To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Apartheid system.
Journal articles on the topic 'Apartheid system'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Apartheid system.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Havemann, Roy. "The Exchange Control System under Apartheid." Economic History of Developing Regions 29, no. 2 (July 3, 2014): 268–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20780389.2014.955276.
Full text
2
Suárez-Krabbe, Julia, and Annika Lindberg. "Enforcing Apartheid?" Migration and Society 2, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 90–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2019.020109.
Full textAbstract:
Across Northern European states, we can observe a proliferation of “hostile environments” targeting racialized groups. This article zooms in on Denmark and discusses recent policy initiatives that are explicitly aimed at excluding, criminalizing, and inflicting harm on migrants and internal “others” by making their lives “intolerable.” We use the example of Danish deportation centers to illustrate how structural racism is institutionalized and implemented, and then discuss the centers in relation to other recent policy initiatives targeting racialized groups. We propose that these policies must be analyzed as complementary bordering practices: externally, as exemplified by deportation centers, and internally, as reflected in the development of parallel legal regimes for racialized groups. We argue that, taken together, they enact and sustain a system of apartheid.
3
Terreblanche, S. J. "The Post-Apartheid Economy." Issue 18, no. 2 (1990): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501085.
Full textAbstract:
The nature of the post-apartheid society is very much on the agenda. In the multitude of publications, conferences and debates on this agenda, the bulk of the attention is given to the need for—and the possible characteristics of—a non-racial political system. Much less attention is given to the nature of the post-apartheid economic system, and to the structural changes necessary to synchronize it with the new political system and to ensure that it will have the fiscal capacity to sustain a truly democratic parliamentary system.
4
Terreblanche, S. J. "The Post-Apartheid Economy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 18, no. 2 (1990): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500003863.
Full textAbstract:
The nature of the post-apartheid society is very much on the agenda. In the multitude of publications, conferences and debates on this agenda, the bulk of the attention is given to the need for—and the possible characteristics of—a non-racial political system. Much less attention is given to the nature of the post-apartheid economic system, and to the structural changes necessary to synchronize it with the new political system and to ensure that it will have the fiscal capacity to sustain a truly democratic parliamentary system.
5
Konanani Happy Raligilia. "Beyond Foot-Dragging: A Reflection on the Reluctance of South Africa’s National Prosecution Authority to Prosecute Apartheid Crimes in Post-Transitional Justice." Obiter 41, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i1.10548.
Full textAbstract:
To this day, apartheid is still regarded as one of the most heinous crimes to have affected humankind. The brutality of the apartheid system and its impact not only left devastating effects in the minds of the black majority who were affected by the system, but also drew international attention. This prompted the United Nations Security Council to pass drastic resolutions to try and end the apartheid system. It is important to highlight that apartheid crime was committed at the behest of the-then National Party government at the expense of the black majority. The attainment of democratic rule in 1994 also saw the emergence of the need for transitional justice. However, after 25 years of foot-dragging, the National Prosecution Authority in South Africa has still not been fully committed to prosecute apartheid atrocities. This article examines the crime of apartheid and the impact of the transitional justice process in South Africa. The article further reflects on the National Prosecution Authority’s reluctance to prosecute crimes of apartheid and examines the final report of the People’s Tribunal on Economic Crimes in South Africa.
6
Alexander, Peter, and Anita Chan. "Does China have an apartheid pass system?" Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 30, no. 4 (July 2004): 609–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830410001699487.
Full text
7
Kokobili, Alexander. "An Insight on Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s Struggle Against Apartheid in South Africa." Kairos 13, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k.13.1.5.
Full textAbstract:
This article focuses of Archbishop Desmond Tutu’s role against the apartheid system of racism and socio-political inequality in the Republic of South Africa. Tutu often denounced apartheid in his speeches and public advocacy promoting equality, reconciliation, and peaceful coexistence of all South Africans. The ideology of apartheid robbed the black race in South Africa of their human dignity which contradicts the Holy Bible which states, “So God created man in His own image; in the image of God He created him; male and female He created them” (Genesis 1:27). Despite this, the white National Party of South Africa in 1948 legitimized apartheid as a political system and gained support from the Dutch Reformed Church despite its anti-Christian ethics. Apartheid was adopted to place the white minority in the upper class, while the black majority was left with fewer rights and fewer privileges in South Africa. Desmond Tutu was one of the few Christian leaders in Africa who championed the course for black theology in the demolition of apartheid in South Africa. Tutu’s attitude during the apartheid struggle was not by violent protest or riots but rather through his sermons and public participation in activities clamoring for national unity, love, and equality of all South Africans.
8
Brauns, Melody, and Anne Stanton. "Governance of the public health sector during Apartheid: The case of South Africa." Journal of Governance and Regulation 5, no. 1 (2016): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/jgr_v5_i1_p3.
Full textAbstract:
The healthcare system that the African National Congress (ANC) government inherited in 1994 can hardly be described as functional. Indeed the new government had inherited a combination of deliberate official policy, discriminatory legislation and at times blatant neglect. This paper presents an overview of the evolution of the healthcare system in South Africa. The structures set up under apartheid had implications for provision of public healthcare to South Africans and reveals how governance structures, systems and processes set up during apartheid had implications for the provision of public healthcare to South Africans.
9
Allo, Awol K. "The Courtroom as a Site of Epistemic Resistance: Mandela at Rivonia." Law, Culture and the Humanities 16, no. 1 (April 21, 2016): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743872116643274.
