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1
Pirie, Gordon H. "Southern African Air Transport After Apartheid." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 2 (June 1992): 341–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010752.
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Aviation in Southern Africa was subject throughout the 1980s to increasingly intense political pressures. As ever, the cause was protests about apartheid. The severe blow that black African countries dealt to South African Airways (S.A.A.), the Republic's state-owned national airline, in the 1960s by withdrawing overflying rights was magnified by similar action from a wider spectrum of non-African governments. In the mid-1980s, Australia and the United States of America, for example, revoked S.A.A.'s landing rights, and forbad airlines registered in their countries from flying to South Africa. Other carriers, such as Air Canada, closed their offices and then terminated representation in South Africa.
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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.
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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.
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Enaifoghe, Andrew O., and Toyin C. Adetiba. "South African Economic Development in SADC Sub-Regional Integration." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2097.
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Following the end of colonialism in the Southern African sub-region, the SADC has experienced a thorough rearrangement with South Africa as the front-runner as opposed to her pre-1994 stance on integration. African regional cooperation has nevertheless been revitalised in some ways as a result of the two major events which started in the beginning of the 1990s that include the abolition of the apartheid regime in South Africa, and the eventual stabilisation of both political and economic relationships in the Southern Africa sub-region. This study employs the use of content analyses to assess the position of South Africa investments in SADC. Through the use ofregional integration, the studyfurther examined various South Africa’s Key Economy Performance since 1994 which are the main contributing factors to South African economic growth; furthermore it looks at her material, commodity and political investment in the subregional integration process to determine if it serves as the strategy for National Economic Development for South Africa.The paper find out thatregardless of South Africa’s economic clout within the SADC region, its Foreign Direct Investment is predominantly from its investment and market penetration of Southern Africa region while maintaining constant economic growth.
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Kokobili, Alexander. "Uvid u borbu nadbiskupa Desmonda Tutua protiv apartheida u Južnoj Africi." Kairos 13, no. 1 (April 18, 2019): 111–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32862/k1.13.1.5.
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Ovaj članak razmatra ulogu koju je nadbiskup Desmond Tutu odigrao u borbi protiv rasizma i socio-političke nejednakosti koju je promicao sustav apartheida u Južnoafričkoj Republici. Tutu je često u svojim govorima i javnozagovaračkim istupima osuđivao apartheid te promicao jednakost, pomirenje i miran suživot svih Južnoafrikanaca. Ideologija apartheida je crncima u Južnoj Africi otuđila svako ljudsko dostojanstvo, što je u suprotnosti sa Svetim pismom u kojem piše: „Tako Bog stvori čovjeka na sliku svoju. Stvori ga na sliku Božju. Stvori ih kao muža i ženu“ (Postanak 1,27). Unatoč tome je 1948. godine bjelačka Nacionalna južnoafrička stranka ozakonila apartheid kao politički sustav i pritom dobila podršku Nizozemske reformirane crkve bez obzira na to što se radilo o primjeni etike koja je protivna kršćanstvu. Apartheid je u Južnoj Africi usvojen s ciljem da se bijela manjina pozicionira kao viša društvena klasa, dok je crnačkoj većini bilo oduzeto niz prava i povlastica. Desmond Tutu je bio jedan od malobrojnih kršćanskih vođa koji je u Africi utirao put crnačke teologije pri rušenju apartheida u Južnoj Africi. Tijekom njegove borbe protiv apartheida, Tutu nije poticao na nasilne prosvjede ili nerede, već je više pokušavao djelovati kroz svoje propovijedi i poticati javnost na sudjelovanje u aktivnostima koje su promicale nacionalno jedinstvo, ljubav i jednakost svih Južnoafrikanaca.
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Adetiba, Toyin Cotties. "South Africa’s Military and Peacekeeping Efforts: A new paradigm shift in its foreign policy since 1994." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 9, no. 5 (October 21, 2017): 157–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v9i5.1920.
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One of the South Africa's great soft power attributes has been the attraction and power of its transition to inclusive democratic governance after a long period of apartheid rule. This gave South Africa a certain moral authority and prestige to play very significant roles in conflict resolution and mediation through peacekeeping operations. Every government in an ever-changing and dynamic geopolitical environment ensure that its defence force cum foreign policy conform to the international environment while aiming at the defence and protection of its national interests. Using interpretive approach; this work argues that; fundamentally, there are three basic factors that reinforce South Africa’s participation in peacekeeping which are politics, economy and security. By extension these three elements is considered a transformational agent of South Africa’s economy. SANDF is, therefore, considered a dynamic and exceptional foreign policy tool that complements and at same time enhances South Africa’s diplomatic manoeuvrings and influence within the wider international developments. It is concluded that South Africa’s multilateral and foreign policy agendas have been driven by the pursuit of its national interest while trying to ensure peace in other African states.
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Møller, Valerie. "The South African pension system." Ageing and Society 18, no. 6 (November 1998): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x98227152.
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A. Sagner. 1998. The 1944 Pension Laws Amendment Bill: old-age security policy in South Africa in historical perspective, ca. 1920–1960. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 10–14.S. van der Berg. 1998. Ageing, public finance and social security in South Africa. Southern African Journal of Gerontology7, 1, 3–9.The latest issue of Southern African Journal of Gerontology traces the origins of the South African social pensions system and addresses contemporary issues. In her editorial, Monica Ferreira (1998) notes that South Africa is one of only two countries in Africa that operates a social old-age system. Although the value of the South African social pension system is low in terms of real income (R490 in July 1998 – approximately US$100), the pension is generous in comparison with other developing countries. The take-up rate of the pension is virtually 90 per cent in the case of Africans, who historically were the most disadvantaged group under apartheid.
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Muzindutsi, Paul-Francois. "Manufacturing Production and Non-Agricultural Employment rate in South Africa: Time Series Analysis." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 6, no. 10 (October 30, 2014): 779–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v6i10.537.
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South African is faced with a high unemployment rate; however, the country’s manufacturing sector is one of the sectors that have been linked with job creation. Nevertheless, the growth in manufacturing production may not increase employment opportunities if this sector continues to shift to technology-intensive methods of production, which displace labour. This study uses a vector autoregressive (VAR) model to estimate the interaction between manufacturing production and the employment rate in South Africa from 1970 to 2013. Results revealed that both variables were stationary at the first difference and there was a long-term equilibrium relationship between the variables. In the short term, a significant positive relationship between manufacturing production and employment rate was observed. Granger causality test showed that there is a causal link from manufacturing production to the employment rate. A comparison between apartheid and post-apartheid periods showed the long-run relationship only existed in the post-apartheid period of a more open economy. Findings of this study revealed that a growth in the South African manufacturing sector is linked with employment opportunities in the short-run. However, these opportunities may be reduced by changes in technology which promote capital intensive production. As such, policy-makers should encourage policies that promote a mix of labour and capital intensive production in order to maintain these employment opportunities in the manufacturing sector.
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Freund, Bill. "Post-apartheid South Africa under ANC rule: a response to John S Saul on South Africa." Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 89, no. 1 (2015): 50–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/trn.2015.0024.
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D’Abdon, R. "RESISTANCE POETRY IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA: AN ANALYSIS OF THE POETIC WORKS AND CULTURAL ACTIVISM OF VANONI BILA." Southern African Journal for Folklore Studies 24, no. 1 (September 30, 2016): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1016-8427/1675.
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The article explores selected works of Vonani Bila, one of the most influential wordsmiths of post-apartheid South Africa. It outlines the difference between “protest poetry” and “resistance poetry”, and contextualises the contemporary expression(s) of the latter within today’s South Africa’s poetry scene. Focusing on Bila’s “politically engaged” poems and cultural activism, this article maintains that resistance poetry has re-invented itself in the post-94 cultural scenario, and still represents a valid tool in the hands of poets to creatively expose and criticize the enduring contradictions of South African society
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Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.
