regional identity (Khaleeji). Moving from a regional to a national identity is intended to unite the seven emirates under one standard identity, but at the same time contain common characteristic features and solidarity with Khaleej and other Arabs. Slight differences to strengthen the desired national (Emirati) identity and differentiate the UAE from the neighbors will be enough in creating national heritage. This study examines how the UAE attempts to create its own heritage, one that is common among its seven emirates, to unite them under one identity. The coffee pot, however, has common features with other Arab and Khaleeji countries, as can be clearly seen from the map. Meanwhile, the process is still in progress, and to date, no consensus has been achieved.
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Samarkandy, Mohammad K. "Communication Satellite System for the Arab State Countries - Arabsat." In 1985 IEEE International Symposium on Electromagnetic Compatibility. IEEE, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/isemc.1985.7566941.

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Reports on the topic "Arab countries"

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Almorjan, Dr Abdulrazaq, Dr Kyounggon Kim, and Ms Norah Alilwit. NAUSS Ransomware Trends Report in Arab Countries 2020-2022. Naif University Press, January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.26735/orro4624.

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Threat actors, including infamous cybercrime groups and financially driven ransomware gangs, have focused on Arab countries› businesses and organizations as they grow and move toward digital transformation. In particular, ransomware is a very serious type of cyber-attack worldwide, and many organizations are severely affected by it. INTERPOL indicates that the ransomware gangs are targeting different regions such as Africa, Americas, Caribbean, Asia-Pacific, Europe, Middle East, and North Africa 1. The Center of Excellence in Cybercrime and Digital Forensics (CoECDF) at NAUSS has conducted a deep web search, collecting, analyzing, and classifying data on ransomware gangs targeting Arab countries and organizations from 2020 to 2022. We have collected the information of ransomware victims through the darknet and dark web, focusing on leaked information. This report focuses on the Arab countries, organizations, and sectors victimized by ransomware gangs and whose information has been leaked on the darknet. Moreover, it investigated ransomware gangs that carried out cyberattacks against Arab countries, and the tactics, techniques, and procedures (TTPs) they were using. The number of organizations that are attacked by ransomware gangs is increasing significantly. Some organizations pay ransom to ransomware gangs in order not to publish their information on the darknet. As a result of not paying the ransom demanded by the ransomware gangs, certain organizations and countries had their private and sensitive data leaked to the dark web. The purpose of this report is to help law enforcement agencies combat ransomware cyberattacks by providing them with insights into the evolving tactics of ransomware gangs. By understanding how these gangs operate, law enforcement agencies can better prepare to combat and respond to ransomware attacks.
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Sánchez García, José, Carles Feixa Pàmpols, and Sofia Laine. Contemporary Youth Research in Arab Mediterranean Countries: Mixing Qualitative and Quantitative Research. SAHWA Project, November 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/swcp.2014.cp.

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Martiningui, Ana. Towards brighter futures: Empowering youth in the Arab Mediterranean countries through Education for Employment initiatives. SAHWA Project, September 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/swhb.2016.hb.2.

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Martiningui, Ana. Towards brighter futures: Empowering youth in the Arab Mediterranean countries through Education for Employment initiatives. SAHWA Project, September 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.24241/swhb.2016.hb.2.2.

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Webair, Hana Hasan, Tengku Alina Tengku Ismail, and Shaiful Bahari Ismail. Health seeking behaviour among patients suffering from infertility in the Arab countries; a scoping review protocol. INPLASY - International Platform of Registered Systematic Review and Meta-analysis Protocols, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37766/inplasy2022.3.0034.

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Review question / Objective: To identify how much and what is already known about health-seeking behavior (HSB) among the Arab patients who experienced infertility. Our purpose is to map and describe the studies that have been done and what they assessed concerning HSB among patients who experienced infertility. This includes the studies which address the factors affecting HSB. This review is conducted to display gaps in HSB literature and to inform a systematic review in the Arab countries. Condition being studied: The review will study research articles which addressed the HSB among couples, men, or women suffering from infertility. We adopted the definition of HSB by Ward et al. (1997) which is the actions undertaken by the patients who perceive themselves as infertile for the purpose to conceive and get children (Ward, Mertens, & Thomas, 1997). This could be any action ranged from neglect to seeking advanced infertility care. We will study the operational definition of HSB in each study, HSB model, rate of seeking medical care and type of care sought, other sources of help sought, and factors influencing HSB. In addition, we will describe how HSB was studied by defining the characteristics of the retrieved studies including design, setting, participants, and sample size, and infertility operational definition.
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Matar, Walid, and Doaa Filali. Alternative Fuels for Saudi Cement Manufacturing with Time-varying Carbon Pricing. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, January 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2022-dp12.