Full textAbstract:
The 1963–64 trial of Nelson Mandela and other leading members of the liberation movement was a political trial par excellence. In the courtroom, the Apartheid government was trying the accused for the crime of sabotage but in the court of public opinion, it was using the event of the trial to produce images and ideas aimed at slandering and discrediting the African National Congress (ANC) and the movement for a free and democratic South Africa. The defendants, on their part, used their trial to denounce the racist policies of Apartheid and to outline their vision of a post-Apartheid society. In this article, I want to read Nelson Mandela’s counter-historical mobilization of lived experiences and memories of Africans – the scars, chains, the rage and Apartheid’s unlivable juridical bind – as an act of epistemic resistance that re-opened epistemic battles and effected epistemic renegotiations. By submitting himself to the very law he denounces, strategically positioning himself at law’s aporetic sites and moments – those most fragile frontiers that are so heavily policed from transformative interventions – he bears witness to Apartheid’s rotten foundation. Drawing on modes of critique that are performative and genealogical, those that are possible within law’s frameworks and categories, Mandela both obeys and defies the law, uses and critiques it, resists and claims authority, at the very site he is called to account for charges of sabotage. The article will show, how, by attending to contradictions, discursive dynamics, and points of tension, Mandela the accused creates conditions of possibility for forms of critique that register without being co-opted or domesticated by the discourse and the system it resists.
10
Vale, Peter. "Revealing All? The Troubled Times of South Africa’s Diplomacy." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 7, no. 3 (2012): 337–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187119112x642953.
Full textAbstract:
Summary This article reviews a trilogy of memoirs written by diplomats who served South Africa’s apartheid government. It explores the ‘communication’ versus ‘representative’ function of diplomacy and sets this in the context of a pariah state, as apartheid South Africa once was. It suggests that all diplomats who served under apartheid were complicit in that system. The article also looks towards the role that the idea of the international setting played in the formation of a southern African state system. This is viewed again the backdrop of Britain’s fading empire. This explains how South African diplomacy was cast in the imperial mode. The porousness of southern Africa’s borders is used to explain how diplomacy was used to reproduce states.
11
Alhadeff, Vic. "Journalism during South Africa's apartheid regime." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5924.
Full textAbstract:
Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town’s daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely’ imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promoting the aims of a banned organisation. As chief sub-editor, I had to navigate this minefield. In addition, most English-language newspapers were anti-apartheid and had a resident police spy on staff (one of our senior journalists); on a number of occasions I would receive a call from the Magistrate’s Office after the newspaper had gone to print at midnight, putting an injunction on a story. We would have to call back the trucks and dump the 100,000 copies of the newspaper and reprint. The challenge was to inform readers as what was happening and to speak out against apartheid – without breaking the law.
South Africa had its own Watergate equivalent. The apartheid government understood that English speakers generally were anti-apartheid, so it siphoned 64 million rands from the Defence budget and set up the Information Department. The aim was to purchase media outlets overseas which would be pro-apartheid, and it set up an English-language newspaper in South Africa, to be pro-apartheid. It was called The Citizen – and I was offered a job as deputy editor at double my salary, plus an Audi. (I declined the offer, for the record). Two journalists uncovered the scandal, and brought down the Prime Minister.
12
Regan, Bernard. "The State of Israel and the Apartheid Regime of South Africa in Comparative Perspective." Holy Land Studies 7, no. 2 (November 2008): 201–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e147494750800022x.
Full textAbstract:
With increasing frequency comparisons are being drawn between the situation of the Palestinian people both in the Occupied Territories and inside Israel with the system of Apartheid imposed on the indigenous peoples of South Africa by the Nationalist Government in 1948. The object of this essay is to explore the analogy and test its merits and shortcomings. The essay explores the legal structure of the Apartheid system and compares it to that of the state of Israel and the legal framework under which Palestinians live in the occupied territories. It concludes that whilst the term Apartheid might seem attractive and adequate for descriptive purposes rendering the plight of the Palestinians more familiar ultimately there is a gap between the appearance and reality of the two experiences.
13
Gumede, Vusi, and Mduduzi Biyase. "Educational reforms and curriculum transformation in post-apartheid South Africa." Environmental Economics 7, no. 2 (June 3, 2016): 69–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ee.07(2).2016.7.
Full textAbstract:
Educational reforms and curriculum transformation have been a priority in South Africa since the establishment of the Government of National Unity in 1994. Education is critical in redressing the injustices of apartheid colonialism which created an inequitable and fragmented education system. Factors such as school access, governance, curriculum, teacher deployment and financial resources have also gone through the education policy mill. While relatively impressive progress is observed regarding legislative interventions, policy development, curriculum reform and the implementation of new ways of delivering education, many challenges remain. Key among the challenges relates to the quality of education, twenty two years since the dawn of democracy. To contribute to the debate on educational reforms and pertaining to the quality of education, the paper discusses the various curriculum reforms of South Africa’s education sector and provides a brief evaluation of the trends in policies affecting equity and quality in the South African education environment. The paper finds that the quality of education is critical for many reasons
14
Sachs, Albie. "Towards A Bill of Rights for a Democratic South Africa." Journal of African Law 35, no. 1-2 (1991): 21–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008342.
Full textAbstract:
All revolutions are impossible until they happen; then they become inevitable. South Africa has for long been trembling between the impossible and the inevitable, and it is in this singularly unstable situation that the question of human rights and the basics of government in post-apartheid society demands attention.No longer is it necessary to spend much time analysing schemes to modernize, reform liberalize, privatize, or even democratize apartheid. Like slavery and colonialism, apartheid is regarded as irremediably bad. There cannot be good apartheid, or degrees of acceptable apartheid. The only questions are how to end the system as rapidly as possible and how to ensure that the new society which replaces it lives up to the ideals of the South African people and the world community. More specifically, at the constitutional level, the issue is no longer whether to have democracy and equal rights, but how fully to achieve these principles and how to ensure that within the overall democratic scheme, the cultural diversity of the country is accommodated and the individual rights of citizens respected.