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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje's most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.
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MELO, ALDINA DA SILVA. "TEMPOS DE SEGREGAÇÃO (1948-94): ensino de história, poláticas de memórias e desigualdades sociais no universo do povo Zulu." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 15, no. 26 (November 24, 2018): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v15i26.660.
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Este trabalho parte do universo do povo zulu, da região de KwaZulu-Natal (áfrica do Sul), para analisar o ensino de história, as poláticas de memórias e as desigualdades sociais presentes nas terras sul-africanas durante o Apartheid. Nesse sentido, a análise, que toma os anos de 1948 a 1994 como recorte temporal, utiliza como fontes a coleção de livros didáticos History for Today, imagens e jornais levantados no arquivo sul-africano Alan Paton Center e na biblioteca pública de Pietermaritzburg. Tais fontes foram produzidas e utilizadas no peráodo do Apartheid (1948-1994). Procura-se ainda investigar quais eram as poláticas educacionais presentes na áfrica do Sul durante aquele regime. O intuito é identificar nos livros didáticos e nas poláticas educacionais os modos como a/as identidade(s) zulus foram construádas, pensadas e dadas a ler, além de problematizar os modos de ver da sociedade sul-africana no que se refere á população zulu no peráodo em questão.Palavras-chave: Zulu. áfrica do Sul. Ensino de História.SEGREGATION TIMES (1948-94): Teaching history, memory politics and social inequalities in the universe of the Zulu peopleAbstract: This article will examine the assemblage of the Zulu people, from the KwaZulu-Natal region (South Africa), with the intention to analyze the history teaching, memory politics and social inequalities present in the South African lands during the period of Apartheid. The analysis, which pertains to the years 1948 to 1994, uses as its sources, the History for Today collection of textbooks, images and newspapers from the South African archives Alan Paton Center and the Pietermaritzburg public library. These sources were produced and utilized in the Apartheid period (1948-1994). It also seeks to investigate which educational policies were present in South Africa during that regime. The aim is to identify in textbooks and educational policies the ways in which Zulus identity (s) were formulated, conceptualized and construed, as well as problematizing South African society's views on the Zulu population in the period in question.Keywords: Zulu. South Africa. Teaching History. TIEMPOS DE SEGREGACIÓN (1948-94): enseñanza de historia, poláticas de memorias y desigualdades sociales en el universo del pueblo zulúResumen: Este trabajo parte del universo del pueblo zulú, de la región de KwaZulu-Natal (áfrica del Sur), para analizar la enseñanza de la historia, las poláticas de memorias y las desigualdades sociales presentes en las tierras sudafricanas durante el Apartheid. En ese sentido, el análisis, que toma los años de 1948 a 1994 como recorte temporal, utiliza como fuentes la colección de libros didácticos History for Today, imágenes y periódicos levantados en el archivo sudafricano Alan Paton Center y en la biblioteca pública de Pietermaritzburg. Estas fuentes fueron producidas y utilizadas en el peráodo del Apartheid (1948-1994). También busca investigar cuáles eran las poláticas educativas presentes en Sudáfrica durante ese régimen. La intención es identificar en los libros didácticos y en las poláticas educativas los modos como la/las identidad(es) zulús fueron construidas, pensadas y dadas a leer, además de problematizar los modos de ver de la sociedad sudafricana en lo que se refiere a la población zulú en el peráodo en cuestión.Palabras clave: Zulú. áfrica del Sur. Enseñanza de Historia.
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Scott, Hilton. "“Lest We Forget”: A Postapartheid Perspective on Remembering in Liturgy for Healing and Justice." Studia Liturgica 51, no. 1 (March 2021): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0039320720978919.
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The idea of Remembrance Day (also known as Armistice Day) in the United Kingdom and Commonwealth countries carries two important notions: (1) to remember significant tragedies and sacrifices of the past by paying homage, and (2) to ensure that such catastrophes are prevented in the future by not forgetting. This concept can be applied to the South African context of a society and young democracy that is living in the wake of apartheid. In certain spheres this will include decolonizing the long-standing practices of Remembrance Day in South Africa, ritualizing the event(s) to be more relevant to those who partake by shifting the focus to tragedies caused during apartheid, and remembering that such a deplorable catastrophe should never be repeated. The important liturgical functions and pragmatic outcome(s) of this notion are reconciliation, restoration, transformation and, ultimately, liberation, as South Africans look to heal the wounds caused by the tragedies of the recent past and prevent such pain from being inflicted on others in the future.
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Shai, Kgothatso Brucely, and Olusola Ogunnubi. "[South] Africa's Health System and Human Rights: A Critical African Perspective." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 10, no. 1(J) (March 15, 2018): 69–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v10i1(j).2090.
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For more than two decades, 21st March has been canonised and celebrated among South Africans as Human Rights Day. Earmarked by the newly democratic and inclusive South Africa, it commemorates the Sharpeville and Langa massacres. As history recorded, on the 21st March 1960, residents of Sharpeville and subsequently, Langa embarked on a peaceful anti-pass campaign led by the African National Congress (ANC) breakaway party, the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC). The pass (also known as dompas) was one of the most despised symbols of apartheid; a system declared internationally as a crime against humanity. In the post-apartheid era, it is expectedthat all South Africans enjoy and celebrate the full extent of their human rights. However, it appears that the envisaged rights are not equally enjoyed by all. This is because widening inequalities in the health-care system, in schooling, and in the lucrative sporting arena have not been amicably and irrevocably resolved. Furthermore, it is still the norm that the most vulnerable of South Africans, especially rural Africans, find it difficult, and sometimes, impossible to access adequate and even essential healthcare services. Central to the possible questions to emerge from this discourse are the following(i) What is the current state of South Africa’s health system at the turn of 23 years of its majority rule? (ii) Why is the South African health system still unable to sufficiently deliver the socioeconomic health rights of most South African people? It is against this background that this article uses a critical discourse analysis approach in its broadest form to provide a nuanced Afrocentric assessment of South Africa’s human rights record in the health sector since the year 1994. Data for this article is generated through the review of the cauldron of published and unpublished academic, official and popular literature.
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Draper, Jonathan A. "African Contextual Hermeneutics." Religion & Theology 22, no. 1-2 (2015): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15743012-02201005.
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The role of the missionaries and their widespread dissemination of the Bible in the process of colonisation of Africa problematized the interpretation of its text, particularly in South Africa, where it was used both to legitimate apartheid and in the struggle for liberation. This paper documents the emergence of the “Tri-polar Model” (Grenholm and Patte, as modified by Draper) in African Contextual Hermeneutics, and problematises it in terms of the hegemonic role of the reader’s “ideo-theological orientation” (West). A new way forward is sought through emphasising this role of the reader, but also the possibility of a “willing suspension of disbelief” (Coleridge) in the construction of the “othered self” through “conversation” with the text (Gadamer) and the role of “reading communities” (Fish) in demanding accountability from reader(s).
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Hamill, James. "The Crossing of the Rubicon: South Africa' s Post-Apartheid Political Process 1990-1992." International Relations 12, no. 3 (December 1994): 9–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004711789401200302.
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Vawda, Shahid. "The Emerging of Islam in an African Township." American Journal of Islam and Society 11, no. 4 (January 1, 1994): 532–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v11i4.2412.
