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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Apartheid in S.Africa'
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1
Posel, Deborah. "Influx control and the construction of Apartheid, 1948-1961." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327979.
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2
Erasmus, Yvonne. "Racial (Re)classification During Apartheid South Africa : Regulations, Experiences, and the Meaning(s) of 'Race'." Thesis, St George's, University of London, 2007. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.763929.
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3
Sòria, Ortíz Ferriol. "Les Comissions de la Veritat, un factor de transformació social en comunitats en conflicte: la Comissió de la Veritat i Reconciliació (CVR) sud-africana." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/104480.
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Les Comissions de la Veritat són un instrument de justícia transicional amb potencial
de transformació social en societats en conflicte. El disseny de les Comissions i
l’itinerari que recorrin condicionen el desenvolupament d’aquest potencial. La recerca
fixa els factors de disseny i anàlisi de les comissions i la relació que tenen entre si.
Sota aquests paràmetres i com a estudi de cas, s’analitza la Comissió de la Veritat i
Reconciliació de Sud-àfrica (CVR). I es fa longitudinalment, analitzant els factors que
incideixen en el moment de la seva gestació, desenvolupament, finalització i posteriors
actuacions del govern com a resposta a les recomanacions que figuren al seu Informe
Final. La CVR esdevé un exemple paradigmàtic del desenvolupament d’aquest
potencial transformador i dels riscos que poden portar a que el procés no tingui la força
esperada si algun dels factors que el condicionen no es pondera adequadament.Las Comisiones de la Verdad son un instrumento de justicia transicional con potencial de transformación social en sociedades en conflicto. El diseño de las Comisiones y el itinerario que recorran condicionan el desarrollo de este potencial. La investigación fija los factores de diseño y análisis de las comisiones y la relación que tienen entre sí. Bajo estos parámetros y como estudio de caso, se analiza la Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación de Sudáfrica (CVR). Y se hace longitudinalmente, analizando los factores que inciden en el momento de su gestación, desarrollo, finalización y posteriores actuaciones del gobierno como respuesta a las recomendaciones que figuran en su Informe Final. La CVR se convierte en un ejemplo paradigmático del desarrollo de este potencial transformador y de los riesgos que pueden llevar a que el proceso no tenga la fuerza esperada si alguno de los factores que lo condicionan no se pondera adecuadamente.
4
Isaacs, Gilad Lee. "Financialisation in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2018. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26178/.
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The thesis explores the internationalisation and financialisation of the South African economy in the post-apartheid period grounded in a Marxist political-economy framework that understands financialisation as part of a structural transformation in mature capitalism. It elucidates this in terms of shifting property relations in concert with the internationalisation of the circuits of capital. Financialisation is viewed as entailing the intensive and extensive penetration of finance into ever more spheres of political, economic, and social life, and the remaking of relationships between capitals, capital and the state, and capital, the state and households, with the local political economy and global integration playing key roles. The historic trajectory of the South African economy - and the development of the financial system therein - is understood through the lens of the Minerals-Energy Complex (MEC). Liberalisation and reregulation are shown to be critical developments in post-apartheid monetary policy. Together, these deeply affect South Africa's global financial integration, subjecting the South African economy to new external vulnerabilities. The South African financial sector undergoes important shifts, with banking increasingly geared towards short-term financial market intermediation and lending to households. At the same time financial investors come to play an increasingly important role in market dynamics. Far-reaching change is visible in the productive sector with restructuring, internationalisation, quasi-privatisation, and Black Economic Empowerment altering patterns of ownership. Non-financial corporations are increasingly engaged in shortterm financial-market activity and shareholder payouts boom, with deleterious affects for capital accumulation. The underlying structure of the economy however has strong continuities with the past and a financialised MEC emerges. Finally, households have, highly unevenly, been integrated into financial markets structuring the nature of social reproduction with broader processes of financialisation retarding employment and raising inequality. Through this all, social and economic relations are remade with financialisation constituting a central feature of South Africa's post-apartheid transformation.
5
Higham, Robert Hugh Hamilton. "Social justice in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.407328.
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6
Mokoetle, Solly Qabang M. (Solly Qabang Michael) 1956 Carleton University Dissertation Journalism. "Broadcasting in a post-apartheid South Africa." Ottawa.:, 1993.
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7
Romo, Michelle. "National identity in post-apartheid South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11536.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-96).
This study investigates the changes in national identity in South Africa over time and examines conditions and perceptions that inform national identity. It has three areas of focus: examining the levels of national identity in South Africa in 2008, the most current year of survey data available; mapping the levels of national identity overtime from 1995 to 2008, and identifying sources of national identity from 2002 to 2008. Using statistical analysis, this study tests for interaction effects between race and notions of inclusive citizenship in the South African population to examine predictors of national identity. The paper explores the extent to which the ANC's program of nation building with its emphasis on inclusive citizenship, as represented by freedom and equity, both political and economic, has influenced the development of national identity.
8
Way, Sarah Eleanor. "Literature and law under apartheid." Thesis, University of Hull, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323172.
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9
Veitch, Nidia Patricia. "Human capital investment in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.500094.
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10
Lieres, B. E. von. "Marginalisation and politics in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369350.
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11
Meyer, Alice Patricia. "Poetry and politics in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270292.
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This thesis explores the ability of poetry to articulate political critique in Post-Apartheid South Africa. The aim of the project is to evaluate the extent to which poetry provides criticism of a contemporary political climate marked by government corruption, rising social inequality and widespread immiseration. I argue that both ‘poetry’ and ‘post-Apartheid’ are developing and contested concepts that acquire meaning in concrete circumstances and continue to take on fresh resonance in South Africa today. I contend that poetry does not passively reflect historical circumstances nor docilely take its place in a post-Apartheid political climate. Instead, it actively engages with the milieu within which it finds itself and contributes in a meaningful way to our understanding of what the post-Apartheid era actually means. My study focuses on six poets who represent the innovative and politically charged character of post-Apartheid poetry. The writers I choose to examine are Ari Sitas, Seitlhamo Motsapi, Lesego Rampolokeng, Mxolisi Nyezwa, Vonani Bila, and Angifi Dladla. All of these poets lived through Apartheid and were young, or of middle age, at the dawn of liberation. Eager and able citizens willing to build a new democracy, these artists have been bitterly disappointed by the African National Congress’s abandonment of South Africa’s black majority. The poets in question have set about bearing witness to unrelenting social ills through drawing upon the dynamism of poetry in order to rejuvenate public language, dialogue and debate. Confronted with the over-simplification of information in an epoch of late-capitalism, the poets in this thesis seek to revitalise language, through innovative use of form, in order to fashion new perceptions of the world in which they live. All of the writers in this thesis have been involved in politics or activism and make a point of incorporating these real world experiences into their work. Thus, Sitas invokes worker chants from his time spent in Durban’s labour movement and Dladla remains fascinated by the Gauteng prisons where he has taught creative writing. The poetry I examine is moulded by the active public life of its writers and in turn seeks to participate in a wider world. In this line of thought, many of these poets have started their own literary journals and publishing initiatives, often with strong ties to social justice movements and grass-roots communities. Here, one can mention Nyezwa’s development of the English/isiXhosa multicultural arts journal Kotaz in the Eastern Cape and Bila’s Timbila publishing in the Limpopo province. Through autonomous methods of poetic production and distribution, poets are able to create spaces in which non-commercial and potentially revolutionary art can be heard. My doctorate spotlights the artistic and political victories of a pioneering group of poets, who are little known both locally and abroad. My research underscores the politically critical qualities of poetic form and thus has resonance beyond a narrowly South African context. Indeed, I believe my PhD can contribute in a valuable way to debates pertaining to the social relevance of poetry in the world today.