15
Ellmann, Stephen. "Law in and Legitimacy South Africa." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 02 (1995): 407–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb01068.x.
Full textAbstract:
This mticle examines whether anti-apartheid lawyering might have legitimized the South Afncan legal system by asking what black South Ahcans actually thought of that system. Perhaps surprisingly, blrcks, and in particular African, appear to have accorded the legal system a measure of legitimacy despite the oppression they often suffered at its hands. Three paradigms of African opinion are offered to help us understand the complex African response to the legal system: the conservatives, forbearing, mutely concerned with such issues as order and security, and perhaps disposed to be deferential to institutions of white authority; the speakers, fueled by faith in the truth or power of their speech, and welcoming the opportunity to be heard that courts could povide; and the activists, adamantly detennined to bnng down apartheid, and judgrng institutions and people by their conhibution to that goal. For men and women thinking in these ways, anti-apartheid lawyering probably did contribute to legitimizing the legal system and that system's ideals. But this partial legitimation of the legal system is, in the end, no came for regret; instead, it may have helped the new South Africa begin building a nation governed by law.
16
Ehrenreich-Risner, Veronica Nosipho. "The Bantu Authorities System: Removals in Mthunzini District during Apartheid." Journal of Southern African Studies 44, no. 1 (November 28, 2017): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1405641.
Full text
17
DAVIES, JOHN. "The State and the South African University System under Apartheid." Comparative Education 32, no. 3 (November 1996): 319–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050069628740.
Full text
18
Nord, Catharina. "Healthcare and Warfare. Medical Space, Mission and Apartheid in Twentieth Century Northern Namibia." Medical History 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 422–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.31.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn the year 1966, the first government hospital, Oshakati hospital, was inaugurated in northern South-West Africa. It was constructed by the apartheid regime of South Africa which was occupying the territory. Prior to this inauguration, Finnish missionaries had, for 65 years, provided healthcare to the indigenous people in a number of healthcare facilities of which Onandjokwe hospital was the most important. This article discusses these two agents’ ideological standpoints. The same year, the war between the South-West African guerrillas and the South African state started, and continued up to 1988. The two hospitals became involved in the war; Oshakati hospital as a part of the South African war machinery, and Onandjokwe hospital as a ‘terrorist hospital’ in the eyes of the South Africans. The missionary Onandjokwe hospital was linked to the Lutheran church in South-West Africa, which became one of the main critics of the apartheid system early in the liberation war. Warfare and healthcare became intertwined with apartheid policies and aggression, materialised by healthcare provision based on strategic rationales rather than the people’s healthcare needs. When the Namibian state took over a ruined healthcare system in 1990, the two hospitals were hubs in a healthcare landscape shaped by missionary ambitions, war and apartheid logic.
19
Tikhomirov, V. I. "South Africa: Is a Political Settlement Possible?" Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 12–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700500778.
Full textAbstract:
Modification of the system of apartheid which started in the late 1970s initially in “pure economic” fields gradually led to the necessity of revising the very foundations of the political structure in the RSA. The reforms provided fresh impetus for the democratic movement in the country and, in the final analysis, it did not slow down, but, on the contrary, stepped up the decay of the system of apartheid. Demarcation of the interests of social groups of the white population and the government’s attempts to reform apartheid brought about the irreversible phenomena of crisis in the camp of supporters of the regime. Many white leaders are facing a dilemma: either bend further efforts to preserve the material well-being of their community at the price of the policy which has no future either socially or politically, or try to reach a peaceful settlement of the conflict at the price of their privileged position.
20
Zunes, Stephen. "The role of non-violent action in the downfall of apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 37, no. 1 (March 1999): 137–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x99002967.
Full textAbstract:
Against enormous odds, non-violent action proved to be a major factor in the downfall of apartheid in South Africa, and the establishment of a democratic black majority government, despite predictions that the transition could come only through a violent revolutionary cataclysm. This was largely the result of conditions working against a successful armed overthrow of the system, combined with the ability of the anti-apartheid opposition to take advantage of the system's economic dependence on a cooperative black labour force. This article traces the history of nonviolent resistance to apartheid, its initial failures, and the return in the 1980s to a largely non-violent strategy which, together with international sanctions, forced the government to negotiate a peaceful transfer to majority rule.
21
Callebert, Ralph. "Rethinking the Underclass: Future Directions in Southern African Labor History." International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 136–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547912000440.
Full textAbstract:
Southern and South African labor history has, at least since the 1970s, been as much about the future of the region as about its past. Liberal scholars saw in apartheid and segregation irrational aberrations to the color-blind logic of capitalism. They believed the apartheid state to be an instrument of racial dominance but saw it as more or less neutral in terms of class relations. Economic growth and the abolishment of racial laws would bring freedom and equality—or at least equal opportunities. On the other hand, radical historians and sociologists thought of apartheid as a system that guaranteed the exploitation of cheap black labor for the benefit of capital. For them, apartheid was functional to capitalism.2 While both the liberal and the radical positions were often more nuanced than the other side would admit, the question that divided these two camps was one about politics and strategy: Would capitalist development bring an end to racial domination, or was it part of the problem? In the latter case, challenging apartheid and colonialism would also involve challenging capitalism. The vibrancy of these debates should continue to serve as an inspiration for labor historians. I will argue that for the Left to be able to formulate viable alternatives to present policies, we should look at the history and nature of labor and inequality in the region.