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IntroductionWhile Islam is a fairly dominant religion in Africa, it is verysmall and has been treated as insignificant in southern Africa. Forexample Trimingham, in his survey of the phases of Islamic expansionin Africa, makes the dismissive comment: “Islam’s penetrationinto central and south Africa is so slight that it may be ignored."The presence of Muslims in South Africa, albeit a small percentageof the total population, cannot easily be ignored in terms of theirsocial, economic, and political contribution to the country as individuals,as members of an ethnic group, or as a religious minority. Apartheid has not only prompted a diverse set of responses fromMuslim organizations,s but the political and social events of the lasttwenty years have influenced conversion rates among the nominallyChristian African majority. Although there have been academicattempts to analyze the implications of some of these phenomena.there has been no ethnographic research at a local level to understandhow events in the sociopolitical arena shaped proselytizing work, theconversion process, and the interethnic relationships of the Muslims.This paper, based on ethnographic research in the townships ofKwaMashu-Ntuzuma-Inanda, located near Durban, is a contributiontoward understanding the position of African Muslims. The paper islimited to data collected during the latter half of 1992 and early 1993 ...
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Freeman, Linda. "L’ouverture sur le marché africain." Études internationales 14, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 103–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701469ar.
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While in the past, Canada has earned a fairly liberal reputation as it developed political relations with African countries, the trend for the 1980s has been to concentrate on promoting trade and investment. In particular, the interest in expanding markets for Canadian manufactured exports has led to the co-ordination of the Export Development Corporation (EDC) and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) to encourage and support the private sector. As a result, exports to Africa have tripled in the past five years and North Africa (especially Algeria) is becoming a region of major importance for Canadian exporter s. Although in the past the Canadian government has been ambiguous about its approach to promoting trade and investment in white-ruled Southern Africa, it has strengthened its inclination to leave the private sector alone, regardless of the support which Canadian companies are giving to the apartheid system. The before, in the 1980s, Canada's relations with Africa are being increasingly governed by economic imperatives as the government attempts to come to grips with the problems emerging from the economic recession.
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Katumba, Samy, Inger Fabris-Rotelli, Alfred Stein, and Serena Coetzee. "A spatial analytical approach towards understanding racial residential segregation in Gauteng province (South Africa)." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-164-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The introduction of apartheid in 1948 resulted in racial residential segregation that has influenced the spatial distribution of the population in South Africa. Apartheid laws, which were mainly based on race, brought about the exclusion of the non-white population from urban areas and the mainstream economy of South Africa, as well as the benefits that come with it. In the early 1990’s, apartheid was abolished and the South African government set to bring about social and spatial justice, address inequalities and promote social cohesion. This also meant doing away with racial residential segregation that had been entrenched into the urban morphology of the country. Despite this, in the post-apartheid era, racial-residential segregation still exists (Parry and Van Eeden 2015).</p><p>Figure 1 shows the density (kernel) distribution of each of the four population groups in Gauteng in 2011: Indian/Asian (IA), white (W), black African (BA) and coloured (C). It is a reflection of the legacy of apartheid town planning which isolated non-whites to the peripheral areas of urban economic centers. Densely populated areas are coloured in red while less populated areas are coloured in green. As it can be seen in the map (Figure 1), the white population group densely occupies areas close to the business centers of the province in places such as Pretoria and northern parts of Johannesburg, while non-whites densely occupy peripheral areas in former townships designated to non-whites, such as Soweto (black African), Mabopane (black African) and Lenasia (Indian/Asians). This observed pattern is more pronounced for black Africans.</p><p>To study the pattern of racial residential segregation in South Africa, non-spatial indices of segregation are widely employed despite their shortcomings. Parry and Van Eeden (2015) are among the few authors who have acknowledged the importance of employing spatial indices of segregation, even though they did not explicitly use one due to the lack of ready to use GIS software. Massey and Denton (1988) define residential segregation as “the degree to which two or more groups live separately from one another, in different parts of the urban environment”, i.e. racial residential segregation manifests itself across space. Hence, in order to assess the extent to which the levels of racial residential segregation have subsided, adequate empirical studies that employ spatial segregation indices on socio-economic data are necessary. The purpose of this research is to study the pattern of racial residential segregation by employing a spatial index of segregation namely the ‘spatial information theory index (H)’ for Gauteng province, the economic hub and most populated province of South Africa.</p><p>Some of the shortcomings of existing non-spatial indices of segregation (and also of some of the spatial ones) include the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem (MAUP) which refers to how such indices are sensitive to the size of the areal units (i.e. administrative or political boundaries) of analysis that might be arbitrarily chosen or might not accurately reflect the actual racial composition of the local neighbourhoods. This introduces possibilities of obtaining inaccurate measures of racial residential segregation and also being unable to compare the results at various scales of analysis (Reardon et al. 2004; Weir-Smith 2016). One of the major challenges that impedes the use of spatial segregation indices is the lack of ready to use software that has implemented spatial segregation indices which have attempted to address the MAUP. To address such a challenge, Hong et al. 2014 implemented a series of spatial equivalences of existing segregation measures in R under the package ‘seg’ based on Reardon et al. (2004)’s formulation of spatial segregation indices. Reardon et al. (2004) emphasise the computation of spatial indices of segregation based on the racial composition of the population as reflected by their immediate local environment instead of relying on arbitrary or fixed administrative boundaries. The ‘spatial information theory index (H)’ as implemented by Reardon et al. (2004) is experimented in this study.</p><p>This study explores existing literature related to racial residential segregation in order to further complement and supplement existing theories on segregation in South Africa by adopting a spatial analytical approach. The authors take advantage of the R implementation of spatial measures of segregation (Hong et al. 2014), namely the spatial information theory index (H), to study the patterns of residential segregation in Gauteng province (South Africa).</p>
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Munyao, Martin. "�New wine, old wineskins�: a comparative study of interfaith engagement and transitional justice in Kenya and South Africa." Journal of the British Academy 9s2 (2021): 103–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/jba/009s2.103.
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Transitional justice (TJ) is an approach that has been used by states to bring hope and renaissance in addressing past injustices. Unfortunately, transitional justice mechanisms have been ambiguous and often yield underwhelming results. While various components that constitute human societies have been incorporated in Africa�s journey towards resolving historical injustices, religion has been casually utilised, if not altogether ignored. An interfaith approach to addressing a violent past has not been exploited, yet religion played a significant role in South Africa�s (SA) post-apartheid era and Kenya�s second liberation from KANU�s single-party rule. This article will highlight the insufficiencies and gains made by past TJ mechanisms in Kenya and SA. The article will also discuss the place of interfaith engagement in confronting structural violence. Lastly, improving on SA�s TJ model, it will suggest an interfaith agenda for TJ that mitigates the horrors of historical injustices for reconciliation, peace, and stability in Kenya.
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Schutte, G. J. "S. Debroey, Zuid-Afrika. Naar de bronnen van de apartheid." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 100, no. 2 (January 1, 1985): 262. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.2587.
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Meiring, PGJ. "Bonhoeffer in South Africa: Role model and prophet." Verbum et Ecclesia 28, no. 1 (November 17, 2007): 150–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v28i1.101.
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Dietrich Bonhoeffer , arguably more than any other European theologian, influenced the way in which South African Christians, clergy and laity alike, have come to see their role in the struggle against apartheid. In his article the author describes the manner in which the German theologian was accepted as a role model by many, and evaluates his influence in the theological and ethical debates in the country. The aim of the article is to determine whether Bonhoeffer – who was born a hundred years ago, in 1906 – still has a message for us today, in a different time and under different circumstances. The author’ s conclusion is in the affirmative: Bonhoeffer’ s message is as powerful as ever . The basic principles in his teaching are as important to us today and tomorrow as they have been in the past. The author refers to five principles: 'Confessing Christ here and now’, ‘Putting a spoke in the wheel’, ‘Learning to see things from below’, ‘Acknowledging our guilt’, and ‘Becoming a church for others beyond privilege’.
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Mustamin, Kamaruddin, and Basri Basri. "Epistemologi Penafsiran Farid Esack terhadap Ayat-Ayat Pembebasan." Jurnal Ilmiah AL-Jauhari: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Interdisipliner 5, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.30603/jiaj.v5i2.1767.
