Relevant bibliographies by topics / April revolution, 1960

Academic literature on the topic 'April revolution, 1960'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 27 July 2024
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "April revolution, 1960"

1

Degaut, Marcos. "Out of the Barracks: The Role of the Military in Democratic Revolutions." Armed Forces & Society 45, no. 1 (June 22, 2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17708194.

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Why some democratic revolutions succeed while others fail? The scholarly community has sought to address this issue from various perspectives, from rational choice approaches to collective action theories. Too little attention, however, has been paid to analyzing the role of the military. By discussing the different types of interactions played by the military in five cases of successful democratic revolutions—the 1910 Portuguese Republican Revolution, the 1958 Venezuelan Revolution, the 1960 April Revolution in South Korea, the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the 2000 Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia—and three cases of failed revolutions, the 1905 bourgeois-liberal revolution in Russia, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in China, and the 2016 Turkey’s coup attempt, this study finds out that the key factor in determining their outcome is the army’s response and that the military backing is a necessary condition for a democratic revolution to succeed.
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Lee, Chang-hyun. "Aspects and Characteristics of Press Reports on the Korean War-era Massacres after April Revolution." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 88 (November 30, 2023): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.88.225.

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This study shows how the press, after the April Revolution(1960), reported the massacres that had been occurred before/after the Korean War(1950-1953) and explains its characteristics. For these purposes, newspaper articles from the central/the local were analyzed as main materials and their perspectives were grasped from the editorials. The press covered the stories of the massacres from recording the testimony of the bereaved(victims) and revealed more such cases in various places. From mid-May to early June 1960, these articles were plastered on the pages of major daily newspapers. Thus, massacres emerged as a political and social issue after the April Revolution. The press produced a variety of discourse analyzing them. On the premise of their illegality, the media made legitimate claims such as finding truth, punishing the perpetrators, and compensating the victims. The press also specifically explored these alternatives.
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김나현. "Revolution and Commemoration －the ‘April 19’ Memorial Poems of 1960－." 사이間SAI ll, no. 16 (May 2014): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30760/inakos.2014..16.007.

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Yeo, Tae-chon. "Immortal standard-bearer(1960) and the vicinity of the April Revolution." Literary Criticism 81 (September 30, 2021): 127–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31313/lc.2021.09.81.127.

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Burston, Daniel Raphael. "‘Our imperiled age’: an unfinished dialogue between Carl Jung and Karl Stern." International Journal of Jungian Studies 6, no. 3 (September 2, 2014): 180–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19409052.2014.923779.

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Karl Stern was a Catholic psychiatrist in Montreal who published extensively on psychoanalysis and religion from 1951 to 1965. He sent a copy of his second book, The Third Revolution (1954) to Jung, who responded warmly in a (hitherto unpublished) letter dated 30 April 1960. The paper ponders the similarities and differences between Stern and Jung's approach to the psychology of religion, and the impact that Jung's belated response to Stern's book might have had on Stern subsequently.
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Kief, I. Jonathan. "In the Southern Half of Our Republic: Cross-Border Writing and Performance in 1960s North Korea." Journal of Asian Studies 81, no. 1 (February 2022): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821001509.

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AbstractThis article offers a revisionist perspective on the relationship between 1960s North and South Korean literature by showing how writers in the North engaged with and creatively rewrote works from the South. Contextualizing such practices within a longer history of cross-border reading in the North, the article highlights how North Korean poetry and drama from the immediate aftermath of South Korea's April Revolution of 1960 took up South Korean literature's image of the volcano and reimagined it as a symbol of North-South dialogue. The article then turns to Kim Myŏngsu's Mother of the South (1965), showing how the play rewrites the South Korean novelist An Tongnim's short story “Hope” (1963) in such a way as to engineer a convergence with a line of literary representations then being produced in the North about its own colonial-era “revolutionary heritage.” Finally, the article suggests that this convergence ended up reshaping such visions of North Korea's own revolutionary past and the figure of the militant mother that emerged within them.
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SHIN, Changhoon. "The April Revolution and the Sense of Place in Medical Space: Focusing on Major Hospitals in Downtown Seoul." Korean Journal of Medical History 33, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103.