22
Al-Rimmawi, Hussein. "Spatial Changes in Palestine: from Colonial Project to an Apartheid System." African and Asian Studies 8, no. 4 (2009): 375–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920909x12525685704446.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This paper addresses the socio-spatial impact of the Zionists' colonial project in Palestine, including the replacement of the indigenous Palestinian people by Jewish immigrants. At present, the Palestinians, displaced or living in the remaining part of Palestinian lands number approximately ten million. The continuous Israeli occupation has failed to bring stability or prosperity to either the region or the Israeli and Palestinian peoples. Projections indicate that demographic changes will transform the current situation into an apartheid system, where the majority Palestinians will be ruled by an Israeli minority. The objective of this paper is to suggest a just solution for the Palestinian-Israeli impasse in advocating the establishment a one-state solution, a proposition which appears to be gaining increasing support.
23
Barbosa Filho, Evandro Alves, and Ana Cristina de Souza Vieira. "ANALISANDO A TRANSIÇÃO DA ÁFRICA DO SUL À DEMOCRACIA: neoliberalismo, transformismo e restauração capitalista." Revista de Políticas Públicas 24, no. 1 (June 24, 2020): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v24n1p328-346.
Full textAbstract:
Desde 1994 a África do Sul pôs fim à sua estrutura oficial de segregação, baseada na ultra exploração da força de trabalho negra e na total segregação racial: o Apartheid. Embora esse sistema tenha acabado e o país seja governado pelo antigo movimento de libertação nacional, o African National Congress (ANC), as desigualdades sociais se aprofundaram. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os processos políticos que condicionaram a transição Sul-africana do Apartheid à democracia. A pesquisa tem natureza qualitativa e foi realizada por meio de revisão bibliográfica da sociologia crítica sulafricana, da análise de documentos oficiais e na análise crítica de discurso. O estudo identificou que a transição à democracia foi tutelada pela mais rica fração da burguesia sul-africana e viabilizada pelo ANC, que aderiu às ideologias neoliberais.Palavras-chave: Apartheid. África do Sul. Transição. Neoliberalismo.ANALYZING SOUTH AFRICA'S TRANSITION TO DEMOCRACY: neoliberalism, transformism and capitalist restorationAbstractSince 1994 South Africa has put an end to its official segregation structure, based on the overexploitation of the black workforce and total racial segregation: The Apartheid. Although this system is over and the country is ruled by the former national liberation movement, the African National Congress (ANC), social inequalities have deepened. This paper aims to analyze the political processes that conditioned the South African transition from Apartheid to democracy. The research has a qualitative approach and It was conducted through a bibliographical review of South African critical sociology, analysis ofofficial documents and critical discourse analysis. The study found that the transition to democracy was led by the wealthiest fraction of the South African bourgeoisie and made possible by the ANC, which adopted the neoliberal ideologies.Keywords: Apartheid. South Africa. Transition. Neoliberalism.
24
Verdoolaege, Annelies. "De Zuid-Afrikaanse Waarheids- En Verzoeningscommissie als Modelvoor Conflictverzoening." Afrika Focus 18, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2005): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0180102003.
Full textAbstract:
The South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission as a model for conflict resolution After the fall of apartheid in 1994, the new South African government got confronted with the necessity to deal with the crimes committed in the past. Apartheid had been a system of institutionalized discrimination by the white minority and this apartheid past could not be ignored when trying to build a unified and peaceful society. The question was how the apartheid atrocities could be dealt with in order for the majority of South Africans to be satisfied. A couple of possibilities were put forward, but the nation eventually opted for the establishment of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). This paper will try to provide some background to this phenomenon. Possible alternatives and the coming into existence of the Commission will be highlighted. The concrete proceedings of the TRC will be described and finally the positive and the negative aspects of the Commission will be reflected upon. The final aim is to find out whether the TRC could be seen as a successful and praiseworthy institution and whether it could be regarded as a model for other countries confronted with traumatic conflicts.
25
Dunaway, Wilma A., and Donald A. Clelland. "Challenging the Global Apartheid Model: A World-Systems Analysis." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.608.
Full text
26
Khan, Khatija Bibi. "SOUTH AFRICA IN THE CINEMATIC IMAGINARY: THE STORY OF A WHITE YOUTH IN SKIN." Commonwealth Youth and Development 14, no. 2 (May 12, 2017): 170–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1924.
Full textAbstract:
The rapid production of films of diversity in post-1994 South Africa has unfortunately not been matched by critical works on film. Part of the reason is that some of the films recycle old themes that celebrate the worst in black people. Another possible reason could be that a good number of films wallow in personality praise, and certainly of Mandela, especially after his demise. Despite these problems of film criticism in post-1994 South Africa, it appears that some new critics have not felt compelled to waste their energy on analysing the Bantustan film – a kind of film that was made for black people by the apartheid system but has re-surfaced after 1994 in different ways. The patent lack of more critical works on film that engages the identities and social imaginaries of young and white South Africans is partly addressed in SKIN – a film that registers the mental growth and spiritual development of Sandra’s multiple selves. This article argues that SKIN portrays the racial neurosis of the apartheid system; and the question of identity affecting young white youths during and after apartheid is experienced at the racial, gender and sex levels.
27
Yiftachel, Oren. "Voting for Apartheid: The 2009 Israeli Elections." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 3 (2009): 72–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.xxxviii.3.72.
Full textAbstract:
Focusing primarily on Israeli voter attitudes with respect to the Zionist-Palestinian conflict, this paper argues that the results of the 2009 elections highlight the structural entanglement of Israeli politics within a colonialist process of ““creeping apartheid”” not only in the West Bank but in Israel proper. The elections also demonstrated the continuing relevance of identity and class politics among Israeli voters and the trend among culturally and economically marginalized groups to support the colonialist agendas set mainly by the settlers, the military, and parts of the globalizing economic elites. In parallel, election results among Palestinians in Israel reflect their growing alienation from a political system that structurally excludes them from political influence.
28
Carrión, Julio F., and Stuart J. Kaufman. "Public opinion and the end of apartheid." International Area Studies Review 21, no. 2 (February 13, 2018): 97–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865918758599.