12
Kelly, Claire. "Constructing activist identities in post-apartheid South Africa." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11202.
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Includes bibliographical references.With the understanding that every generation shares a generational consciousness, which locates individuals not only in a common geographical location, but also a historical one, this study uses social-constructionist accounts of collective identity, narrative inquiry and positioning theory to trace the moral careers of twenty-six young, middle-class activists, based in Cape Town, South Africa. In doing so it explores the relationship between their activism and identities, and how this relationship is contingent on the social and political context of post-apartheid South Africa. The first part of this study provides an account of the dynamics of political community formation amongst this group of activists, how they generate a shared understanding of the world, how they construct borders of belonging and influence, and how these borders sometimes mirror broader social cleavages in post-apartheid in South Africa. The second part examines how participants draw on two major narratives, or morality plays, with which to construct their activist identities. The most significant of these is ‘the Struggle’, the story of the struggle against apartheid. The other is the ‘the TAC Method’, the story of the Treatment Action Campaign’s struggle for the treatment of those living with HIV and AIDS.
13
Bouhot, Perrine. "Freedom of expression under apartheid." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2009. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6820_1298631852.
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Over the past decades, transitions from repressive rule to democracy have increased all over the world, aiming at establishing disclosure and accountability for the crimes perpetrated. One way of assessing the &ldquo
solidity&rdquo
of these new democracies is to look at their provisions on freedom of expression, one of the most precious and fragile rights of man. The right to freedom of expression was recognised by classical traditional liberal theory as from the eighteenth century. It considered it as a useful tool to enhance true statements within the &ldquo
marketplace of ideas&rdquo
. Liberals also believed that such right was a prerequisite for individual autonomy and selffulfillment. They claimed that it strengthened democracy, by allowing individuals to receive all information on issues of public concern which they needed to vote intelligently. Lastly, they argued that it promoted the ideal of tolerance. Since then, the right to freedom of expression has been considered a cornerstone of democracy and protected as such by international instruments among which the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights of 1966, the African Charter for Human and Peoples&rsquo
Rights of 1981 and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms of 1950.
14
Von, Fintel Marisa. "Social mobility and cohesion in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96872.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Twenty years after the end of apartheid, South Africa remains one of the most unequal countries in the world. Socio-economic polarisation is entrenched by the lack of social capital and interactions across racial and economic divides, blocking pathways out of poverty. This dissertation examines social mobility and cohesion in post-apartheid South Africa by considering three related topics. Chapter 2 of the dissertation examines the impact of school quality on the academic performance of disadvantaged learners as one of the most important enforcing factors perpetuating the social and economic divides. Given the historic racial and economic stratification of the South African public school system, many black children are sent to historically white public schools as a way to escape poverty. Using longitudinal data, this chapter estimates the effect of attending a historically white school on the numeracy and literacy scores of black children. The main challenge is to address the selection bias in the estimates, for which a value-added approach is implemented in order to control for unobserved child-specific heterogeneity. In addition, various household covariates are used to control for household-level differences among children. The results indicate that the attendance of a former white school has a large and statistically significant impact on academic performance in both literacy and numeracy which translates into more than a year’s worth of learning. The main finding is robust to various robustness checks. In Chapter 3 the dissertation examines social cohesion by considering the concept of reference groups used in the evaluation of relative standing in utility functions. The chapter develops a model in which various parameters are allowed to enter the utility function without linearity constraints in order to determine the weight placed on the well-being of individuals in the same race group as the respondent versus all the other race groups living in one of three specified geographic areas. The findings suggest that reference groups have shifted away from a purely racial delineation to a more inclusive one subsequent to the country’s first democratic elections in 1994. Although most of the weight is still placed on same-race relative standing, the estimates suggest that individuals from other race groups also enter the utility function. The chapter also examines the spatial variation of reference groups and finds evidence that the relative standing of close others (such as neighbours) enter the utility function positively while individuals who live further away (strangers) enter the utility function negatively. Finally, Chapter 4 provides a summary of the dynamics of income in South Africa, using longitudinal household data. Chapter 4 is aimed at separating structural trends in income from stochastic shocks and measurement error, and makes use of an asset-based approach. It first estimates the percentage of individuals who were in chronic poverty between 2010 and 2012 and then estimates the shape of structural income dynamics in order to test for the existence of one or more dynamic equilibrium points, which would be indicative of the existence of a poverty trap. The findings do not provide any evidence for the existence of a poverty trap. In addition, contrary to earlier findings, the results do not provide evidence for the existence of an asset-based threshold at which the structural income accumulation paths of households bifurcate. Instead, the results seem to indicate the existence of a threshold beyond which structural income remains persistent with very little upward mobility. The robustness of the results is confirmed by making use of control functions in order to correct for any measurement error which may exist in the data on assets.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Twintig jaar nadat apartheid beëindig is word Suid-Afrika steeds as een van die wêreld se mees ongelyke lande gekenmerk. Sosio-ekonomiese polarisasie word verskans deur die gebrek aan sosiale kapitaal en interaksies tussen rassegroepe en ekonomiese klasse, wat lei tot die versperring van roetes uit armoede. Hierdie proefskrif bestudeer sosiale mobiliteit en samehorigheid in post-apartheid Suid- Afrika deur middel van drie verwante onderwerpe. Hoofstuk 2 van hierdie proefskrif ondersoek die impak van skoolkwaliteit op die akademiese prestasie van benadeelde leerders as een van die belangrikste faktore wat huidige sosiale en ekonomiese skeidings afdwing. Gegewe die historiese verdeling van die openbare skoolstelsel volgens ras en ekonomiese status, word heelwat swart kinders na historiese blanke skole gestuur ten einde armoede te ontsnap. Deur gebruik te maak van paneeldata word die impak van skoolbywoning van ’n historiese blanke skool op die geletterheid van swart kinders - in beide wiskunde en Engels - beraam. Die grootste uitdaging is om enige sydigheid in die beramings aan te spreek, waarvoor daar van ’n waarde-toevoegings inslag gebruik gemaak word ten einde te kontroleer vir enige individuele heterogeniteit. ’n Verskeidenheid