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This article discusses Farid Esack 's epistemological side, who proposed an emancipatory interpretation of what was generally known as liberation hermeneutics in responding to social problems in South Africa. The method used in this research is the library method with analytical material and a historical-philosophical approach that functions to (a) analyze the text itself; (b) objectively trace the historical origins of the character's context, why it carried the hermeneutic idea of its liberation; and (c) analyze the socio-historical circumstances surrounding the character and find the essential building.
Based on the research result, the researcher found that Farid Esack 's thought-building was highly motivated by South Africa's socio-historical circumstances enduring humanitarian problems (apartheid). Farid Esack used critical reasoning (al-aql al-naqdy) in which the role of revelation (text), truth (context), and interpreter (reader) was linked in the compilation of his tafsir book. Meanwhile, the method of interpretation was the hermeneutics of the Qur'an based on the context and life experiences of the South African people, whose results were intended as the philosophical basis for freeing the whole society from all types of inequality and exploitation of economy, race, gender, class, and religion.
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Rawjee, V. P., and M. Maharaj . "A Matter of Intercultural Communication: Perspectives of International Students at a University in South Africa." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 5, no. 9 (September 25, 2013): 580–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v5i9.432.
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The end of apartheid in South Africa in 1994 saw many higher education institutions identifying opportunities to increase their intake of international students by introducing student exchange programmes. Based on South Africa’s ethnically diverse society, cultural differences pose various challenges for international students. This results in intercultural communication apprehension and therefore, a negative experience for international students. The aim of this research is to examine the cultural challenges faced by international exchange students studying at a university in South Africa. A quantitative descriptive methodology was employed for this study. Themes emanating from the literature review were used to develop a research questionnaire that consisted mostly of closed-ended questions followed by a few open-ended questions. The questionnaire was administered to ninety nine international students. The findings of the investigation indicate that the majority of international students experience culture as a challenge, which impacted on their ability to communicate and to be understood. To add credence to the international students’ experiences and the exchange programme, this paper therefore, suggests that issues around culture and intercultural communication is introduced as a core study module for all first-time international students before they arrive in South Africa.
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Strauss, Piet. "Die Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk en die Afrikanervolk kerkordelik verwoord." STJ | Stellenbosch Theological Journal 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 447–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17570/stj.2016.v2n2.a21.
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The Dutch Reformed Church and the Afrikaner – in its church orderThe Dutch Reformed Church (DRC) and the Afrikaner people had close ties in the 1960’s. This was intensified by the apartheid system in South Africa. The policy of apartheid was supported by the DRC, most of the Afrikaners and the National Party in government. In 1962 the DRC determined in its church order that it will protect and build the Christian-Protestant character of the Afrikaner people. This group was singled out by a church that was to be for believers of all nations. It also gave the DRC an active part in the development of this group. The documents Church and Society-1986 and Church and Society-1990 changed all this. The close links between the DRC and Afrikaans cultural institutions ended and the DRC declared that it caters to any believer. The church order article about the Afrikaner was omitted.
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West, M. E. "One rainbow, one nation, one tongue singing: whiteness in post-apartheid pulp fiction." Literator 32, no. 3 (July 30, 2011): 17–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v32i3.208.
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A certain brand of fiction has become popular in post-apartheid South Africa that accounts for the relative success of Susan Mann‟s “One tongue singing” (2005). This article seeks to examine the implications of narratives such as this in revealing the normative assumptions that might inform text and reception a decade into a new democracy. It begins with an overview of whiteness studies as a post-colonial frame of reference useful in gauging the continued hegemonic normativity of whiteness as a cultural affiliation. This is followed by an analysis of Mann‟s novel. I argue that it is precisely in fiction such as this – massproduced for a white middle-class, mostly female readership both here and abroad – that there is ample evidence of the kinds of normative assumptions that whiteness studies attempts to make visible. I demonstrate that despite the writer‟s liberal and politically correct attempts to negotiate the politics of race, gender and class, her narrative inadvertently reinforces stereotypes that it ostensibly challenges. Thus it exhibits the discursive limits and powers of the most readily available reading matter this country has to offer.
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Mekusi, Busuyi. "WHEN INDEMNITY BECOMES DISDAINFUL: REVENGE AS METAPHOR FOR ‘UNFINISHED BUSINESSES’ IN POST-APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICAN DRAMA." Imbizo 7, no. 2 (May 26, 2017): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2078-9785/1855.
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Revenge, as an instance of oppositionality, typifies past wrongs, evils, violations and disregard for human dignity which have been imputed and for which the offender must be reprimanded. The foregoing sequence is remindful of the dastardly apartheid dispensation in South Africa, which is a strong metaphor for strife and ‘ruptured’ human interactions. While the transition of South Africa to constitutionality was substantially heralded by the negotiating preponderances of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), a number of people have adjudged the TRC to be a mere attempt to draw a curtain on the past - in sharp contrast to the spirit and letter of the commission. By so doing, there is a popular opinion that there are still some ‘unfinished business’ that ironically link the present with the past. Therefore, it is considered a ‘must’ that these ‘silences’ be addressed in order for the present and future of South Africa not to be intractably burdened by the past. Bhekizizwe Peterson’s and Ramadan Suleman’s Zulu Love Letter (both film and scripted play) has joined this discourse by artistically amplifying the need for an engagement with these ‘deafening silences’. It is in the light of the aforementioned that this article investigates the process of wrong and attempts by the hegemony to expiate such wrongs, in the context of impervious agents, who disregard the processes for peaceful engagements, but rather scorn and threaten victims of their vicious actions for daring to seek justice. The article sees such a repudiation of one’s evil act and the conciliatory stance of the government as capable of breeding revenge. However, the article concludes that when medicated, using certain cultural and religious beliefs, the bleeding heart that is prone to seeking revenge or retaliation (vengeance) might also be a carrier of forgiveness and collectivism.
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Rubin, Rachel. "The Antiapartheid Struggle did It/Could it Challenge Racism in the U.S.?" Issue: A Journal of Opinion 24, no. 2 (1996): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050239x.
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Between the 1970s and 1990s, many whites, including myself, embraced antiapartheid work, partly because we were outraged at the horror of South Africa but also because it gave us a way to fight racism and do antiracism work here in the United States. I had always seen and disapproved of racism and from a very young age felt a need to fight against it. The anti-apartheid struggle gave me a solid way to do that. In the mid 70’s when I was in college, the campus that I was on was so segregated and the institutional policies so paternalistic and racist that there were very few forums for blacks and whites to work together. The first fully-fledge antiapartheid group at my university, which I joined on its inception, was established by an African-American who was a visiting artist on campus.
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Arko-Cobbah, Albert, and Basie Olivier. "SOUTH AFRICA’S ACCESS TO INFORMATION LEGISLATION AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC RIGHTS: CIVIL SOCIETY AND MEANINGFUL ENGAGEMENT AS DRIVERS." Mousaion: South African Journal of Information Studies 34, no. 1 (July 16, 2016): 149–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0027-2639/879.
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The inclusion of access to information in the constitution of South Africa and its concomitant legislation, Promotion of Access to Information Act (PAIA) is aimed at promoting transparency, accountability and democratic governance in the hitherto closed, authoritarian and apartheid society. The Constitution goes further to entrench socio-economic rights (SERs) in order to address the injustices of the past of ignorance, fear, and want that impair the dignity of the majority of South Africans. Access to information (ATI) is described as the ‘touchstone’ of all human rights and upon which the other human rights, including SERs are buttressed. SERs are, supposedly, enforced by the courts of law. However, their justiciability has become acrimonious and adversarial because it may include the courts making orders that may have budgetary implications, which usually fall under the purview of the executive-cum-legislation, thus undermining the separation of powers doctrine. The study  suggests the concept of meaningful engagement to break the impasse, arguing that the concept is more ‘user-friendly’ and grounded in the Constitution and other statutory instrument and practices in the governance of South Africa.Â
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Maake, Manala Shadrack. "LAND REFORM IN SOUTH AFRICA: OBSTINATE SPACIAL DISTORTIONS." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 46, no. 1 (December 9, 2016): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/1234.