Full textAbstract:
Why did whites in South Africa come to support the dismantling of the apartheid system that gave them a monopoly of political power? We use a reformulated version of symbolic politics to address this puzzle, showing that white attitudes toward political change were primarily driven by symbolic predispositions regarding race, ideology, party, and specific leaders, as well as various sorts of threat perceptions. Strong attachments to the National Party and de Klerk, low perceptions of threat, more tolerant racial attitudes, and more socially and politically liberal values increased the likelihood of whites supporting policies consistent with the ending of apartheid. We also find that assessments of the economy, both personal and national, have no influence on this attitude. We use South Africa’s Human Sciences Research Council data collected during the crucial 1991–1992 period.
29
Ali, Shanti Sadiq. "United Nations' Role in South Africa: Constraints and Possible Options." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 3 (July 1986): 225–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200301.
Full textAbstract:
The principle of the elimination of racism and racial discrimination, of which apartheid is an institutionalised form, has become one of the cornerstones of the international community's concerns. As the community's watchdog, the United Nations has accorded, a high priority to this principle. Article 56 of the United Nations Charter stipulates thatbn ‘all members pledge themselves to take joint action in cooperation with the Organisation for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55’, which includes ‘universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.’ Equally, the concern of the international community has been evident in the progressive evolution of the General Assembly's recommendations, resolutions and decisions, of the relevant international instruments, of its policy of sanctions, albeit by no means satisfactory, and the prominence this principle receives in various UN organs and activities, in particular the programmes undertaken under the Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination. However, the supportive role of the United Nations in the struggle being waged against apartheid within South Africa and Namibia, highly commendable though it is, has unfortunately been considerably weakened by the lack of consensus in dealing with systematic violations of international norms by the Pretoria regime for the maintenance of apartheid, as well as over the strategies to be adopted to resist this unjust and oppressive system. In the specific context of the present structure of the United Nations, particularly the powers given to the Security Council, these divergencies are found to be major constraints as they have the inevitable impact of impeding enforcement measures. As a consequence today, the continuing gulf between international law and reality threatens the very credibility of the world organisation especially as far as its human rights policies with regard to South Africa are concerned. The struggle within the United Nations system against apartheid, inevitably slow moving, nonetheless continues as can be seen from the evolution of measures taken. It will also be seen that the world body, undeterred by persistent disagreements over principle, its interpretation and enforcement, continues to explore possible options in shaping policies to be able to deal more effectively with the scourge of apartheid and thereby strengthen the ethical foundations of the international community and a civilised system of peaceful coexistence. The situation, therefore, though highly complicated, is not entirely hopeless. On the contrary there is room for optimism that meaningful consequences will emerge from these efforts of the United Nations to eliminate apartheid as well as to bring about a qualitative change in and protection of a whole range of human rights.
30
Himonga, Chuma, and Fatimata Diallo. "Decolonisation and Teaching Law in Africa with Special Reference to Living Customary Law." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 20 (October 30, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2017/v20i0a3267.
Full textAbstract:
The student protests in South African Universities, which started in 2015, demanded the decolonisation of certain aspects of higher education. While the primary demand is free education, issues of the curriculum and transformation connected with the country's history of colonialism and apartheid have also surfaced. In the field of law, demands for curriculum change are accompanied by the broad issue of the decolonisation of law, translating into questions of legal history, the concept of law, the role of law in African societies, the status of indigenous systems of law in the post-independent/apartheid legal system, and how law is taught in law schools.This paper examines the idea of the decolonisation of law in relation to the teaching of law in African states previously under the influence of English or Roman-Dutch colonial/apartheid legal history. The teaching of law is with special reference to the system of law that governs the majority of people in Africa in private law and aspects of governance – living customary law. The paper examines the design of legal education with respect to three elements that are essential to the decolonisation of law and legal education. The elements under review are the inclusion of living customary law in legal education, a shift in the legal theoretical paradigm within which law is taught, and the interdisciplinary study of law. Thus, the paper links the decolonisation of law to how law is taught, with special reference to living customary law. In discussing these elements, the paper draws examples from the South African legal system, because it has the most advanced jurisprudential conceptualisation of customary law on the African Continent.
31
Steadman, Ian. "Performance and Politics in Process: Practices of Representation in South African Theatre." Theatre Survey 33, no. 2 (November 1992): 188–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557400002404.
Full textAbstract:
In many studies of South African theatre, critical scholarship has elucidated the ways in which playwrights have dramatized their views of oppression and struggle under apartheid. As political change in the country in the 1990s determines new developments in cultural expression, theatre in many quarters finds itself no longer thematically bound to the unambiguous morality which characterized anti-apartheid theatre in the 1970s and 1980s. The issues, and the forms and methods used to construct interpretations of the issues in the theatre, appear increasingly more complex in the 1990s. In academic commentary on South African theatre, a moral outrage shared with theatre practitioners against a repugnant social system has frequently blunted critical faculties. Gayatri Spivak warns us that in the writing of history we need to “look at [our] own subjective investment in the narrative that is being produced.“ There is, in South African theatre studies, a great deal of room for critical vigilance when considering “theatre against apartheid.”
32
Rose, Gregory M., Carina DeVilliers, and Detmar W. Straub. "Chronism Theory, Culture, and System Delay." Journal of Global Information Management 17, no. 4 (October 2009): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jgim.2009070901.