kontroles op die vlak van die huishouding word gebruik ten einde te kontroleer vir verskille tussen kinders uit verkillende huishoudings. Die resultate dui daarop dat bywoning van ’n historiese wit skool ’n groot en statisties beduidende impak op die akademiese prestasie van beide wiskundige asook litterêre geletterdheid het, wat omgeskakel kan word in meer as ’n jaar se leerwerk. ’n Verskeidenheid verifikasie toetse bevestig die geldigheid van die resultate. Hoofstuk 3 van die proefskrif bestudeer sosiale samehorigheid deur die samestelling van verwysingsgroepe in die evaluasie van relatiewe posisionering in nutsfunksies te oorweeg. Die hoofstuk ontwikkel ’n model waarin verskeie parameters sonder liniêre beperkings in die nutsfunksie toegelaat word ten einde die gewig te beraam wat geplaas word op die welstand van individue in dieselfde rasgroep as die respondent teenoor al die ander rasgroepe wat in een van drie gespesifiseerde geografiese areas woon. Die bevindings dui daarop dat, na die land se eerste demokratiese verkiesings in 1994, die definiering van verwysingsgroepe weggeskuif het van ’n verdeling volgens ras na ’n meer inklusiewe definisie. Alhoewel meeste van die gewig steeds geplaas word op relatiewe posisionering teenoor individue van dieselfde ras, dui die beramings daarop dat individue van ander rassegroepe ook ingesluit word in die nutsfunksie. Die hoofstuk beoordeel ook die ruimtelike variasie van verwysingsgroepe en bevind dat die relatiewe posisionering van nabye individue (soos byvoorbeeld bure) die nutsfunksie positief beïnvloed terwyl individue wat vêr weg woon (vreemdelinge) die nutsfunksie negatief beïnvloed. Hoofstuk 4 van die proefskrif sluit af met ’n opsomming van die inkomste dinamika in Suid-Afrika, deur gebruik te maak van paneelhuishoudingdata. Die laaste hoofstuk mik om die strukturele tendens in inkomste van enige stogastiese skokke en metingsfoute te isoleer en maak gebruik van ’n bate-gebasseerde inslag. Dit beraam eerstens die persentasie van individue wat in kroniese armoede verkeer het tussen 2010 en 2012 en beraam dan die vorm van die strukturele inkomste dinamika. Dit word gedoen ten einde vir die bestaan van een of meer dinamiese ekwilibrium punte te toets, wat aanduidend sou wees van die bestaan van ’n armoedestrik. Die bevindings bied nie enige bewyse vir die bestaan van ’n armoedestrik nie. Ook bied die resultate geen bewyse vir die bestaan van ’n bategebasseerde drempel waar die strukturele inkomste akkumulasieroetes van huishoudings vertak nie, in teenstelling met vorige resultate. In plaas daarvan, blyk die resultate te dui op die bestaan van ’n drempel waarna strukturele inkomste volhardend bly met baie min opwaardse mobiliteit. Die geldigheid van die resultate word bevestig deur gebruik te maak van kontrolefunksies ten einde te korrigeer vir enige metingsfoute wat moontlik in die data van bates mag bestaan.
15
Dondolo, Luvuyo. "Intangible heritage: the production of post-apartheid memorial complexes." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/3044.
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This study explores a number of issues relating to the nature and scope of intangible heritage and critically examines some of its salient components in South Africa. It affirms that intangible heritage is socially constructed. Aspects of intangible heritage that seem inherited in the present are social constructs and products of social progression. They present the historical development of the practicing communities. Furthermore, this study affirms that all heritage is intangible. This is expounded in the study by exploring the history of the concept of intangible heritage over the decades which provide its evolution both at international and national levels, and within heritage institutions. Heritage cannot be understood and defined in terms of traditions, indigenousness, pre-colonialism, North and South dichotomies or Western and non-Western dichotomies. This definition would racialise and regionalise heritage, and politics of indigeneity would surface. The separation of tangible, intangible and natural heritage is an artificial demarcation that is for heritage management discourse.
16
Kolbe, Hilton Robert. "The South African print media from apartheid to transformation /." Access electronically, 2005. http://www.library.uow.edu.au/adt-NWU/public/adt-NWU20060515.094805/index.html.
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17
Hendricks, Mona. "Remaking /Xam narratives in a post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4856_1361369794.
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Public history has become a dynamic new field of study in South African historiography during the post-apartheid period. As a field of applied history, it has been engaged with analysing the highly contested nature of knowledge production across a wide range of public sites. These include museums, art galleries, archaeological digs, theme-parks, shopping malls, tourist attractions and heritage sites. The wider national cultural and political challenge has been that of working towards restoration, healing, and reparation in the wake of a colonial and apartheid history marked by particularly acute brutality and dispossession. This thesis analyses the attempts of one public institution, the Iziko South African Museum, to negotiate the remaking of public history in the post-apartheid period. Unlike some of the newer sites of cultural production, such as the Cape Town Waterfront and the West Coast cultural village of !Kwa-ttu, the South African Museum has a century-long history of complicity in generating images of racial and cultural others, notably Khoisan communities. The thesis begins by exploring this history and the ways in which the South African Museum has tried to come to terms with this legacy in its post-apartheid policies: firstly, in the discussions and debates around the closing of the Bushman diorama (2001), and secondly, in the creation of a new exhibition on San rock art which draws extensively on the Bleek-Lloyd Collection (/Qe: The Power of Rock Art. Ancestors, Rain-making and Healing, 2003 to the present). The Iziko South African Museum has not been successful in its attempts to meet the challenge of coming to terms with its history of collecting human remains and creating body casts and putting them on display. I argue that the measures it has introduced over the last twenty two years, including the &lsquo
revision of the Bushman diorama exhibition&rsquo
(1988-89), to Miscast (1996), and the
closure
of the diorama (2001), are little more than window-dressing and staged productions, with lip-service being paid to transformation. In the place of the effective opening out of debate and discussion about the Museum&rsquo
s history of racial scientific research, we have seen the presentation of a new framework of knowledge about Khoisan communities through the &lsquo
lens of rock art
research&rsquo
and the Bleek-Lloyd-/Xam records. I see these as a way of sanitising the story about colonialism and apartheid. In making these arguments I draw upon a number of scholarly works by academics involved in public and visual history
recent literature on trauma narratives
Foucauldian discourse
and newspaper.
18
Witbooi, Moses J. S. "Education and development in a post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24944.pdf.
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19
Singh, Anne-Marie. "Governing crime in post-apartheid South Africa, 1990-96." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312341.
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20
Taliep, Mohgamat Phaldie. "Towards a housing policy for post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/78078.
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21
Kinsell, Andrew. "POST-APARTHEID POLITICAL CULTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1994-2004." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002787.
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22
Hänel, Emma. "The Legacy of Apartheid : Spatial Injustices in South Africa." Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Fakulteten för hälsa, natur- och teknikvetenskap (from 2013), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-75837.