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This article focuses on the medical activities conducted by major hospitals in downtown Seoul during the April Revolution in 1960, examining their experiential context and significance. The influx of guns and bullets into Korean society following the liberation in 1945 intertwined with the political and social conflicts of the period, resulting in numerous assassinations, crimes, and terrorism. Gunshot wounds were traumas that became a part of the everyday life of Koreans, as well as scars which reflected their historical contexts.</br>At the same time, the frequent occurrence of gunshot wounds led to the development of medical capacities to treat them. The Korean surgical academia expanded its technical foundation with experiences during and after the Korean War. This progress was particularly noticeable in areas closely related to gunshot wounds, such as craniotomy, thoracotomy, vascular anastomosis, debridement, anesthesia, and blood transfusion. Major hospitals in downtown Seoul served as medical spaces where these experimental and technical foundations were concentrated, allowing them to minimize the death toll despite the massive gunfire by the National Police in April 1960. Thus, the aftermath of the epidemic of gunshots resulted in a rather paradoxical outcome.</br>This development became a resource for doctors and nurses, who added their revolutionary implications in reconstructing the experience of April 1960 in their various memoirs and reports. While memoirs reorganized general medical activities, portraying injured patients as participants in the revolution, reports provided forensic descriptions and interpretations of the deaths, giving authority to the main narrative of the revolution. As the interpretations and significance based on historical contexts gained prominence, major hospitals in downtown Seoul also developed a sense of place closely associated with the revolution.
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Yeo, Tae-chon. "A Study on the April Revolution Commemorative poetry collection ‘Spilled Blood Forever(ppulin pineun yeongwonhi)’ (1960)." Society Of Korean Language And Literature 73 (May 30, 2022): 133–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15711/wr.73.0.5.

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Wan Bom Lee. "Local Anti-Government Movements in the Early Spring of 1960: Preludes to the April Revolution of Korea." Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 34, no. 2 (February 2013): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.34.2.201302.37.

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Lee, Giljung. "The Establishment and Operation of the Office of Public Information(1955-1960) of Syngman Rhee Government." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 83 (August 31, 2022): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2022.83.143.

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This research focuses on the establishment and operation of the Office of Public Information (OPI) of the Syngman Rhee government. The Syngman Rhee government rigorously used the OPI to rationalize the dictatorship and to suppress the opposition party and the press critical of the government. Beyond its original task scope of public information affairs, the OPI played a crucial role in supporting the Syngman Rhee dictatorship system in various dimensions. The OPI politically repressed the Progressive Party by canceling their registration, for instance, and forcefully closed down Kyunghyang Shinmun, the press. The Syngman Rhee government's unilateral and despotic operation of the OPI caused serious concerns and criticism. The OPI mobilized all means to dispel antipathy and maintain Syngman Rhee's dictatorship, but could not overcome the anger of the public causing the April 19 Revolution in 1960. With the collapse of the Syngman Rhee government, the OPI was also disbanded, and the Democratic Party, which came to power after that, greatly reduced the size and role of the organization in charge of public information affairs.
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Books on the topic "April revolution, 1960"

1

Yang, Sŏng-ch'ŏl. Revolution and change: A comparative study of the April Student Revolution of 1960 and the May Military Coup d'état of 1961 in Korea. Seoul, Korea: Korea University Press, 2015.

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T'ak, Yŏng-ho. Ch'immuk ŭi pom, hŭimang ŭi pom, hyŏngmyŏng ŭi pom. Sŏul-si: Hyumŏnisŭt'ŭ, 2016.

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Kim, Mi-hyang. Chŏnjaeng sŏsa ŭi munhakchŏk chŭngŏn. Kyŏnggi-do P'aju-si: Pogosa, 2019.

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Symposium, Drake University Constitutional Law Resource Center. Liberty and security: A contemporary perspective on the "criminal justice revolution" of the 1960s : proceedings of the Third Annual Symposium of the Constitutional Law Resource Center, Drake University Law School, Des Moines, Iowa, April 4, 1992. [Des Moines]: The Center, 1992.

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4.19 hyŏngmyŏngsa. [Seoul]: 50-chunyŏn 4.19 Hyŏngmyŏng Kinyŏm Saŏphoe, 2011.

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Koemul i toen kwŏllyŏk: 4.19 Hyŏngmyŏng kwa minjujuŭi ŭi oech'im. Kyŏnggi-do Koyang-si: Chisik Konggam, 2015.

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4.19 hyŏngmyŏng san chŭngindŭl. Sŏul: 4.19 Hyŏngmyŏng Yŏn'guso (Tonggugin Moim), 2001.

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4-wŏl Hyŏngmyŏng kwa Han'guk ŭi minjujuŭi. Sŏul-si: 4.19 Hyŏngmyŏng Kungmin Munhwaje Wiwŏnhoe, Kangbuk Kuch'ŏng, 2015.

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Han'guk ŭi 4-wŏl hyŏngmyŏng. Sŏul-si: Haemaji Midiŏ, 2014.

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Hong Yŏng-yu ka ssŭgo yŏkkŭn 4-wŏl hyŏngmyŏng t'ongsa. Taehan Min'guk Sŏul: Ch'ŏnji Ch'angjo, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "April revolution, 1960"

1

Kim, Charles R. "Introduction." In Youth for Nation. University of Hawai'i Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.21313/hawaii/9780824855949.003.0001.