Full textAbstract:
System response delay has been cited as the single most frustrating aspect of using the Internet and the most worrisomeaspect of Web application design. System response time (SRT) research generally concludes that delay should be eliminated where possible to as little as a few seconds, even though delay reduction is costly. Unfortunately, it is not clear if these conclusions are appropriate outside of the developed world where nearly all of the SRT research has taken place. Cultural effects have been, hence, generally missing from SRT research. The one SRT study to date outside of the developed world did report differences using the theoretical construct of cultural chronism, and this finding could limit the generalizability of SRT research findings from developed countries to many economically developing nations. However, limitations and potential confounds in this single study render those findings tentative. The end of Apartheid in South Africa allowed an opportunity to conduct a longitudinal free simulation experiment that overcomes the critical limitations of this previous research. Subjects were members of historically polychronic and monochronic groups who had been segregated by Apartheid and now live in an integrated society with shared infrastructure and computer access. Results find that members of the historically polychronic group are more accepting of longer delays and are more willing to trade longer delays for improved functionality than are their historically monochronic counterparts. Furthermore, tests find that members of the historically monochromic population that came of age in a desegregated, majority-polychronic culture appear to be polychronic themselves and to differ significantly from the older monochronic generation. Results from this study can be applied to design culturally sensitive applications for users in the developing economies of the world.
33
Milde, Michael. "Real Respect for the Rule of Law." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 12, no. 2 (July 1999): 333–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002265.
Full textAbstract:
Judging the Judges, Judging Ourselves is an excellent book for at least three reasons. First, it is a critically engaged, firsthand account of a unique legal and political event: the inquiry by South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission into the operation of that country’s legal system under Apartheid. Second, it develops an extended argument for a challengingly normative conception of the rule of law, complete with compelling practical illustrations of what can happen if officials charged with maintaining the integrity of a legal system adopt a less substantive standard. And third, the book is well written and a pleasure to read.South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) represents an unusual attempt to confront, acknowledge and overcome the devastating injustice, violence and hatred generated during the Apartheid era. What makes it unusual is the conscious decision to set aside demands for retributive justice. Instead, by exposing abuses and violations of human rights, and then compensating victims and pardoning confessed perpetrators, the TRC aimed to establish a framework in which former antagonists could set aside adversarial postures and work together to create a new, integrated and just South Africa. Whether this laudable experiment will succeed remains to be seen.What was clear early on was that the TRC could not hope to complete its task if it did not investigate the performance of the legal system and the legal profession under the Apartheid regime. Apartheid was a social and political construct that systematically denied basic human rights to the vast majority of South Africa’s population on the basis of race. A substantial amount of state violence was required to secure this result. But it is a singular, remarkable fact that the racial divide was maintained by a legal system which in many respects resembled its counterparts in liberal democratic societies where the courts actively and successfully protect civil liberties. What is particularly striking is that gross human rights violations were permitted, even approved, by legal institutions that appeared to respect such fundamental legitimacy-conferring principles as the rule of law and judicial independence. Equally troubling is the observation that the system was staffed by functionaries many of whom had unimpeachable credentials as advocates of human rights. So how could this justice system have produced such iniquitous results?
34
Gmerek, Tomasz. "The development of South African higher education within the apartheid system (1948-1994) – selected aspects." Biuletyn Historii Wychowania, no. 38 (October 11, 2019): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bhw.2018.38.7.
Full textAbstract:
The article include the consideration of development of South African Higher Education System in Apartheid Era (1948-1994). Particular emphasis was placed on reconstructing educational practices and policy that is implemented toward different racial groups in South Africa. An attempt was made at examining the relationship between schooling, segregation processes, discrimination practices and the development of higher education institutions.
35
Steinbrink, Malte. "The Role of Amateur Football in Circular Migration Systems in South Africa." Africa Spectrum 45, no. 2 (August 2010): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971004500202.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores the significance of amateur football for the changing patterns of circular migration in post-Apartheid South Africa. Even after the end of Apartheid, the abolishment of the migrant labour system has not brought a decline of circular migration. The state-institutionalised system has merely been replaced by an informal system of translocal livelihood organisation. The new system fundamentally relies on social networks and complex rural-urban linkages. Mobile ways of life have evolved that can be classified as neither rural nor urban. Looking into these informal linkages can contribute to explaining the persistence of spatial and social disparities in “New South Africa”. This paper centres on an empirical, bi-local case study that traces the genesis of the socio-spatial linkages between a village in former Transkei and an informal settlement in Cape Town. The focus is on the relevance of football for the emergence and stabilisation of translocal network structures.
36
Hill, Lloyd. "Language, Ethno-nationalism and the South African university." Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 7, no. 1 (July 8, 2019): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v7i1.263.
Full textAbstract:
This article presents a conceptual analysis of the relations between language, ethnicity, and nationalism – within the domain of the university. While an analytical distinction is commonly madbetween “ethnicity” and “nationalism,” here “ethno-nationalism” is used to highlight aspects of cultural continuity between these constructs and to draw attention to problematic “telementational” assumptions about the vehicular role of “languages” in influential modernist theories of nationalism (notably Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson). The empirical focus of the article falls on long-run institutional changes in the South African university system; and on the deployment of ideas about ethnicity, nationalism, language, and race. While assumptions about the vehicular capacity of languages have deep roots in the colonial and apartheid periods, these also feature prominently in post-apartheid debates on the transformation of the university system.
37
Serena, Rosadini. "Black-and-white picture of a political system: Post-apartheid South Africa." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 14, no. 2 (May 31, 2020): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2020.1257.
Full text
38
Badru, Pade. "Not Yet Uhuru: The Unfinished Revolution in Africa." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 269–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428053.
Full textAbstract:
In Kwandiwe Kondlo’s In the Twilight of the Revolution (2009), which examines the role of the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania in South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle as the backdrop, this article surveys the momentum of social revolution in Sub-Saharan Africa during the decolonization era that started in the mid-20th century and ended with South Africa’s transition to a multi-racial democracy in 1994. It argues that the failure of the African elite to achieve a genuine independence from both colonial rule and South Africa’s apartheid system is largely because of inconsistent nationalist ideologies and the detachment of the African elite from the popular struggles of the people, which could have resulted in the revolutionary overthrow of the colonial state and the dawn of more progressive and autonomous states all across Black Africa. It concludes that this failure led to the continuing instability of the post-colonial states across Africa and, in South Africa, to the achievement of a particular form of multi-racial democracy with very little or no change to the real politics of apartheid and Boer domination.