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The rapid pace of urbanization means that cities will play a crucial role in sustainable development all over the world. Housing shortages, increasing pressures on land resources and a deteriorating environment are some of the challenges that need to be dealt with for cities to develop sustainably. South Africa and Cape Town is facing great challenges with persistent injustices and an acute housing crisis. The aim of this study has been to investigate the effects the unjust geographical legacy of apartheid has on people in Cape Town and South Africa today, how it is experienced and how this is managed on a provincial level in the Western Cape, using the Fish Hoek Valley as a case study. This study has been influenced by ethnography with fieldwork such as observations and conversations combined with media articles and an official provincial document, with all data being analysed through a qualitative content analysis. The results show that the Western Cape Provincial Government is aware of the unsustainable development in the region, and it has great visions to change this. The reality in 'the Valley' show that the poor still experiences injustices related to the colour of their skin and where they live. People are expressing their frustration over broken promises and the relationship to the local government is weak. The environment is not a priority and efforts for change is insufficient. The neoliberal path the country has taken appears to be the cause behind the difficulties to address the injustices. The conclusion is that the effects of neoliberalism should be questioned on a political level for real change to happen.Den snabba takten av urbanisering innebär att städer kommer spela en avgörande roll för hållbar utveckling världen över. Bostadsbrist, ökat tryck på landresurser och försämrad miljö är några av de utmaningar som måste hanteras för att städer ska utvecklas hållbart. Sydafrika och Kapstaden står inför stora utmaningar med ihållande orättvisor och en akut bostadsbrist. Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka hur det geografiska arvet från apartheid påverkar människor i Sydafrika och Kapstaden idag och hur detta hanteras på provinsiell nivå i Western Cape, med Fish Hoek Valley som fallstudie. Studien har influerats av etnografi med fältarbete i form av observationer och samtal kombinerat med media artiklar och ett officiellt provinsiellt dokument, där en kvalitativ innehållsanalys använts på samtliga datainsamlingsmetoder. Resultaten visar på att det provinsiella styret i Western Cape är medveten om den ohållbara utveckling som råder, och har stora visioner för att ändra på detta. Verkligheten i 'the Valley' visar att de fattiga fortfarande upplever orättvisor baserat på sin hudfärg och vart de bor. Människor uttrycker sin frustration över brutna löften och relationen till det lokala styret är svag. Miljön är inte prioriterad och insatser för förändring är otillräckliga. Den nyliberala riktningen landet tagit verkar ligga bakom svårigheterna att addressera orättvisorna. Slutsatsen är att det bör ske ett större ifrågasättande av nyliberalismens konsekvenser på politisk nivå för att förändring ska kunna ske.
23
Magampa, Collen Hlakudi. "Divorce in post-apartheid South Africa : a pastoral challenge." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/61188.
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The purpose of this study is to investigate the rate of divorce since the onset of democracy (1994). The author intends to examine the causes of divorce as well as the impact of divorce on the parties involved. The author believes that gender equality and women rights are possible contributing factors to the problem of the high rate of divorce South Africa is witnessing today (this will serve as our research gap). Qualitative method will be employed in this study. Interviews will be conducted with the divorcees. The participants (the divorcees) will be our source of knowledge. Interviews will be recorded and subsequently transcribed.
Now that divorce is rampant, it is the duty of the clergy to pastorally care for the divorcee. The author will propose a pastoral care model to help the divorcee cope with their situation. The author will as well analyse some biblical passages that are sometimes misinterpreted by theologically untrained pastors to reject the divorcee. Since our study is in the area of practical theology, the author will focus on the practical application of the biblical passages addressing the issue of divorce that are often misunderstood, and therefore, misapplied. Stigma associated with divorce, especially in African culture and context will be discussed.
The findings from this study will be evaluated and analysed. Thematic analysis will be employed. And from the analysis of the findings, the author will then be able to give recommendations. Recommendations will be made with regard to caring for the divorcee within the church (the body of Christ).Dissertation (MA (Theology))--University of Pretoria, 2016.
Practical Theology
MA (Theology)
Unrestricted
24
Machema, Ratjomose Petrose. "Income stratification and polarization in post-apartheid South Africa." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/30411.
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The thesis explores the patterns and evolution of income polarization, income stratification, and social polarization in post-Apartheid South Africa. It uses data from a survey conducted at the end of Apartheid, and data from two post-Apartheid surveys to understand the socio-economic transformation the country has undergone since the end of Apartheid. At the dawn of democracy in 1994, South Africa implemented many reforms to redress the effects of Apartheid. Two decades after the fall of Apartheid, the country is still battling against the social and economic hierarchies bestowed during the period of Apartheid. Black/African people, for example, still constitute at least 90% of the poor, unemployment hovers around 25% (with Blacks/African having 32% unemployment rate), and inequality is unchanged. There are also concerns of increasing intolerance to diversity as well as plummeting levels of social cohesion in the country. Therefore, if these disparities are not properly understood and addressed, disintegration could emerge as the future threat. Thus, our goal in this thesis is to examine the impact of political transition, which was followed by the enactment of a number of reforms, on the appearance (or disappearance) of economic distances and differences across population groups. This investigation is carried out through the perspective of income polarization and income stratification literature. Chapter 2 presents the analysis of the concepts of bi-polarization and polarization on the distribution of income in South Africa between 1993 and 2014-2015. Applying the non-parametric relative distribution approach and the summary measures of bipolarization and polarization, the chapter finds that, from 1993 to 2008, as inequality rises, both notions of polarization also increase, but at a much higher rate such that the distribution becomes perfectly bi-polar. During the period between 2008 to 2014, the level of bi-polarization falls below its 1993 level. Given the axiomatised link between bi-polarization and the size of the middle class, the results point to an increase in the size of the middle class in South African since the fall of apartheid. Lastly, the chapter finds that the distribution of government transfers and that of remittances have a depolarizing effect, while the distribution of labour income and of capital income have a tendency to erect poles on the national income distribution. Chapter 3 attempts, on the basis of Analysis of Gini, to provide the extent to which the income distributions of racial groups are hierarchically ordered along the national income distribution. Hierarchically ordering of income distributions assumes convergence, or lack of it, of incomes and of education across the racial groups. Therefore, first the chapter presents the rate of convergence of education and of income across the racial groups to serve as a backdrop in the analysis of overlapping of distribution of income across the racial group. The chapter finds that the income distribution of Whites overlaps less with that of the overall population and that of other racial groups, and changes in the distribution of labour income, and of capital income are likely to increase the degree of income stratification (or reduce degree overlapping of income distributions). Chapter 4 tries to demonstrate how social gaps across racial groups have evolved in post-Apartheid South Africa. To operationalize a measure of social gaps, we use the degree to which one feels identified and thus defends the interest of his racial group. This is referred to as a degree of radicalism. Through a series of regressions, the chapter shows how the degree of radicalism decreases with household wealth, level of education, employment, and satisfaction with life. Using the distribution of radicalism to quantify alienation, the chapter shows a fall in the scores of social polarization, which is largely driven by a fall in between-group polarization. Given that within group polarization rises concurrently with a fall in between-group polarization, this implies a trade-off between internal heterogeneity and external homogeneity. In short, the thesis advances our understanding of the normatively undesirable issue of distances and differences across groups and highlights the often neglected, yet indispensable, dimensions of an income distribution.
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Vestergaard, Mads. "Afrikanerdoom? : negotiating Afrikaner identity in post-apartheid South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/9736.
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Includes bibliographical references.The apartheid regime monopolised Afrikanerdom and institutionalised a specific Christian-nationalist Afrikaner identity. In post-apartheid South Africa this identity is no longer sanctioned by the state, and central elements of the identity have become illegitimate - most importantly the racial aspect. It is now up to the individual Afrikaner to negotiate this new space of identifications opened up by the end of apartheid order. Through different kinds of post-structuralist theory this thesis investigates some of the ways in which white Afrikaans-speakers position themselves in this new context. For some the new South Africa means exciting new possibilities but others experience it as a loss of freedom. The analysis pivots around the separatist 'volkstaat town' of Orania, where we find some of the central problems facing Afrikaners in general in terms of identity formation. It is argued that although Orania is radical in its claims, it is nonetheless one of the actors in the discursive battles of redefining Afrikaner identity. However, in the context of radical change and indecision, it is but one among many other attempts of redefining Afrikanerdom, many competing voices are heard and boundaries of identity are constantly contested and redrawn.