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This theoretical paper seeks to make an empirical contribution to the Land Reform discourses. The paper argues that the pace of land redistribution in South Africa is undeniably slow and limits livelihood choices of relatively most intended beneficiaries of land reform programme. The primacy and success of the programme within rural development ought to measured and assessed through ways in which the land reform programmes conforms to and improve the livelihoods, ambitions and goals of the intended beneficiaries without compromising agricultural production and the economy. In addition, paper highlights the slow pace of land reform programme and its implications on socio-economic transformation of South Africa. Subsequently, the paper concludes through demonstrating the need for a radical approach towards land reform without disrupting agricultural production and further to secure support and coordination of spheres of government. The democratic government in South Africa inherited a country which characterized by extreme racial imbalances epitomized through social relations of land and spatial distortions. Non-white South Africans are still feeling the effects of colonial and apartheid legal enactments which sought to segregate ownership of resources on the basis of race in particular. Thus, successive democratic governments have the specific mandate to re-design and improve land reform policies which are targeted to reverse colonially fueled spatial distortions. South Africa’s overall Land Reform programme consists of three key elements and namely are; land redistribution, tenure reform and land restitution. Concomitantly, spatial proponents and researchers have denounced and embraced land reform ideology and its status quo in South Africa. The criticisms overlapped towards both beneficiaries and state due to factors like poor post-settlement support, lack of skills, lack of capital, infighting over land claims and land management.
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Polak, Fiona, and Athol Leach. "DEVELOPING GUIDELINES FOR SOUTH AFRICAN MUSIC LIBRARIANS." Mousaion: South African Journal of Information Studies 32, no. 3 (September 30, 2016): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0027-2639/1677.
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Music librarians must have knowledge of the copyright laws which govern the transferring of music from the old analogue form to the new digital formats. These laws were a particular concern of the South African Music Archive Project (SAMAP) which aimed to create an online resource for indigenous South African music particularly that of musicians suppressed during the apartheid years. Polak’s (2009) study was an offshoot of SAMAP. This article draws on her study and identifies the specific problems encountered by music librarians with regard to digital copyright law pertaining to music. The guiding theoretical framework is based on the Berne Convention (2014) and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) Copyright Treaty (1996) which provide the overarching international framework for guiding copyright. The literature review focuses on the international and national legislation; copyright in original recordings; duration of copyright; fair use, the public domain and information commons; copyright and fair dealing; and the South African Copyright Act (No. 98 of 1978). A survey conducted by e-mail identified problem areas experienced by the music librarians regarding the digital music copyright laws in South Africa. Two sets of guidelines for South African music librarians were formulated using their responses and the literature reviewed, and recommendations are made.
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BARROS, ANTONIO EVALDO ALMEIDA. "UM IZIBONGO PARA MAFUKUZELA: Ritual, Memória e Nação na áfrica do Sul." Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 15, no. 25 (June 28, 2018): 108–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v15i25.639.
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John Langalibalele Dube (1871-1946) tornara-se uma figura central da história e memória sul-africana moderna. Suas realizações são bem conhecidas por aqueles que têm se interessado por sua vida e obra. Ao mesmo tempo, os modos como ele vem sendo apropriado e visto do final do século XIX até os dias atuais têm relação direta com os projetos de nação e sociedade sul-africana dominantes. De um lado, há aqueles que tendem a identificar Dube como colaborador da implementação da segregação sul-africana. De outro lado, há aqueles que posicionam John Dube como personagem central das lutas históricas contra a segregação racial, inscrevendo-o, como ocorre paradigmaticamente nos dias atuais, como uma espécie de herói sul-africano ”“ esta tendência pode ser observada em diferentes décadas e situações, como nas representações sobre Dube produzidas por sua famália e grupo social nos anos 1970 no á¢mbito dos izibongos que lhe foram dedicados, e que são objeto central deste artigo. Num jogo de lutas de memória, este padrão interpretativo tornar-se-ia claramente dominante na áfrica do Sul pós-Apartheid, particularmente no contexto de invenção da áfrica do Sul como Rainbown Nation.Palavras-chave: John Dube (1871-1946). Memória. Nação. Izibongo. áfrica do Sul.AN IZIBONGO FOR MAFUKUZELA: Ritual, Memory and Nation in South Africa Abstract: John Langalibalele Dube (1871-1946) had become a central figure in modern South African history and memory. His accomplishments are well known for those who have been interested in his life and work. At the same time, the ways in which he has been appropriated and seen from the late nineteenth century to the present day are directly related to the dominant South African society and nation projects. On the one hand, there are those who tend to identify Dube as a contributor to the implementation of South African segregation. On the other hand, there are those who position John Dube as the central character of the historical struggles against racial segregation, inscribing him, as it occurs today paradigmatically, as a kind of South African hero - this tendency can be observed in different decades and situations, such as in Dube”™s representations produced by his family and social group in the 1970s under the izibongos that were dedicated to him, and that are the central object of this article. In a game of memory struggles, this interpretive pattern would become clearly dominant paradigmatically in post-Apartheid South Africa, particularly in the context of South Africa's invention as Rainbown NationKeywords: John Dube (1871-1946). Memory. Nation. Izibongo. South Africa. Un IZIBONGO PARA MAFUKUZELA: Ritual, Memoria y Nación en Sudáfrica Resumen: John Langalibalele Dube (1871-1946) se habáa convertido en una figura central de la historia y memoria sudafricana moderna. Sus realizaciones son bien conocidas por aquellos que se interesan por su vida y obra. Al mismo tiempo, los modos como él viene siendo apropiado y visto desde el final del siglo XIX hasta los dáas actuales tienen relación directa con los proyectos de nación y sociedad sudafricana dominantes. Por un lado, hay quienes tienden a identificar a Dube como colaborador de la implementación de la segregación sudafricana. Por otro lado, hay aquellos que posicionan a John Dube como personaje central de las luchas históricas contra la segregación racial, inscribiéndolo, como ocurre paradigmáticamente en los dáas actuales, como una especie de héroe sudafricano ”“ esta tendencia puede ser observada en diferentes décadas y situaciones, como en las representaciones sobre Dube producidas por su familia y grupo social en los años 1970 en el ámbito de los izibongos que le fueron dedicados, y que son objeto central de este artáculo. En un juego de luchas de memoria, este patrón interpretativo se tornaráa claramente dominante en Sudáfrica post-Apartheid, particularmente en el contexto de invención de Sudáfrica como Rainbown Nation.Palabras clave: John Dube (1871-1946). Memoria. Nación. Izibongo. Sudáfrica.
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Carton, Benedict. "Fount of Deep Culture: Legacies of theJames Stuart Archivein South African Historiography." History in Africa 30 (2003): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003156.