39
Rubiya, S., and Sumathy K Swamy. "Testaments of Resistance and Resilience: An Analysis of Trevor Noah’s Born a Crime: Stories from a South African Childhood." Shanlax International Journal of English 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2019): 63–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.34293/english.v8i1.859.
Full textAbstract:
Where there is Oppression, there is going to be resistance. This is the story of almost every Independence struggle history has ever seen. Such was also the story of one the most shocking and horrendous tale of oppression the world has come to know, the apartheid system of South Africa. It was a system of institutionalised racial segregation that divided the whites and blacks living in South Africa, which gave the former full rights to enjoy all the privileges that the natives ought to enjoy rightfully, depriving the latter of every good thing the country had to offer. This paper will attempt to throw some light on the whole system by analysing a work of art not written by an outsider, but through the eyes of a person who was born into it and saw apartheid for what it was and what it did to the blacks living in South Africa. It is a memoir written by South African comedian Trevor Noah titled Born a Crime: Stories from a South African Childhood, an autobiographical work published in the year 2016 where Noah narrates instances from his childhood living in post-apartheid South Africa.
The book is a kind of dedication to Noah’s mother, Patricia Nombuyiselo Noah, a symbol of resistance. Patricia Noah broke almost every rule imposed by the White government, from having a good education and moving in to a house in a white neighbourhood to having a relationship with a white person resulting in giving birth to child of mixed race, a crime for which the punishment was death. The paper will attempt to bring out the struggles and tales of resilience of the black people under apartheid by analysing the experiences of the Noah Family with special emphasis on Patricia Noah who can be seen as an embodiment of Resistance, resilience and above all sheer stubbornness to comply with the rules of the colonizers.
40
Mouton, Nelda, G. P. Louw, and G. Strydom. "Critical Challenges Of The South African School System." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 12, no. 1 (December 22, 2012): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v12i1.7510.
Full textAbstract:
The emphasis in the new curriculum after 1996 in South Africa was placed on the transition from the traditional aims and objectives approach to Outcomes-based education (OBE) and Curriculum 2005. This paradigm shift was interpreted as a prerequisite for achievement of the vision of an internationally competitive country. When analysing the school system in South Africa it became clear that the education system was flawed, with poorly performing teachers, poor work ethics, lack of community and parental support, poor control by education authorities, poor support for teachers and very low levels of accountability. These factors further spilled over into the morale of learners and could be seen in the lack of discipline, brutal violence in schools, low moral values, truancy, absenteeism, late coming and high dropout rates from Grade 1 to Grade 12 and very poor performance in essential areas such as Mathematics and Literacy. Citizens in historically disadvantaged areas tend to become victims of poverty, gangs and drug abuse. These factors further blend with the evil of politics in South African schools which are furthermore plagued by various forms of corruption and socio-economic challenges. Eighteen years after the end of the apartheid dispensation, apartheid is still blamed by many for any real or imagined ills in society, but the reality is that there is no political will to enforce the law or to meet public expectations of accountability, efficiency and delivery. In the light hereof, recommendations are proposed that will address these challenges. The critical message of this article will convey that the fact of the matter is that learner enrolment is not the same as attendance and attendance does not imply learning. Therefore, teaching in South Africa must become a profession of preference and pride as opposed to the present very lackadaisical attitude.
41
Dollar, E. S. J., C. R. Nicolson, C. A. Brown, J. K. Turpie, A. R. Joubert, A. R. Turton, D. F. Grobler, H. H. Pienaar, J. Ewart-Smith, and S. M. Manyaka. "Development of the South African Water Resource Classification System (WRCS): a tool towards the sustainable, equitable and efficient use of water resources in a developing country." Water Policy 12, no. 4 (December 3, 2009): 479–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2009.213.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the transition to democracy in 1994, South Africa still had apartheid legislation on the statute books and the allocation of water was regulated by the 1956 Water Act. Accordingly, post-apartheid South Africa underwent a water sector reform process culminating in the new National Water Act (No. 36) of 1998. One component of the Act is the requirement for a classification system to determine different classes of water resources. The classification system provides a definition of the classes that are to be used and a seven-step procedure to be followed in order to recommend a class. The class outlines those attributes society requires of different water resources. The economic, social and ecological implications of choosing a class are established and communicated to all interested and affected parties during the classification process. This paper outlines the socioeconomic and political context in which the WRCS was developed and outlines the seven-step procedure.
42
Gagiano, Annie. "South African Novelists and the Grand Narrative of Apartheid." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 1 (April 14, 2006): 97–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.1.06gag.
Full textAbstract:
The apartheid policies and practices by means of which South Africa was formerly governed also had an ideological or mythological dimension, which functioned as its justificatory narrative. The process of replacing that narrative which needs to be undertaken in South Africa can make use, among other processes, of the re-presentations of this society by our novelists. This paper sketches something of the complex interplay between fiction, social reality, and moral-political understanding at the hand of six novels. It focuses on depictions of acts and experiences of violation as the signature of the ruthless force and after-effects of the apartheid system. It draws attention to the various, but socially meaningful workings of novelistic discourse in these texts, functioning as they do within a situation requiring profound psychic and social readjustment.