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Smit, Sonja. "Challenging desire : performing whiteness in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1016358.
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The central argument of this thesis asserts that in the process of challenging dominant subject positions, such as whiteness, performance creates the possibilities for new or alternative arrangements of desire. It examines how the creative process of desire is forestalled (reified) by habitual representations of whiteness as a privileged position, and proposes that performance can be a valid form of resistance to static conceptions of race and subjectivity. The discussion takes into account how the privilege of whiteness finds representation through forms of neo-liberalism and neo-colonialism in the post apartheid context. The analysis focuses on the work of white South African artists whose work offers a critique from within the privileged “centre” of whiteness. The research is situated within the inter-disciplinary field of performance studies entailing a reading and application of critical texts to the analysis. Alongside this qualitative methodology surfaces a subjective dialogue with the information presented on whiteness. Part Two includes an analysis of Steven Cohen’s The Cradle of Humankind (2011), Brett Bailey’s Exhibit A (2011) and Michael MacGarry’s LHR-JNB (2010). Each section examines the way in which the respective works engage in a questioning of whiteness through performance. Part Three investigates South African rap-rave duo, Die Antwoord and how their appropriation of Zef interrogates desires for an essential authenticity. Part Four focuses on my own performance practice and the proposed value of engaging with a form of practice-led research. This is particularly relevant in relation to critical race studies that require a level of self-reflexivity from the researcher. It presents an analysis of the work entitled Villain (2012) as a disturbance of theatrical desire through a process of ‘becoming’. This notion of meaning and identity as ‘becoming’ is argued as a strategy to challenge prevailing modes of perception which can possibly restore the production of desire to the viewer. The thesis concludes with the notion that performance can offer a mode of immanent ethics which is significant in creating both vulnerable and critical forms of whiteness.
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Mdiniso, Joyce Mnesi. "Relationships between local communities and protected areas in KwaZulu-Natal: during the apartheid to the post- apartheid era." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1548.
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A thesis submitted to the Faculty Arts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department Of Recreation and Tourism at the University Of Zululand, South Africa, 2017The beneficial and magnanimous relationship between protected areas and communities staying adjacent to these areas is one of the most important mechanisms at our disposal in shaping and sustainably managing the natural environment and resources. In some instances, the progress made in developing a sound environmental governance framework, in the KZN protected areas, relating to UKhahlamba Drakensberg Park and Hluhluwe-iMfolozi Game Park, have been hindered by the environmental issues. The need to strengthen the implementation of appropriate environmental laws and policies still require bringing environmental sustainability principles into the mainstream of all aspects of governance, planning, decision-making and operation, in the protected areas of KwaZulu-Natal. Aswani and Weiant (2004) have affirmed that when local communities are excluded from the management of protected areas, and their needs and aspirations ignored, then it becomes extremely difficult to implement conservation policies. This research inquiry is fundamentally aimed at revealing the existing relationships between local communities and protected areas in KwaZulu-Natal: focusing on tracking the achievements made from the apartheid to the post-apartheid periods. The spatial analysis of these relationships is determined in places such as UKhahlamba Drakensberg Park and Hluhluwe-iMfolozi Game Park. In other words, the study seeks to objectify and establish how local communities understand the meaning and importance of the concept of conservation in the study area. It also attempts to find out if there are any business developments or partnership/relationship between the authoritative agencies and local communities. The methodology pursued in this study includes the selection of the sample, use of the research instrument for data collection in two (2) KwaZulu-Natal protected areas, namely, UKhahlamba Drakensberg Park and Hluhluwe-iMfolozi Game Park. Other methodologies that were used included the Semantic Differential technique, used to analyse respondents' attitudes, awareness, understanding and beneficiation. In conclusion the study established that, on the whole, the respondents were fully aware and understood the meaning and importance of the role of relationships in the benefit and sustainable value of Protected Areas in the study area. Also established by the study is that the exclusion of local communities tends to perpetuate hostile attitudes towards policies and the management of natural resources, thus leading to the practise of illegal activities. The findings of the study further indicated that the local communities do understand the meaning and importance of conservation services within the study area. Furthermore, the outcomes also indicated that there are limited to no tourism business ventures that have resulted for the community's beneficiation from the protected area. Eventually, it may be concluded that the respondents perceived that there were no business opportunities brought by the practice of tourism and conservation in the study area. It is an indictment on the authorities that the community indicated that there were no policies and strategies that they were aware of or successfully implemented in the study area. Finally, the idea that relationships and conservation appreciation was found to be inadequately contributing to community-based tourism and that its implementation was deficient, the study anticipated that designing a management model would facilitate its effectiveness. The success of such a model would stand as the ultimate contribution of this study to knowledge in the tourism discipline leading to better community beneficiation.
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Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.
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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
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Ojewale, Olugbenga Samson Mr. "America’s Inconsistent Foreign Policy to Africa; a Case Study of Apartheid South Africa." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3439.
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This study lays bare the inconsistencies in the United States of America’s Foreign Policy, and how it contributed to the longevity of apartheid in South Africa. Michael Mandelbaum opined that America’s foreign policy post-Cold War era drifted from containment to transformation.1 America became involved with transferring their democracy and constitutional order to the countries they entangled with in running those countries’ internal governance. Instead of war, America preached and practiced proper, organized governance. Thus, America’s foreign policy to Europe and Asia post-Cold War was all about democracy and protection of fundamental human rights. However, the role of America’s Foreign Policy in Africa took a turn in Africa, with Congo in 1960, Ghana in 1966 and Nigeria with their successive military regimes. This study intends to make sense of it all.
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Evaldsson, Anna-Karin. "Grass-roots reconciliation in South Africa /." Göteborg : Göteborg University, 2007. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0803/2007476728.html.
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Pfister, Roger. "Apartheid South Africa's foreign relations with African states, 1961-1994." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007632.
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This thesis examines South Africa's foreign relations, viewed from a South African perspective, with the black African countries beyond southern Africa from 1961 to 1994. These relations were determined by the conflict between Pretoria's apartheid ideology on the one hand, and African continental rejection of South Africa's race discrimination policies and its exclusion from the community of African states on the other. The documentary material used primarily stems from the Department of Foreign Affairs archive in Pretoria, supplemented by research conducted in other archives. Furthermore, we conducted interviews and correspondence, and consulted the relevant primary and secondary literature. Given the main source of information, we chose to make this work a case study in Diplomatic History. In consequence, and constituting the core of the study, Chapters 3 to 6 explore the interaction between South Africa and the black African states in a chronological order. At the same time, we draw on the analytical concepts from the academic disciplines of Political Science and its derivative, International Relations, to comprehend developments more fully. We discuss the significance of the approaches from these two disciplines in both the Introduction and Chapter 2. In particular, we emphasise that this study is about Pretoria's foreign policy, involving state and non-state actors, and we suggest that the unequal status between South Africa and the other African states constitutes an inherent factor in the relationship between them. The Conclusion examines the role of the state and non-state actors in determining Pretoria's foreign relations and the relevance of the structural imbalance between South Africa and the black African states in this context.
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Jones, David. "Objecting to apartheid: the history of the end conscription campaign." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1005998.
