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1

Cała, Alina. "Antisemitism in Poland today." Patterns of Prejudice 27, no. 1 (July 1993): 121–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1993.9970101.

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2

Kamusella, Tomasz. "Encounters with Antisemitism." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 9 (December 31, 2020): 289–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2020.018.

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Encounters with AntisemitismThe Holocaust destroyed Jewish communities across Europe and in Poland. Subsequently, in the Soviet bloc, most Jewish survivors were expelled from or coerced into leaving their countries, while the memory of the millennium-long presence of Jews in Poland was thoroughly suppressed. Through the lens of a scholar’s personal biography, this article reflects on how snippets of the Jewish past tend to linger on in the form of absent presences, despite the national and systemic norm of erasing any remembrance of Poles of the Jewish religion. This norm used to be the dominant type of antisemitism in communist Poland after 1968, and has largely continued unabated after the fall of communism. Spotkania z antysemityzmemZagłada zniszczyła społeczności żydowskie w Europie i w Polsce. Następnie w bloku sowieckim większość Żydów, która przeżyła, wygnano lub zmuszono do wyjazdu, a pamięć o tysiącletniej obecności Żydów w Polsce została całkowicie stłumiona. Artykuł ten, z perspektywy osobistej biografii badacza, stanowi zadumę nad tym, jak fragmenty żydowskiej przeszłości mają tendencję do trwania w formie nieobecnej obecności, pomimo systemowo-narodowej normy wymazywania jakiejkolwiek pamięci o Polakach religii żydowskiej. Norma ta była dominującym rodzajem antysemityzmu w komunistycznej Polsce po roku 1968. Po upadku komunizmu raczej nic się nie zmieniło w tym względzie.
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3

Krzeminski, Ireneusz. "Antisemitism in today's Poland: Research hypotheses." Patterns of Prejudice 27, no. 1 (July 1993): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.1993.9970102.

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4

Brumberg, Abraham. "Poland, the polish intelligentsia and antisemitism." Soviet Jewish Affairs 20, no. 2-3 (September 1990): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501679008577667.

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5

Brumberg, Abraham. "Antisemitism in Poland: Continuity or change?" East European Jewish Affairs 24, no. 2 (December 1994): 157–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501679408577789.

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6

Datner-Śpiewak, Helena. "Antisemitism And Its Opponents In Modern Poland." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 523–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.212.

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7

Kriese, Paul. "Antisemitism and its Opponents in Modern Poland." History: Reviews of New Books 35, no. 1 (October 2006): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2006.10527000.

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8

Dorot, Ruth, and Nitza Davidovich. "Guides as Mediators of Memory: On the Holocaust and Antisemitism – 75 Years Later." International Journal of Higher Education 11, no. 2 (September 15, 2021): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/ijhe.v11n2p52.

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This article deals with the relationship between the Holocaust and antisemitism, focusing on the events of 2020-2021. The point of departure is the fifth World Holocaust Forum at Yad Vashem in Jerusalem, held under the slogan: “Remembering the Holocaust, fighting antisemitism”. The event took place at the invitation of Israel’s president, Reuven Rivlin, in advance of the 75th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz and International Holocaust Remembrance Day (January 23, 2020). Content analysis of the speeches given by presidents and prime ministers from around the world reinforce the insights of the Holocaust and the association with current-day antisemitism. In March 2020 the COVID-19 virus appeared, and a wave of antisemitism surfaced with it. Analysis of contents that appeared on websites and social networks reveals vitriolic antisemitism against Jews as generators of the virus, being the virus themselves.This study utilized the method of anthropologist Clifford Geertz (1926-2006), who established the interpretive approach to anthropology for analyzing culture contents. This, with regard to content analysis in general and to the contents of social networks and their contribution to antisemitism, in particular. Operation “Guardian of the Walls” in Gaza in 2021 further fanned antisemitism. Content analysis of websites and social networks portrays the Jewish soldier as a Nazi soldier and all Jews as murderers – with all the Holocaust symbols and Holocaust language.The study seeks to examine whether and to what degree the educational system in general and guides of youth trips to Poland as mediators of memory in particular, are prepared for the educational challenge of eradicating antisemitism in the post-Holocaust era. The research findings show that the challenge still awaits us. Education is an essential instrument in the battle against antisemitism but the educational system, both formal and informal, is not prepared.
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9