43
Nyoni, Jabulani. "Decolonial Multicultural Education in Post-Apartheid South Africa." International Journal for Innovation Education and Research 1, no. 3 (November 30, 2013): 83–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31686/ijier.vol1.iss3.118.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores decolonial epistemic priorities in Open and distance learning (ODL) multicultural teacher education and training praxis, raises questions about the andragogical approach, and challenges the primary educational goal for students, opining that multicultural teacher education and training has become fixated on a simplistic decoloniality of Western knowledges and practices. Using the internet based asynchronous OBB system; I adopted a qualitative discursive analysis to identify linguistic conventions within the academic discourse message board community of practice as regards the dominate views and values that can be embedded in curriculum craft in post-colonial states. I put forward a case to prioritise the development of learning dispositions in multicultural students that encourage openness to further inquiry and productive ways of thinking in and through complex and contested knowledge terrains with the hope of engendering the concept pluriversality. I argue that this andragogical approach adds a critical dimension to the decolonial task in imbedding first nation’s indigenous knowledges, views and/or perspectives rather than mimicking fixated Western priorities.
44
Paret, Marcel. "Apartheid Policing: examining the US migrant labour system through a South African Lens." Citizenship Studies 19, no. 3-4 (April 3, 2015): 317–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621025.2015.1006178.
Full text
45
Tutu, D. M. "Attributes of leadership." Verbum et Ecclesia 23, no. 3 (August 7, 2002): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v23i3.1238.
Full textAbstract:
In 1988 Nelson Mandela was still in South Africa's apartheid prison system, where he had been incarcerated for a quarter of a century. He would turn 70 that July, and his friend, the doughty president of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, Archbishop Trevor Huddleston, C R, had suggested that the world should celebrate this birthday. Many young people started pilgrimages from various parts of the United Kingdom, and they converged on Hyde Park Corner in London on Nelson's birthday. The crowd that gathered to celebrate this prisoner's birthday was about a quarter million strong, mostly youngsters who had not even been born when Mandela went to prison. And yet here they were gathered to honour this prisoner as if he were a pop star.
46
Mazzei, Julie. "Negotiating domestic socialism with global capitalism: So-called tourist apartheid in Cuba." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 45, no. 1-2 (March 2012): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2012.02.003.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1990s the Cuban government instituted a “dual economy,” creating a dollar economy parallel to the peso economy as part of the reform package designed to address economic crisis. Expansion of the tourism sector as a dollar industry was central to efforts to raise revenue, as Cuba began limited and regulated interaction with the global capitalist economy. In an effort to quarantine Cubans from capitalist inequities, citizens were prohibited from accessing tourist facilities other than as workers. Some have referred to this as “tourist apartheid.” This study finds that “apartheid” is not an accurate classification of the system in Cuba; rather, the policy is comparable to an economic “firewall” designed to allow regulated engagement with the international capitalist community, while preventing ingress of capitalism domestically.
47
De Saxe, Ian. "Psychiatry in Southern Africa." Australasian Psychiatry 5, no. 3 (June 1997): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/10398569709082107.
Full textAbstract:
Psychiatry in South Africa is in a state of transition. Following the defeat of the apartheid regime, the opportunity has arisen for major reform in what has been a rather minimal and antiquated system of mental health care, particularly for the black members of the population.
48
Møller, Valerie. "The South African pension system." Ageing and Society 18, no. 6 (November 1998): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98227152.
Full textAbstract:
A. Sagner. 1998. The 1944 Pension Laws Amendment Bill: old-age security policy in South Africa in historical perspective, ca. 1920–1960. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 10–14.S. van der Berg. 1998. Ageing, public finance and social security in South Africa. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 3–9.The latest issue of Southern African Journal of Gerontology traces the origins of the South African social pensions system and addresses contemporary issues. In her editorial, Monica Ferreira (1998) notes that South Africa is one of only two countries in Africa that operates a social old-age system. Although the value of the South African social pension system is low in terms of real income (R490 in July 1998 – approximately US$100), the pension is generous in comparison with other developing countries. The take-up rate of the pension is virtually 90 per cent in the case of Africans, who historically were the most disadvantaged group under apartheid.
49
du Plessis, Hester. "Politics of science communication in South Africa." Journal of Science Communication 16, no. 03 (July 20, 2017): A03. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.16030203.
Full textAbstract:
The research field of science communication is fairly neglected in South Africa. The university system in South Africa, with a few exceptions, pays scant attention to the teaching of science communication, leading to limited academic knowledge of this research field with its rich history and philosophical relations. This paper explores some of the reasons behind this neglect of science communication in South Africa and will argue and demonstrate that, primarily, two political systems can be identified as having had a profound impact on the lesser attention given to this research field; the ‘divide and rule’ system of British colonialism and the Afrikaner National Party ‘apartheid’ system of racial segregation.
50
Rotondano, Ricardo Oliveira. "Brazilian apartheid: racism and segregation in Salvador, Brazil." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 39, no. 11/12 (October 14, 2019): 950–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-12-2018-0228.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to analyse empirically the racial relations of segregation of the black population in the city of Salvador, Brazil, which built according to a subtle model of the construction of differentiated spaces for the white population and the black population in the city. Design/methodology/approach The methodology used for the construction of this manuscript was that of the action research, through the insertion of the researcher within the field of study, obtaining observational perceptions of the inhabited place and collecting reports of the research subjects inserted in the field of study. Findings The present research obtained as final results the explicit characterisation of a veiled and subtle model of racial segregation imposed on the black population of the city of Salvador, manifesting the clear prejudice of the white population and also a state racism directed to the oppressed black population. Originality/value The originality of the research consists in the fact that there is no research modality within Brazil for the analysis of historical apartheid policies. The Brazilian state, in this sense, appears within the current framework of academic research as a clear incentive and propagator of governmental actions that corroborate the maintenance of the exclusionary city system, which separates the black and white population in differentiated social spaces.