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After cement production in Saudi Arabia surged in the first half of the 2010s due to the country’s rapid economic development, it has slowed measurably in recent years as economic growth has declined. This is shown in Figure 1, along with the evolution of the Kingdom’s real gross domestic income (RGDI). Still, it ranks among the top 10 countries for existing cement kiln capacity. The Saudi cement industry has relied on Arab Heavy crude oil, heavy fuel oil (HFO), and natural gas to produce clinker, a key cement ingredient.
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Luomi, Mari, Thamir Alshehri, and Fatih Yilmaz. The Gulf Cooperation Council and the Circular Carbon Economy: Progress and Potential. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2022-dp06.

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Over the past year, all six Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have updated their medium-term greenhouse gas (GHG) emission targets by submitting revised nationally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris Agreement. Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Saudi Aramco have also announced net-zero emission targets. Work is now beginning to develop more detailed roadmaps and implementation plans, some elements of which are already laid out in the updated NDCs.
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Millán-Narotzky, Lucas, Javier García-Bernado, Maïmouna Diakité, and Markus Meinzer. Tax Treaty Aggressiveness: Who is Undermining Taxing Rights in Africa? Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2021.015.

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Tax avoidance strategies by multinational companies rely heavily on tax treaties. Multinational companies can relocate financial activities across countries to ensure the applicability of the most beneficial tax treaties. This ‘treaty shopping’ can be particularly harmful to African countries, impairing their efforts for domestic resource mobilisation and achieving sustainable development goals. In this paper, we analyse the aggressiveness of tax treaties towards African countries – the extent to which signing tax treaties reduces the taxing rights of African governments. We find that treaties signed with France, Mauritius and the United Arab Emirates reduce withholding tax rates the most, while treaties signed with European countries – and, in particular, the United Kingdom and France – greatly limit other taxing rights, for example, by restricting the scope of permanent establishment definition.
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Baluga, Anthony, and Bruno Carrasco. The Role of Geography in Shaping Governance Performance. Asian Development Bank, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps200378.

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This paper demonstrates that good governance in one country can influence governance improvements in neighboring countries and highlights that regional political and economic cooperation can benefit institutional development across borders. Governance has a spatial dimension due to spillovers and resource flows across juridical boundaries. This paper finds that governance in a given country—manifested most clearly through voice and accountability—exhibits a positive relationship with those in neighboring countries. Feedback mechanisms are traced in that any change in the income level of a country can affect its governance performance and also impact the governance scores of neighboring countries. This phenomenon is observed in the “Arab Spring,” “Me Too,” and “Black Lives Matter” cross-border movements
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Abdulrahim, Sawsan, Zeinab Cherri, May Adra, and Fahed Hassan. Beyond Kafala: Employer roles in growing vulnerabilities of women migrant domestic workers. Centre for Excellence and Development Impact and Learning (CEDIL), February 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51744/ceb7.

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Women migrant domestic workers (WMDWs) constitute 7.7 percent of migrant workers worldwide, of whom more than a quarter live and work in the Arab region. In Lebanon, as in other Arab countries, WMDWs are recruited through the sponsorship system, Kafala. Under this system, a potential migrant worker can only obtain legal residency and a work permit in the country of destination if she is sponsored by a specific employer. Once in the destination country, the worker cannot transfer to a new employer unless granted permission by the original sponsor. The system heightens the social, economic, and legal vulnerability of WMDWs and has been described as unfree or bound labor and a system of racialized servitude. Yet, Kafala is not a written policy but rather a collection of administrative procedures, customary practices, and socially acceptable norms that are maintained by various players throughout the migration process. The question then arises as to whether advocacy efforts that focus on abolishing Kafala as a legal term would mitigate employers’ exploitative practices that violate the workers’ rights and freedoms, particularly in a country like Lebanon. This policy brief is based on a study carried out under the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) Work in Freedom project designed to mitigate the exploitation and forced labor of women migrating from South to West Asia to work in the domestic and garment sectors. This brief explores knowledge, awareness and attitudes to Kafala by employers in Lebanon.
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