EICHENBERG, JULIA. "The Dark Side of Independence: Paramilitary Violence in Ireland and Poland after the First World War." Contemporary European History 19, no. 3 (June 29, 2010): 231–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000147.

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AbstractThis article analyses excesses carried out against civilians in Ireland and Poland after the First World War. It shows how the absence of a centralised state authority with a monopoly on violence allowed for new, less inhibited paramilitary groups to operate in parts of Ireland and Poland. The article argues that certain forms of violence committed had a symbolic meaning and served as messages, further alienating the different ethnic and religious communities. By comparing the Irish and Polish case, the article also raises questions about the obvious differences in the excesses in Poland and Ireland, namely in terms of scale of the excesses and the number of victims and, central to the Polish case, the question of antisemitism.
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10

Marzec, Wiktor. "What Bears Witness of the Failed Revolution?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 1 (April 24, 2015): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415581896.

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This article investigates the rise of political antisemitism during the 1905–1907 Revolution in the Russian-controlled Kingdom of Poland. Extensive, diachronic discourse analysis of political leaflets reveals the role antisemitism played as a political device assisting the construction of new political identities and their dissemination through political mobilization. National Democracy and their labor branch, the National Workers Union, took the nation as the basic form of affiliation. The forging of such national unity, however, was difficult to engender among the workers owing to unique historical circumstances, the experience of exploitation, and longstanding socialist agitation. This process was aided, however, by the reference to a strong negative figure of the Other. When “nationalism began to hate,” antisemitism appeared to be an extremely effective mobilizing device, and the Jews started to act as a negative, constitutive point of reference for the construction of national unity among the Poles. The analysis of the mobilization process and focus on discourse as a main factor in shaping political identities demonstrates that National Democratic antisemitism was neither an automatic activation of already present popular anti-Jewish sentiments due to the rise of mass politics nor a sheer creation of nationalist ideologues. It was, rather, the logic of discourse that ushered in a need for a negatively evaluated outsider, Jews being easily invested in this place due to a particular sociodemographic conjuncture and older judeophobic tendencies.
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11

Rybak, Jan. "Racialization of Disease: The Typhus-Epidemic, Antisemitism and Closed Borders in German-Occupied Poland, 1915–1918." European History Quarterly 52, no. 3 (June 21, 2022): 461–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221103467.

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This article analyses responses to the typhus epidemic in German-occupied Poland during the First World War. The German conquest of the Kingdom of Poland in 1915 not only instated a new political regime, but also brought about social misery on an unprecedented scale. Especially in larger cities, the poor segments of the population were made homeless or cramped into tiny apartments and suffered from hunger and disease. From 1915 outbreaks of typhus occurred in major cities, often found amongst the Jewish population. The German occupiers forcefully responded by fumigating houses, quarantining suspected cases, and forcing thousands of families into delousing facilities. These measures particularly targeted Jews as German medical officials identified them as the carriers and spreaders of the disease – some of them characterized typhus itself as a ‘Jewish disease’. In an effort to prevent the spread of the disease to Germany and to protect the German Volkskörper, Polish Jews – for the fact that they were Jews – were from 1918 onwards barred from crossing the border and thousands of Jewish migrant workers in German industry were arrested and deported. The article examines both the political and the medical context in which these policies were employed and analyses Jewish responses to both the spreading of the disease and the German anti-Jewish policies. It shows the close connection between health policy and antisemitic and nationalist ideological narratives and projects, and identifies this racialization of disease as a key moment in the development of German antisemitism.
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12

Plach, Eva. "From Assimilation to Antisemitism: The "Jewish Question" in Poland, 1850-1914." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 44, no. 3 (2010): 362–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023910x533054.