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It is important that the story of organisations like the End Conscription Campaign be recorded. The narrative of the struggle against apartheid has become a site of contestation. As the downfall of apartheid is still a relatively recent event, the history is still in the process of formation. There is much contestation over the relative contributions of different groups within the struggle. This is an important debate as it informs and shapes the politics of the present. A new official narrative is emerging which accentuates the role of particular groupings, portraying them as the heroes and the leaders of the struggle. A new elite have laid exclusive claim to the heritage of the struggle and are using this narrative to justify their hold on power through the creation of highly centralised political structures in which positions of power are reserved for loyal cadres and independent thinking and questioning are seen as a threat. A complementary tradition of grassroots democracy, of open debate and transparency, of “people’s power”, of accountability of leadership to the people fostered in the struggle is being lost. It is important to contest this narrative. We need to remember that the downfall of apartheid was brought about by a myriad combination of factors and forces. Current academic interpretations emphasize that no one group or organisation, no matter how significant its contribution, was solely responsible. There was no military victory or other decisive event which brought the collapse of the system, rather a sapping of will to pay the ever increasing cost to maintain it. The struggle against apartheid involved a groundswell, popular uprising in which the initiative came not from centralised political structures, orchestrating a grand revolt, but from ordinary South Africans who were reacting to the oppressive nature of a brutally discriminatory system which sought to control every aspect of their lives.4 Leaders and structures emerged organically as communities organised themselves around issues that affected them. Organisations that emerged were highly democratic and accountable to their members. There was no grand plan or centralised control of the process. As Walter Benjamin warned in a different context, but applicable here: “All rulers are the heirs of those who have conquered before them.” He feared that what he referred to as a historicist view constructed a version of history as a triumphal parade of progress. “Whoever has emerged victorious” he reminds us “participates to this day in the triumphal procession in which the present rulers step over those who are lying prostrate. According to traditional practice the spoils are carried along in the procession.” 5 He was warning of just such a tendency, which has been repeated so often in the past, for the victors to construct a version of history which ends up justifying a new tyranny. To counter this tendency it is important that other histories of the struggle are told – that the stories of other groups, which are marginalised by the new hegemonic discourse, are recorded.This aim of this dissertation is thus two-fold. Firstly it aims to investigate “the story” of the End Conscription Campaign, which has largely been seen as a white anti-apartheid liberal organisation. The objective is to provide a detailed historical account and periodisation of the organisation to fill in the gaps and challenge the distortions of a new emerging “official” discourse.Secondly within this framework, and by using the activities and strategies of the organisation as evidence for its suppositions, the question of the role played by the ECC in the struggle.
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Leibowitz, Louise Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The politics of pressure: Jewish liberalism and apartheid South Africa." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41498.
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The apparent complicity of South African Jews with apartheid rule is of social scientific interest in that it is unexpected. Pronounced left-liberalism is considered to be the default position of Jewish politics in Western societies. Yet in South Africa, while a small minority of Jews were conspicuous players in left-radicalism, the vast majority of Jews seem to have complied with the discriminations and injustices of apartheid. This thesis challenges the commonplace assumption that the political records of SA Jewry under apartheid refutes the oft-noted pattern of left-liberalism among modern Jews in the Diaspora. I argue that political actions do not necessarily reflect political values, especially under authoritarian regimes. Jews may strongly subscribe to liberal values, but, as a result of pressures both extrinsic and intrinsic to their particular communities, be less able or less willing to express these values in a politically overt manner than Jews elsewhere. I suggest that, in the South African case, voting patterns and official postures obscure rather a Jewish preference for liberal values. The Jewish community in SA while unusually cohesive was, like other Diaspora communities, not monolithic. The ???united front??? presented by the Jewish community in apartheid SA disguised a predictably diverse range of political opinion. It is appropriate that our quest to understand and explain political values goes beyond that which is openly expressed and peers into the shadows of political behaviour. The point is not to morally redeem the South African community, whose record, after all, may still be found wanting. Rather, it is to recognise that hidden in the official deliberations and directives, and in the domestic dilemmas and incidental actions of SA Jews, is the material from which we may form a fuller picture of SA Jewish political values. More generally the case highlights the complexity of studying, comparing, and generalising about political behaviour.
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Pillay, Pravina. "The relevance of Antonio Gramsci’s concepts of hegemony and intellectuals to apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Zululand, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10530/1323.
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Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of English at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 2013.This dissertation focuses on the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci and the relevance of his concepts of hegemony and intellectuals to South Africa. Gramsci’s writings have a strong Italian resonance. The dissertation emphasises parallels as well as differences between the Italian and South African contexts to demonstrate that his theories on topics such as the creation of a proletarian state, the Revolutionary Party, passive revolution and language, in addition to the key concepts of intellectuals and hegemony, can be successfully applied to apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa – even though these theories were originally designed to fit the turbulent Italy of Gramsci’s own time. The argument proceeds through a rigorous textual analysis of both Gramsci’s pre-prison and prison writings as well as the works of various commentators on Gramsci. Through interpreting, assessing and analysing Gramsci’s writings and those of commentators, it becomes evident that underpinning all of Gramsci’s activities and writings is a vision for an improved society in Italy, a proletarian state in which the masses were no longer exploited by other social classes. The dissertation uses this vision to reflect on past and present South African political and social landscapes, exploring in the process how Gramsci’s thoughts can be used both to illuminate the problems inherent in apartheid South Africa and to redress the growing inequities in post-apartheid South Africa. The dissertation also applies Gramsci’s thought to South African literary texts, especially to Zakes Mda’s Heart of Redness. Though Gramsci has been used to interpret South African situations before, there has been to date no detailed study on his theories’ applicability to both the apartheid and the post-apartheid eras. The dissertation therefore contributes to the growing reputation of Gramsci’s works as textbooks for promoting and achieving a better society, free from all forms of exploitation.
University of Zululand
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Keech, Marc. "International sport and the end of apartheid." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285306.
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The thesis evaluates the significance of sport's contribution to the end of apartheid by locating sport in a network of international relations. Sports diplomacy is identified as a relatively low-cost, low-risk but high profile tool of diplomatic policy. It is argued that the profile of sport in South Africa made the apartheid system particularly susceptible to sports based protest. The study makes a case for a degree of theoretical fusion to provide an appropriate context within which to analyse the unique nature of the Anti-Apartheid campaign. As an international issue, the politics of the Anti-Apartheid movement are substantially encapsulated within a pluralist framework. It is acknowledged that to rely totally on such a framework would risk failing to capture the multi-layered nature of the conflict over apartheid. An adapted version of hegemony sport theory is therefore used to conceptualise the South African social formation and the practice of sport therein. In the absence of quantitative measures, two measures of significance are proposed. First, the capacity of sports based protest to influence the policies of international sports organisations and international bodies such as the United Nations and the Commonwealth. Second, the ability of sport to prompt responses from the government and in doing so, for sport to act as a prototype for more politically significant measures that paved the way for the transformation to democracy. Attention is paid to the processes through which sport became a globally visible feature of the Anti-Apartheid movement. It is argued that the global profile of sport contributed to a more coherent understanding of apartheid policies and in tum prompted policy actors to penalise (white) South Africa in the form of international isolation from sport. The research for the thesis has been conducted part-time since February 1994. It necessitated a research visit to South Mrica in the summer of 1997, and involved primary and secondary data collection, and elite interviewing in both South Mrica and the United Kingdom. Unpublished data sources in Pretoria and Cape Town, and South African newspapers have been used extensively. It is concluded that domestic sports protest highlighted the injustices of apartheid to the international community and contributed to establishing a non-racial ideology that is the foundation of democratic South Africa. International sports sanctions, in the form of the sports boycott of South Mrica, provided a form of cultural diplomacy to state and non-state actors alike that fulfilled an important symbolic function and served to maintain the profile of the Anti-Apartheid campaign as an important global social movement. The accelerated readmission of South Mrica to international sport was an example that sports sanctions were also designed to promote change in addition to their punitive intent.