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The 2001 launch of the fifth volume of theJames Stuart Archivereinforces this publication's reputation as a mother lode of primary evidence. TheArchive'sexistence is largely due to the efforts of two editors, Colin De B. Webb and John Wright, who transformed a tangle of notes into lucid text. They deciphered the interviews that Natal colonist James Stuart conducted with a range of informants, many of them elderly isiZulu-speaking men. Transcribed by Stuart between the 1890s and 1920s, these discussions often explored in vivid detail the customs, lore, and lineages of southern Africa. Although references to theArchiveabound in revisionist histories of southern Africa, few scholars have assessed how testimonies recorded by Stuart have critically influenced such pioneering research. Fewer still have incorporated the compelling views of early twentieth-century cultural change that Stuart's informants bring to a post-apartheid understanding of South Africa's past.Well before the University of Natal Press published volume 5, the evidence presented in theArchivehad already led scholars of South African history into fertile, unmarked terrain. One example of groundbreaking data can be found in the statements of volume 4's master interpreter of Zulu power, Ndukwana kaMbengwana. His observations of the past anchor recent studies that debunk myths surrounding the early-nineteenth-century expansion of Shaka's kingdom. Ever timely, the endnotes in volume 5 discuss these reappraisals of historical interpretation and methodology. Editor John Wright elaborates in his preface: “By the time we picked up work on volume 5, we were starting to take note … that oral histories should be seen less as stories containing a more or less fixed ‘core’ of facts than as fluid narratives whose content could vary widely.”
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Pervez Memon, Prof Dr Aslam, Ms Fahmeeda Memon, and Prof Dr Kiran Sami. "SPORTS AS A DYNAMIC FORCE IN DEVELOPING RELATIONS IN GLOBAL POLITICS." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 9, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 1936–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v9i3.4058.
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Sports are understood as one of the dynamic forces in developing national integrity among the masses creatingnational unity in the country; where as sports diplomacy is referred when sport is used as a political means to improverelations and some times may worsen diplomatic relations between two nations. The intention is to bring aboutfundamental changes relating to fine relations. While the Olympics events are the leading political examples of usingsports for diplomatic means, such as cricket, table tennis and football as well as other international sports competitionshave also been used in this regard. In the case of Apartheid, competitive sport was used to isolate South Africa thatbrought major changes in nation's social structure in terms of socio- political relationship, examining the sportsdiplomacy that adopted by Nelson Mandela of South Africa, and Iran’s former President Khatami's inspiring initiativeprovided an opening for a watchful rapprochement policy with USA, advocating people-to-people contacts betweenthese two nations to release tensions developed between them that may be compared with ping pong diplomacy,which softened US-Chinese relations.
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Smith, Eric D. "The Seeds of Destruction: Naturalism, Hysteria, and the Beautiful Soul in Lewis Nkosi’s Mating Birds." Cambridge Journal of Postcolonial Literary Inquiry 7, no. 2 (April 2020): 158–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pli.2019.34.
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If V. S. Naipaul’s late fiction demonstrates the crisis of narrative in the arrested dialectic of what I have called postcolonial naturalism, then the work of South African novelist, playwright, and critic Lewis Nkosi epitomizes the intersection of postcolonial naturalism with the double-voiced discourse of the hysteric. Situated between a post-independence melancholy and the registration of globalization’s volatile new dispensation and refracted through the racial politics of apartheid and its end as well as the lived experience of exile, Nkosi’s apartheid-era debut novel Mating Birds articulates in both form and content the noble self-exemption of Hegel’s “Beautiful Soul” and the subversive anxiety of the hysteric, to whom no satisfaction can be given. Such an accounting helps to reframe split critical appraisal of the novel by reading its complex of form and content as the living crystallization of historical processes.
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Akhmad Ali Said. "HERMENEUTIKA AL-QUR’AN TENTANG PLURALISME AGAMA PERSPEKTIF FARID ESACK." Jurnal Ilmiah Spiritualis: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Tasawuf 6, no. 1 (August 26, 2020): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.53429/spiritualis.v6i1.74.
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Al-Qur’an memiliki muatan universal (s}a>lih} li kulli zama>n wa maka>n) sehingga memberikan spirit berupa nilai kebebasan (al-h}urriyah), nilai-nilai humanistic, nilai keadilan (al-‘ada>lah), kesetaraan (al-musa>wah), dan hak asasi manusia (h}uqu>q al-insa>n). Nilai-nilai universal yang berorientasi pada spirit al-Qur’an inilah yang menjadi konsentrasi Farid Esack. Dia adalah seorang pemikir dari Afrika Selatan. Lewat karya dan keterlibatannya dalam gerakan praksis, Esack mendobrak klaim kebenaran eksklusif agama dan mengkonstruksi konsep pluralisme agama untuk membebaskan masyarakat Afrika Selatan dari belenggu kolonialisme rezim Apartheid. Dalam hermeneutiknya, Esack menempatkan teks (al-Qur’an), konteks Afrika Selatan dan penafsir berada pada posisi lingkaran hermeneutik. Pada posisinya sebagai pembaca sekaligus sebagai pengarang Esack menekankan adanya sebuah pembacaan yang kritis dan membebaskan dalam menafsirkan teks ke dalam konteks. Hermeneutika yang ditawarkan Farid Esack sebagai metode penafsiran al-Qur’an untuk membangun landasan teologis tentang konsep pluralisme agama. Dalam pandangan Esack, ada kemungkinan untuk hidup dalam kepercayaan penuh terhadap al-Qur’an dan konteks kehidupan sekarang bersama-sama kepercayaan-kepercayaan lain dan bekerjasama untuk membangun masyarakat yang lebih manusiawi. Esack mengembangkan gagasan hermeneutika al-Qur’an sebagai kontribusi bagi pengembangan pluralisme agama dalam Islam; menguji cara al-Qur’an mendefinisikan diri (muslim) dan orang lain (non-muslim) dengan tujuan untuk menciptakan ruang bagi kebenaran dan keadilan orang lain dalam teologi pluralisme untuk pembebasan; dan menggali hubungan antara eksklusivisme keagamaan dalam bentuk konservatisme politik (yang mendukung Apartheid) di satu sisi, dan inklusivisme keagamaan dan satu bentuk politik progresif (yang mendukung perjuangan pembebasan) di sisi lain, serta memberi dukungan rasional yang bersifat qur’ani, untuk membebaskan masyarakat Afrika Selatan dari belenggu rezim Apartheid.
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Williams, Jessica R. "A Pariah Among Parvenus: Anne Fischer and the Politics of South Africa's New Realism(s)." October 173 (September 2020): 143–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00406.
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While scholars have begun to explore the complex afterlives of “new realism” in Europe and the Americas following the collapse of Weimar democracy, its reception on the African continent has received far less attention. Looking to the unheralded documentary work that Anne Fischer, a German- Jewish refugee to Cape Town, produced in the early years of the Second World War, this essay examines how she and South African contemporary Constance Stuart Larrabee variously employed German modernist photographic aesthetics to both critique and uphold public fictions of race in the decade leading up to the advent of apartheid. In considering these women's work, the text sheds light on how issues of race, class, and gender inflected Fischer's experience of exile and, in turn, how she mobilized her lens in her new colonial context as a young pariah among parvenus
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Mofokeng, Godfrey. "Mentorship Programmes within the Small and Medium Sized Contractor Development Programme: A Case Study of the Free State Province, South Africa." Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 4, no. 12 (December 15, 2012): 712–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v4i12.371.
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The South African government has been implementing various small and medium sized contractor development programmes in an effort to redress the legacy created by apartheid government. The programmes fulfil such an objective through awarding construction projects to the historically disadvantaged Black contractors to enable them develop competent skills, build viable construction firms, create jobs and redistribute wealth. A mentorship programme was put in place to assist the contractors with technical, managerial, contractual and business impediments they might be encountered in the project execution and in running the construction business. The main aim of the paper was to conduct an evaluation of the contractor development mentorship programme in South Africa using the Free State Province as a case study. Questionnaires were distributed to 120 small and medium contractors in the Free State Province, and a review of literature was undertaken. Financial factors were found to be amongst the leading causes of contractors’ failures. It was also established that educational qualification and experience in the construction industry have an effect in a contractor’s failure or success. A lot of contractors revealed that they were not exposed to the Contractor Development Programmes like in other provinces hence 74% did not participate in any contractor development programmes and only 26% did participate. The paper concluded with recommendations on how mentorship within the contractor development programme can be improved.