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13

Korbonski, Andrzej. "Poland ten years after: the church." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 33, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 123–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00028-8.

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Ten years after the collapse of communist rule, church-state relations in Poland present a mixed picture. On the one hand, the Roman Catholic church continues to enjoy a privileged position in the country and has achieved most of its cherished goals. On the other hand, its very success carried with it seeds of its future decline. This was particularly true in several areas where the church's aggressive and arrogant behavior has proved counter productive: religious education, anti-abortion legislation, Christian values in mass media, antisemitism, murky church finances, the concordat with the Holy See, and the debate on the new constitution. As a result, there has been a steady decline in popular support for the church which itself has developed some serious rifts in its supposedly united posture. It may be hypothesized that the power and influence of the church actually peaked in the early 1990s and that, having absorbed some of the lessons from its decline, its future policies may well be less triumphalist and controversial, and more accommodating.
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14

Giloh, Mordechay. "Splittringen mellan polska judiska och icke-judiska överlevande från koncentrationsläger. Det svenska samhällets reaktioner våren och sommaren 1945." Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 27, no. 1 (June 27, 2016): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.67604.

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När ungefär 20 000 överlevande från nazisternas koncentrationsläger togs emot i Sverige under våren och sommaren 1945 visste flyktingpersonalen och beslutfattarna bland svenska myndigheter mycket litet om deras bakgrund, kultur och etnicitet. I början dominerade inställningen att antagonismen mellan judar och icke-judar från Polen var en religiös eller etnisk ömsesidig motsättning. Efter ett par månader mognade insikten om splittringen i två separata polska identiteter, samtidigt som antisemitismen hos icke-judiska polacker började nämnas vid sitt rätta namn. En liberalare samhällssyn, flyktingpersonalens personliga erfarenheter samt internationella faktorer samverkade till en bättre förståelse för flyktingarnas situation och för deras behov av att bygga upp ett nytt liv i Sverige där många så småningom rehabiliterades.* * *The division between Polish Jewish and non-Jewish concentration camp survivors: reactions from the Swedish society during the spring and summer of 1945 • As approximately 20,000 survivors from the Nazi concentration camps where received in Sweden during the spring and summer of 1945, the refugee workers and decision makers knew very little about their background, culture and ethnicity. Initially, the general opinion held that the antagonism between Jews and non-Jews from Poland was a mutual religious and cultural conflict and only a few observed the harsh verbal antisemitism that was common among non-Jewish Polish refugees. Over the coming months, an awareness of two separate Polish identities developed and the prevalent antisemitism was recognised for what it was. All persons, who lived within the borders of Poland before the war, were initially classified as Poles but gradually a classification according to religious and ethnic belonging developed. After a few months, the govern­ment and authorities realised that it was impossible to demand that all refugees return to their country of origin. A study of the archives of state authorities and aid agencies in Sweden reveals how an in­creasingly liberal view of society, the personal experiences of the aid workers as well as international circumstances contributed to a deeper understanding of the situation of the refugees and their needs to build a new life in Sweden, where many of them eventually where rehabilitated.
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15

Lindemann, Albert S., and Hillel Levine. "Economic Origins of Antisemitism: Poland and Its Jews in the Early Modern Period." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, no. 2 (1992): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205297.

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16

Hundert, Gershon David, and Hillel Levine. "Economic Origins of Antisemitism: Poland and Its Jews in the Early Modern Period." American Historical Review 97, no. 4 (October 1992): 1246. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165610.

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17

Bodemann, Y. Michal, and Hillel Levine. "Economic Origins of Antisemitism: Poland and its Jews in the Early Modern Period." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 4 (July 1992): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2075846.