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After the Korean War, wholesome modernization and the student vanguard were central to South Korea’s postcolonial discourse on how (South) Koreans should move beyond the colonial era and the postwar crisis. Built upon pre-1945 nationalist discourse, this gendered pair of discursive schemas was specifically geared to producing female and male youth protagonists for the collective enterprise of nation building and development. This book explores the postwar dissemination of the wholesome and vanguard schemas and documents their usages in the landmark of the April 19th Revolution (1960) and the earliest phases of Park Chung Hee’s rule (1961-1979). The two schemas remained influential in national politics and society up through the 1980s. The introduction also discusses South Korea’s place in the global sixties.
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"Chapter One. Prelude: April 9, 1930." In Mayakovsky: A Poet in the Revolution, 12–26. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400867547-004.

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Skidmore, Thomas E. "The Origins of the 1964 Revolution." In The Politics of Military Rule In Brazil, 1964–85, 3–17. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195063165.003.0001.

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Abstract It was an early April 1 morning in Rio de Janeiro. Brazilian President Joao Goulart had spent the previous night at Palacio’ Laranjeiras, the Rio presidential residence. His trip to Rio had come at a critical time in 1964. His advisers warned that dissident army units from the inland state of Minas Gerais were marching on Rio to overthrow his government. A few die-hard advisers tried to convince Goulart that the military were loyal and would soon take this rebel faction into custody.
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"3. Fighting the Revolution, April-August 1906." In P. A. Stolypin, 97–149. Stanford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503619012-006.

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Simpson, Thula. "Negotiated Revolution in South Africa: 1990–1994." In Bullets to Ballots, 238–64. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474467117.003.0011.

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This chapter follows the course of the subsequent negotiations between the ANC, the MK and the South African government from the initial attempts at peace-making to the initiation of constitutional negotiations that enabled the non-racial multi-party elections in April 1994, which swept the ANC to power. The chapter attempts to understand the macro-conditions within the transformation towards non-violence had occurred.
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"V. Defender of the Revolution (April-June 1964)." In Carlos Lacerda, Brazilian Crusader, 225–62. University of Texas Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.7560/715813-006.

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Rosen, Stanley. "The Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou: The Initial Division Into Factions (June 1966-April 1967)." In Red Guard Factionalism and the Cultural Revolution in Guangzhou (Canton), 101–46. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429304019-6.

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Berridge, Willow, Justin Lynch, Raga Makawi, and Alex de Waal. "More than History Repeating Itself." In Sudan's Unfinished Democracy, 149–96. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197657546.003.0005.

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Abstract This chapter puts today's uprising and transition in historical perspective, comparing its dynamics to those of the 1964 October Revolution and 1985 April Intifada. It identifies a core set of actors within the military and urban elites that have charted the course of a “conservative transition” in 1964, 1985, and 2018–2020. At the same time, it highlights several factors that may explain why the events of today are taking a different path to those of 1964 and 1985. Notably, these include the potential eclipse of Islamist politics, the shifting relationship between center and periphery, and the increasing significance of women's revolutionary roles.
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"VIII." In The Struggle of My Life, translated by Ramchandra Pradhan, 281–354. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199480364.003.0008.

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This deals with one of the most memorable parts of Sahajanand’s life story. With the formation of the All India Kisan Sabha in 1936, Sahajanand emerged as the topmost peasant leader, and in the process he made a serious attempt to build the Kisan Sabha as an independent and militant organization. With the formation of the Congress Ministry in 1937 and their anti-peasant policy, he held many demonstrations against the Bihar Government. He led the Anti-Compromise Conference in 1940 with the support of Subhas Chandra Bose. In the process, he also tried to work out the consolidation of the left, but to no avail. All this led to his imprisonment in April 1940. He was released from jail in March 1942. Towards the end, Sahajanand makes it clear that he stands for social, political, and economic revolution.
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O’Halpin, Eunan, and Daithí Ó Corráin. "Introduction by Eunan O’halpin." In The Dead of the Irish Revolution, 1–24. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300123821.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of how many people died as a consequence of Irish political violence between April of 1916 and December 31, 1921. While some of those who died during the Irish Revolution are well known, most are not even recalled in historical footnotes. This book identifies their backgrounds, why they died and who was directly responsible for their deaths. It focuses solely on fatalities in a conflict which involved four main sets of protagonists — civilians, rebels collectively termed 'Irish military', police, and the British army — but other forces were also involved in nine-county Ulster, where some of the violence was attributable to the partisan Ulster Special Constabulary (USC) formed in November of 1920, to loyalist paramilitaries and civilians, and to nationalists who were not republicans. What most distinguishes 1916 from later years are the high proportion of civilian casualties and, within that category, of female deaths; the absence of any sectarian element in killings; and the absence of targeted killings — other than by execution following courts martial of the leaders of the rebellion — by either Crown forces or the rebels. What also distinguishes 1916 from 1919–21 is the absence of Ulster loyalist action against the Catholic minority during and after the Rising, in contrast to the considerable violence from 1920 onwards of which the Catholic civilian population were the main targets and the community which lost most people.
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Conference papers on the topic "April revolution, 1960"

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YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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