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Copteros, Athina. "Workshop theatre in post-apartheid South Africa : a case study." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007477.
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This is a qualitative study exploring the use of workshop theatre in post-apartheid South Africa, with the objective of making a contribution to the knowledge-base regarding its use in current times. Workshop theatre is changing in response to a new socio-political reality and emerging trends in theatre practice. The case study, of developing a play on Oystercatchers with a Grahamstown group of artists, revealed the difficulties and challenges of using workshop theatre in this dynamic context. Data collection included a focus group, observation, reflective discussion and in-depth interviews that were analysed in relation to available literature on workshop theatre in apartheid and post-apartheid South Africa. It is proposed that workshop theatre has continued relevance in post -apartheid South Africa. The process of creating workshop theatre with diverse artists has great potential to transform relationships, address issues of personal identity and to provide an underlying purpose to a workshop theatre -making context.
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Lague, Peter Ernest. "The language textbook in a post-apartheid education system." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14348.
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Bibliography: leaves 107-141.Using the English language textbook as its focal point, this study attempts to determine the extent to which educational publishers are in a position, through their practices, to assist in the transformation of South Africa. The centrality of language to both the creation of individual consciousness and to the shaping of society inform this investigation. Regarded as integral to these processes is the premise that education is the primary terrain into which language, and its fundamentally moulding potential, is locked. Furthermore, the impact of not only the transition in south Africa, but also of the fluidity of the wider global backdrop on both language and education are acknowledged as crucial influences on all spheres of private as well as public life. In this context, the study endeavours to locate and define those elements which comprise and inform the practices of educational publishing. It attempts to demonstrate that the broader socioeconomic, political, educational and cultural processes, from which educational publishing takes its signals, severely restrain its capacity for participation in social transformation. The study concludes with some recommendations for the publishing of English language textbooks in a post-apartheid terrain, and suggests a few areas of research pertinent to such an undertaking.
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Polakow-Suransky, Sasha. "The unspoken alliance : Israel and apartheid South Africa, 1960-1994." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439296.
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Waddell, Jasmine M. "Social citizenship and social status in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.416817.
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Mchunu, Koyi. "Claiming space in post-apartheid urban planning in South Africa." Thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.422805.
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Andrucki, Max Jacob. "Circuits of whiteness : transnational practices in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.540553.
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Binase, Uviwe. "Socioeconomic determinants of life expectancy in post-apartheid South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6790.
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Magister Philosophiae - MPhilLife expectancy in South African has been fluctuating following the global trends that affects both developed and developing countries. In South Africa the average life expectancy from 1994 to 1996 was higher with an average of 61,3 years. As from 1997 to 1999 it declined to an average of 58,4 years. The difference in years between 1994-1996 and 1997- 1999 was 2,9 years. From 2000-2002, life expectancy continued to decline to an average of 54,6 years. Life expectancy declined in a constant proportion from 2003-2005 and 2006-2008. In 2003-2005 it slightly declined to 52 years and in 2004-2007 it declined to 42,0 years. Life expectancy escalated after the mentioned years to 54,4 years between 2009-2011 and from 2012-2013 life expectancy was 54,0 years on average. This study examined factors or variables that verify the socioeconomic determinants of life expectancy in post-apartheid South Africa. Understanding the relationship between life expectancy and the socioeconomic variables was based on three objectives. The main objective for this study was to determine the impact of socioeconomic variables and health policy efforts on life expectancy, seeking an in-depth understanding by investigating the causality relationship between life expectancy and socioeconomic variables thus later investigating the difference between male and female’s life expectancy. This study was motivated by the fluctuating life expectancy in South Africa. The fluctuation in life expectancy were thus studied in relation to socioeconomic determinants which are government health expenditure, government education expenditure, GDP per capita, total fertility rate, urban population, access to sustainable drinking water and undernourishment. The mentioned variables were used as socioeconomic determinants of life expectancy during post-apartheid South Africa.
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Orman, Jon. "Language policy and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2007. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1572.
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While not essential, the link between language and national identity is nevertheless often a highly important and salient one, a fact illustrated by the centrality of linguistic concerns in many nationalist discourses throughout the world. As a result of this linkage, it is understandable that those seeking to create or manipulate national identities have habitually attempted to do so through the formulation and implementation of language policy and planning. This thesis develops a broad theoretical framework for the study of national identity and language policy. Of particular interest is the manner in which these two phenomena frequently interact and the societal consequences of that interaction. South Africa represents a fascinating historical and contemporary context in which to investigate the effect of language policy and planning on the formation of social identities. From the earliest stages of European colonisation to the present day, successive governing regimes have attempted to manipulate the various ethnic and national identities of the South African population to suit their own ideological agendas. In the post-apartheid era, much has been made of the government's official policy commitment to promote 'nation-building' through the institutionalisation of genuinely multilingual practices in public life. In reality, though, public life in present-day South Africa is notable for its increasingly monolingual-English character. This contradiction between official policy and actual linguistic practices is symptomatic of the hegemony of an implicit 'English-only' ideology that permeates most governmental and public organisations. This has led to a situation of highly salient language-based identity conflict between many Afrikaans speakers resentful of the decreasing presence of Afrikaans in public life and those loyal to the de facto monolingual model of nationhood promoted by the ANC. But perhaps the most pernicious consequence of this increasing dominance of English has been its entrenchment of elitist governing practices that ensure the continued socio-economic marginalisation of African language speakers who constitute the large majority of South African citizens. If language planners are to convincingly address this problem, it is clear that a radically alternative model of language policy and national integration needs to be promoted and adopted.
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BRAGA, PABLO DE REZENDE SATURNINO. "THE TRANSNATIONAL ADVOCACY NETWORK AGAINST THE APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2010. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=35269@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROO caso do apartheid na África do Sul foi singular porque institucionalizou um arranjo sociojurídico diametralmente oposto às normas que balizaram a gestação da ordem internacional pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A notável contradição catalisou uma reação em cadeia no combate ao regime sul-africano, e o ativismo antiapartheid conseguiu operacionalizar uma das mais dinâmicas redes de ativismo transnacional, desenvolvendo canais de diálogo e um amplo leque de estratégias de combate nas esferas doméstica, regional e internacional. O presente estudo - ancorado na literatura construtivista sobre o ativismo transnacional - irá problematizar a formação e funcionamento da rede de ativismo transnacional antiapartheid e suas ferramentas operacionais, como o efeito-bumerangue, analisando sua influência sobre a execução de sanções estratégicas, sociais, econômicas contra o regime segregacionista sul-africano.