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Wells, Julie. "Forging Unity in Diversity?: Today''s South African Heritage Practise and the Post-apartheid Recovery Process." International Journal of Diversity in Organizations, Communities, and Nations: Annual Review 6, no. 5 (2007): 181–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1447-9532/cgp/v06i05/57997.
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Gathogo, Julius M. "Living with a Bullet in One’s Body: General Magoto and Kenya’s Quest for Independence." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1910.
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Mau-Mau revolutionary rebels began fighting for Kenyan independence in the 1940s, with the warfare reaching its zenith in the 1950s. The war was fought mainly by soldiers in their 20s and 30s, most of whom were from the central region of Kenya. The rebels and society at large were against British colonialism, which began when Kenya was declared a British protectorate in 1885 and a colony in 1920. It was the elites who encouraged people to see forced taxes, poor wages, the carrying of the Kipande (identity card), poor quality education, the colour bar (as Kenya’s version of apartheid was called), forced labour, constant harassment and arbitrary beatings and mass arrests, especially in the major towns, and indeed the general systemic poverty to be indicators of their enslavement. Furthermore, the African soldiers who returned from fighting on the side of the British during the Second World War came out strongly against the assumed superiority of the coloniser. By 1952, various Mau-Mau platoons had been established, with General Magoto joining the erstwhile Haraka platoon of Embu district. He is deserving of mention not only for having survived the military offensives via land and air, but also for having lived with a bullet lodged in his body for over 50 years.
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Whitehead, Kevin A. "The Problem of Context in the Analysis of Social Action: The Case of Implicit Whiteness in Post-apartheid South Africa." Social Psychology Quarterly 83, no. 3 (June 5, 2020): 294–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0190272519897595.
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While the specification of situating context(s) is commonly treated as an indispensable part of social scientific research, the choices this involves are rarely directly explicated. An exception is conversation analysis (CA), which differs from many other approaches in its privileging of participants’ orientations as a basis for empirically grounding analytic specifications of context. In this article, I demonstrate how this approach to context, along with CA methods and findings, can be employed in addressing challenges associated with identifying and analyzing (possible) instances of the implicit relevance of racial categories in everyday social interaction. Using the case of implicit whiteness in post-apartheid South Africa as a site for considering these challenges, I examine a collection of interactions in which race becomes (possibly) relevant during the course of complaints about violent crime. I begin with an ambiguous case of a speaker’s possible implicit orientation to whiteness, demonstrating the use of CA for the close examination of available evidence for this orientation. I then describe how an approach based on a collection of cases, constituted by similar sequential and action environments to those that characterize the ambiguous case, can be employed to strengthen the analysis of the ambiguous case. The analysis thereby demonstrates the powerful resources CA offers for addressing ambiguity with respect to social categories and the value of detailed examinations of interactional practices for documenting how participants manage and thereby reproduce the consequentiality of their position in a racialized social order.
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Froneman, J. D. "Mediatransformasie dek die tafel vir ’n nuwe joernalistiek." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.574.
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Media transformation sets the scene for a new journalismSince 1993 the South African media have been going through a period of fundamental transformation. This process has resulted in a phenomenon of black journalists and whites with credentials as anti-apartheid activists, moving into senior editorial positions at the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) as well as at newspapers. This article briefly describes the said transformational steps within the framework of existing media models, inter alia the developmental, social-responsibility and democratic-participatory models. Journalism covering the arts, culture and literature is thereby placed within a broader media context. It is concluded that the dominant media model(s) will determine the kind of journalism we can expect in future.
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Mangcu, Xolela. "DECOLONIZING SOUTH AFRICAN SOCIOLOGY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13, no. 1 (2016): 45–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000072.
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AbstractOn 14 June 2014 the Council of the University of Cape Town (UCT) voted to change race-based affirmative action in student admissions. The Council was ratifying an earlier decision by the predominantly White University Senate. According to the new policy race would be considered as only one among several factors, with the greater emphasis now being economic disadvantage. This paper argues that the new emphasis on economic disadvantage is a reflection of a long-standing tendency among left-liberal White academics to downplay race and privilege economic factors in their analysis of disadvantage in South Africa. The arguments behind the decision were that (1) race is an unscientific concept that takes South Africa back to apartheid-era thinking, and (2) that race should be replaced by class or economic disadvantage. These arguments are based on the assumption that race is a recent product of eighteenth century racism, and therefore an immoral and illegitimate social concept.Drawing on the non-biologistic approaches to race adopted by W. E. B. Du Bois, Tiyo Soga, Pixley ka Seme, S. E. K. Mqhayi, and Steve Biko, this paper argues that awareness of Black perspectives on race as a historical and cultural concept should have led to an appreciation of race as an integral part of people’s identities, particularly those of the Black students on campus. Instead of engaging with these Black intellectual traditions, White academics railroaded their decisions through the governing structures. This decision played a part in the emergence of the #RhodesMustFall movement at UCT.This paper argues that South African sociology must place Black perspectives on race at the center of its curriculum. These perspectives have been expressed by Black writers since the emergence of a Black literary culture in the middle of the nineteenth century. These perspectives constitute what Henry Louis Gates, Jr. calls a shared “text of Blackness” (Gates 2014, p. 140). This would provide a practical example of the decolonization of the curriculum demanded by students throughout the university system.
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Powers, Theodore. "Authoritarian Violence, Public Health, and the Necropolitical State: Engaging the South African Response to COVID-19." Open Anthropological Research 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 60–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opan-2020-0105.
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Abstract Following COVID-19’s arrival in March 2020, the South African government implemented a restrictive state-led response to the pandemic, limiting infections along with the survival strategies of those at greatest risk of illness. While the country’s aggressive tactics towards the pandemic have been lauded by some, the public health response has taken a violent turn towards the country’s historically marginalized Black urban population. How are we to make sense of the ruling African National Congress’ decision to utilize the South African state’s capacity for violence towards poor and working-class Black urban communities? How can this disease response be contextualized within the broader dynamics of citizenship across South African history? Building on these questions, I analyze South African efforts to control the COVID-19 pandemic alongside the state response to an outbreak of bubonic plague during the colonial era. I propose that the South African state carries within it divergent historical continuities, some of which carry forward the necropolitical modalities of the colonial and apartheid eras and others that redistribute resources to safeguard life.
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Misbachul Munir. "Hermeneutika Farid Esack." Jurnal Ilmiah Spiritualis: Jurnal Pemikiran Islam dan Tasawuf 4, no. 2 (August 8, 2020): 190–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.53429/spiritualis.v4i2.52.
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Al-Qur‟an adalah kitab suci yang dijadikan pedoman bagi umat Islam dalam segala hal, termasuk memecahkan masalah sosial-politik yang terjadi di Afrika Selatan. Farid Esack adalah tokoh reformis muslim Afrika Selatan yang memiliki gagasan hermenutis untuk membebaskan masyarakat Afrika Selatan dari penindasan Apartheid. Upaya yang dilakukan Esack adalah dengan melakukan reinterpretasi terhadap teologi Islam. Kesimpulan dari artikel ini adalah hermeneutika pembebasan yang digagas oleh Farid Esack meliputi: taqwa, tauh}id, al-na>s, mustad}‘ifu>n, al-adl-al-qist}, dan jihad. Metode tersebut diterapkan untuk memaknai kembali arti iman dan kufr. Menurutnya, iman bukan sebatas keyakinan di hati, akan tetapi terbukti dalam tindakan diri. Sedangkan kufr didefinisikan dalam wilayah agama dan tindakan. Fir‟aun adalah reinterpretasi kufr dalam di>n dan tindakan. Sedangkan penguasa yang memiliki karakter menindas seperti Fir‟aun juga dapat dikatakan sebagai kufr, sebab ia bertentangan dengan keadilan dan tidak berpihak kepada kaum yang lemah.
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Deacon, Harriet. "W. Beinart and S. Dubow (ed.): Segregation and Apartheid in twentieth-century South Africa: (Rewriting Histories.) 288 pp. London and New York: Routledge, 1995. £40 (paper £12.99)." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 59, no. 3 (October 1996): 624–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00031360.
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Van der Elst, J. "Die Anglo-Boereoorlog: ’n vertekende beeld vanuit die vreemde." Literator 20, no. 3 (April 26, 1999): 147–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v20i3.499.
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The Anglo-Boer War: A distorted image from abroadThis article deals with the Dutch author Louwrens Penning (1854-1927) who wrote 18 novels on the Boer War, even though he never visited the country until 1924, long after the Anglo-Boer War had ended One of his books, entitled De held van Spionkop, is discussed as example. Penning s images of the Boer warriors and their endeavors were highly idealised and embedded in a certain view of race relations a n d war. He created idols, like the courageous boy named Blikoortjie, which became widely known among his Dutch readers, especially the Dutch youth. He facilely ignored historic facts and rather idealized a n d fantasized. His works thus became a peculiar mixture off act and fiction. Though he was not a literary master, he succeeded in writing gripping stories which were - up to a point - reprinted time and again. Through his writings he succeeded in creating a positive image of the Afrikaner which persisted in spite of the negative outcome of apartheid. Though one cannot be sure, it may even be true that Dutch immigrants came to South Africa because of a consistently positive image of Afrikaans and Afrikaans heroes as created by Penning in his books.
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Singh, Annie, and Moreblessing Zaryl Bhero. "Judicial Law-Making: Unlocking the Creative Powers of Judges in Terms of Section 39(2) of the Constitution." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 19 (November 17, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2016/v19i0a1504.
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The law-making role of judges has always been the subject of much controversy. For a good many a year and especially during the apartheid regime, the approach to statutory interpretation that dominated the South African courts was the orthodox textual position. According to the textualists, as they were referred to, the position that was adopted was that legislation was to be interpreted within the framework of the words used by the legislature. The courts were not empowered to make any modifications, alterations or additions to the legislative text, as this function was solely the responsibility of the legislature. The paradigmatic shift in emphasis since 1994 from a system of parliamentary sovereignty to constitutional supremacy changed this position significantly. The key consideration of statutory interpretation was that the aim and purpose of legislation was to be considered with the values of the Constitution forming the over-arching principle in the process of interpretation. The courts were enjoined to reconcile the purpose of the legislation with the provisions of the Constitution, and in particular, the Bill of Rights. The emerging view in support of the purposive or the teleological theory has been that judges do indeed have a law-making function in the process of interpretation. Since the early 1990's, it has been observed that the judiciary has been able to assert its influence on the development of the law and the emerging jurisprudence, as a result of the powers derived from the Constitution, and in particular section 39(2). The article examines the extent to which the judiciary can use this power in a post-democratic constitutional era, in South Africa, to achieve justice. From the repository of cases, which forms the basis of the discussion, the article proposes a set of factors that ought to be heeded by our courts in the application of section 39(2).
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Sanders, A. J. G. M. "The Freedom Charter and Ethnicity— towards a Communitarian South African Society." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008020.
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At national as well as international level the South African Freedom Charter has become a symbol of the long-standing struggle against apartheid. In this essay the emphasis will be on the charter's provisions relating to ethnicity. The question of ethnicity is a crucial one, for on its solution depends the outcome of the economic and other social problems which trouble South African society.The 1955 Freedom Charter, which was the outcome of a joint venture of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the predominantly European South African Congress of Democrats, suggests a unitary, participatory welfare state, which will acccord equal rights to all “national groups and races”.For the A.N.C., the senior partner in the “Congress Alliance”, the reference in the charter to “national groups and races” soon became a major headache. Could it be said that the charter lent support to the creation of “four nations”? A number of people within the A.N.C. feared that much. Prominent among them were the “Africanists” who in April 1959 broke away from the A.N.C, and formed the Pan-Africanist Congress (P.A.C.) “Charterists” and “Africanists” are still at loggerheads, but the A.N.C.'s “Revolutionary Programme” of 1969 and its “Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic
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Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. "Political Violence, ‘Tribalism’, and Inkatha." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 3 (September 1992): 485–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010855.
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Probably no other aspect of the South African conflict has elicited more divergent explanations and misinterpretations than the ongoing political violence. It is variously attributed to (1) de Klerk's double agenda and unreformed police; (2) a ‘third force’ of right-wing elements in the security establishment, bent on derailing the Government's negotiation agenda; (3) Inkatha–A.N.C. rivalry, engineered by ambitious Buthelezi in danger of being sidelined as an equal third party; (4) the A.N.C.'s campaign of armed struggle, ungovernability, and revolutionary intolerance; (5) ingrained tribalism, unleashed by the lessening of white repression that merely resulted in ‘black-on-black’ violence formerly held in check; (6) the legacy of apartheid in general, a ‘lost youth’ generation. Helen Suzman, for example, singled out sanctions for at least ‘part of the blame’ in her 1991 presidential address to the Institute of Race Relations, while its director, John Kane-Berman, lists all parties as having ‘bloody hands’.
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Woodward, Servanne. "A synthesis of personal and public history : 1990’s Achkar and Peck." Issue 1 1, no. 1 (June 12, 2018): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-2713/2018/v1n1a6.
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The 1991 films of David Achkar, a French-Guinean filmmaker, and Raoul Peck, a Haitian filmmaker whose family spent many years in the Congo, intersect around Patrice Lumumba (1925-1961), the first Congolese prime minister and victim of a political murder. Both films remain intensely personal if not intimate. Achkar is reminiscent of Beckett in the depiction of “waiting for” an occurrence ever differed. What is haunting about Achkar’s quest is that the filmmaker is in search of his father Marof David Achkar (1930-1971), a choreographer of the Keïta Fodeba “Ballets Africains” (1955-1960) and cultural counsellor to the Guinean embassy in Washington (1960-1964). Marof had replaced Telli Diallo at the United Nations (1964-1968) when he worked against apartheid in South Africa; in 1968 U. Thant (secretary to the United Nations) recommended him to a post of high commissioner to the World Organization in Namibia, a proposal rejected by Sékou Touré (elected as the first President of Guinea, serving from 1958 until his death in 1984) who recalled him to Conakry. Upon his return to Guinea, Marof Achkar was arrested and brought to camp Boiro, where he was tortured, made to sign charges of embezzlement and executed on January 25, 1971. At the time, David Achkar was a child — something of the child remains in the biography of his father. Beyond his father’s political ordeal is the first-hand demonstration of the personal impact the execution had on him; he connects more publicly and didactically with the administration of justice versus political murders in his last film, Kiti, justice en Guinée (1996). Both Achkar and Peck employ collages of family reels, documentaries, and film that may be inspired by Surrealism, a movement mentioned in Death of a Prophet (1991). Peck also moved toward a stronger Marxist message in his 2017 film about the German philosopher, and though he has done several documentaries, he is attached to the current relevance of legacies when he depicts Marx as appealing to today’s youth. In both 1991 films, the sliding distance of political heroes, from public careers to intimate family documents is further complicated by the filmmakers’ decision to intertwine plain autobiography to their biographies. They are working from the premises of affective encounters to create a sense of community. Eventually, Achkar and Peck raise issues about the philosophical nature of identity and the autobiography involved in the encounter with sacrificed or resurrected prophets as interpreted in Allah-Tantou—God’s Will be Done [À la grâce de Dieu] (1991) by David Achkar (1960-1998) and Death of a Prophet, by Raoul Peck (1954-present).