The case of apartheid in South Africa was unique because it institutionalized an socio-juridical arrangement diametrically opposite to the norms which has framed the gestation of the international order after World War II. The remarkable contradiction catalyzed a chain reaction in fighting the South-African regime, and the anti-apartheid activism could operate one of the most dynamic transnational advocacy networks, developing channels of dialogue and a wide range of strategies to combat on domestic, regional and international spheres. This study - anchored in the constructivist literature on transnational activism - will discuss the formalization and operation of the antiapartheid transnational advocacy network and its operational tools, like the boomerang pattern, by analyzing its influence on the implementation of economic, strategic and social sanctions against the South African segregationist regime.
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Karating, Robin-lea. "Exhumations, reburials and history making in post-apartheid South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6651.
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Magister Artium - MAThis mini-thesis, ‘Exhumation, Reburial and History Making in South Africa’, is concerned with an analysis of the practices of exhumation and reburial through discussing the case studies of the Iron-Age archaeological site of Mapungubwe, the Vergelegen Wine Estate in Somerset West and the reburials carried out by the Missing Persons Task Team (MPPT) from the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA), particularly its unsuccessful attempt at exhumations at the Stikland Cemetery, in an attempt to understand how they form part of the production of history. These case studies conceive of the times of the precolonial, slavery and apartheid, and are all linked temporally to an envisaged future through ideas of nation building and nationalism. As narratives produced through these exhumations and reburials, they contribute to the notion of making the post-apartheid by remaking history and reconstituting nation. Each of these case studies are significant as they in some way have been utilized in a manner that is relevant to us in the new democratic South Africa. This mini-thesis aims at rethinking the role of archaeologists, the exhumation and reburial processes, the construction of ethnicity, how the dead are used to construct narratives of struggle against apartheid and in general the implications each of these have on the re-making of history. It also thinks about what the practices of exhumation and reburial mean conceptually and how they relate to the concept of missingness, which I refer to as the process of making absence or invisibility. Thinking about exhumations and reburial in this way has allowed reflection on the purpose of the practices, in terms of who it’s for and how it’s perceived by the stakeholders involved in each case. Through dissecting each of these issues one may be able to trace how the remains to be reburied become missing. Therefore, the question of exhumation and reburial is essential in thinking about what it does for the human remains and how their identity is either shaped or lost. This thesis mainly argues that the remains in each of the case studies go through various phases of missingness and that their reburials and memorialization, or in the case of Stikland the spiritual repatriation, inscribes them further into narratives of the times that they emerged from.
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Svenskerud, Monica. "Community participation and participatory development in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Cape Town, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5958.
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Hofmeyr, Andre. "Racial discrimination in post-apartheid South Africa : an experimental analysis." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/5797.
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Wares, Heather Lynne. "Maritime archaeology and its publics in post-apartheid South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5106.
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Magister Artium - MASince the end of apartheid and with that the construction of a new South Africa, archaeology has experienced what can be seen as a resurgence in the public domain. With the creation of a new nation imagined as existing since time immemorial, there has been an emergence of archaeological pasts providing evidence of a nation believed to have existed before apartheid and colonialism. Due to this resurgence of interest in the pre-apartheid and pre-colonial pasts, there has been a ballooning of research and exhibitions around paleontological finds, rock art sites and Iron Age sites indicative of early state formation. This has transported the nation back into what Tony Bennett has called 'pasts beyond memory'. Where mainstream archaeology focuses on sites which reflect a history outside of a colonial past, maritime archaeology has had difficulty. Being a discipline with its main object of focus being the shipwreck, it is difficult to unravel it from a colonial legacy. In an attempt to move away from these older notions of 'public' through the allure of the shipwreck, some maritime archaeologists have looked at different mechanisms, or what I call 'modes of representation', to construct new South African publics. Two such mechanisms are discussed in this thesis: the temporary exhibition of the Meermin Project, and the Nautical Archaeology Society courses on Robben Island. This is in contrast to the older Bredasdorp Shipwreck Museum, where I argue by using Greenblatt’s notion of 'resonance and wonder', that the wonder of the object salvaged is the central feature of the way it constructs its publics. This thesis discusses how a group of maritime archaeologists, located at Iziko Museums and the South African Heritage Resources Agency, attempted to construct new publics by locating resonance with its subject in an exhibition, and by making new archaeologists through a hands-on course.
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Mtimka, Ongama. "The Coega project: creative politicking in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1576.
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This treatise revisits the process of the implementation of the Coega Project and discusses political economic issues which emerge therein locating them in the political economic context of post-1994 South Africa. Based on an in-depth study of the “Coega Story”, and three years of observing the Coega Development Corporation engaging in the political economic space to implement the project, key themes which are relevant in understanding the nature of politics in the country are highlighted and discussed with a view to drawing lessons for future implementers of economic development projects and policy makers. Key discussions in the study include a critical analysis of the symbiotic relationship between politics and development (or broadly the economy) – where emphasis is made about the centrality of politics in implementing economic development projects; the developmental state – where key characteristics of a developmental state are highlighted; the transition from apartheid to democracy and its implications on the nature of political relations post-apartheid; industrial development as a growth strategy and the interplay of social forces in the post- 1994 political economic space. The Coega Project is located within the broader context of the ruling party seeking to advance what is called the second and, perhaps the ultimate task of the liberation struggle, socio-economic liberation. Its strategic fit in that task is discussed critically taking into account paths to industrialisation as they have been observed from Newly Industrialising Countries and South Africa’s attempts at industrialisation before and after 1994.
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King, Alison Jill. "Deference and disdain : domestic service in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/71253/.
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The purpose of the research was to discover if the dismantling of apartheid had ameliorated the poor pay and conditions of domestic servants in the Eastern Cape, South Africa. I situated these workers in the wider societal context in order to examine their 'quality of life' in addition to their 'quality of work'. Universal features of domestic service have been the depersonalising of the worker and the denial of their adulthood to that of a child. Enriching the data with consideration of some of the life details of the domestic servants interviewed challenges these lingering social practices. I favoured an interpretive methodology in order to give my interviewees the opportunity to 'speak for themselves' and facilitate the exploration of the hidden meanings within the domestic service relationship. Having argued through the thesis that domestic servants are often social constructed, caricatured and 'trapped' into being the 'other', their words are a reaffirmation of their adult status. Hegel's Lordship/bondage paradigm was the starting point of the theoretical analysis, from which I developed my own 'chains of otherness' conception. I sacrificed representativeness in my sample in order to focus on contextualising my theoretical arguments in nine diverse case studies. The outcome was that my research question narrowed to considering improvements in the lives of my nine domestic workers interviewed. However, I have also incorporated quantitative data within the thesis to add depth to my investigation. Grahamstown was the deliberate choice for the research site, as this was also the site of Cock's (1989/79) much-cited Maids and Madams. To return to an original area of investigation was imperative, as within the remit of the research question being asked was a comparison of domestic service during and after apartheid. The distortions of regionalism were minimalised and validated my use of Cock's results as a starting point for my own findings. Mandela's book title Long Walk to Freedom is an apt description of what I discovered. Improvements are beginning to be made but there is still much more to be achieved. Domestic service's inclusion in the ambit of labour legislation and improved conditions of work are positive shifts, but wages are still extremely low and social practices still have racial orientations. In addition to the application of my theoretical arguments, I moved beyond answering the original research question to consider the effects of poverty in the lives of domestic workers and formulated strategies of empowerment. As the thesis has favoured a qualitative approach I not only considered the material factors that are necessary to empower, but also the interrelations between one another that can recognise and promote human dignity.