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18

Szymańska-Smolkin, Sylwia. "Paul Brykczynski, Primed for Violence. Murder, Antisemitism, and Democratic Politics in Interwar Poland." Canadian Slavonic Papers 59, no. 1-2 (March 28, 2017): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00085006.2017.1305548.

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19

Kunicki, MikoŁaj. "Paul Brykczynski. Primed for Violence: Murder, Antisemitism, and Democratic Politics in Interwar Poland." American Historical Review 122, no. 4 (October 1, 2017): 1339–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/122.4.1339.

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20

Alexei Miller. "From Assimilation to Antisemitism: The “Jewish Question” in Poland, 1850–1914 (review)." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 9, no. 3 (2008): 679–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.0.0017.

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21

Karady, Victor. "Economic Origins of Antisemitism: Poland and Its Jews in the Early Modern Period.Hillel Levine." American Journal of Sociology 98, no. 2 (September 1992): 407–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/230023.

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22

Kelly, Matthew. "Primed for Violence: Murder, Antisemitism and Democratic Politics in Interwar Poland, by Paul Brykczynski." English Historical Review 133, no. 562 (April 4, 2018): 760–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey134.

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23

Stampfer, Shaul. "FROM ASSIMILATION TO ANTISEMITISM: THE "JEWISH QUESTION"‘ IN POLAND, 1850-1914 – By Theodore R. Weeks." Religious Studies Review 34, no. 2 (June 2008): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2008.00275_3.x.

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24

Hagen, William W. "Murder in the East: German-Jewish Liberal Reactions to Anti-Jewish Violence in Poland and Other East European Lands, 1918–1920." Central European History 34, no. 1 (March 2001): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156916101750149112.

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World War I intensified antisemitism everywhere in Central and Eastern Europe, both at the level of public opinion, among right-leaning political parties and, often, in government circles. The war elevated the significance of the Jewish question in other ways as well, and not only because the Balfour Declaration of 1917 conjured up a Zionist triumph. The prospect of a German victory over Russia promised a reordering under German hegemony of the civil condition and citizenly status of the east European Jews, such as the Central Powers' creation in November 1916 of the Kingdom of Poland in the heartland of Russia's former Polish lands had already begun to bring about. Later, in the shadow of the German defeat, there arose the quite different question of the Jews' integration into the newly founded, nationally legitimized, nationalistically agitated successor states to the now vanished multiethnic monarchies.
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25

Marzec, Wiktor. "Under one common banner: antisemitism and socialist strategy during the 1905–7 Revolution in the Kingdom of Poland." Patterns of Prejudice 51, no. 3-4 (August 8, 2017): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2017.1353723.

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26

Aleksiun, Natalia. "Crossing the Line: Violence against Jewish Women and the New Model of Antisemitism in Poland in the 1930s." Jewish History 33, no. 1-2 (February 4, 2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10835-019-09345-z.

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27

Arndt, Martin Ernst Rudolf. "The Great War in Poland-Lithuania from A Jewish Perspective: Modernization and Orientalization." Jurnal Humaniora 32, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.52996.

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The article presents views of Eastern Judaism, especially in Lithuania, in the Jewish press around the Great War. It is based on a close research of journals, newspapers and book-publications written in the German language. It evidences the global implications of the Great War due, among others, to forced and voluntary migrations that involved cultural encounters, confrontations and challenges. The Other, signifying a collective excluded from the social whole, in those days perceived in the Eastern Jew, meant an embarrassment to the Western Jews (Albanis: 30) and served the function of constructing self-identity, involving them in conflicts or making them develop a dual allegiance (Moshe Gresser; Albanis). Should Jews, if they were to become proper Europeans, not decisively shed their Asian being and carriage and thus de-orientalize themselves? The paper also demonstrates that this historical phase of Jewish history, as it deeply involves the problem of secularization, is connected to intricate problems of identity. It can also illustrate a certain openness and fluidity of identitarian possibilities. The issues involved have a clear relevance for contemporary societies, centred around the question if modernity requires minorities to surrender their particularism, or if is there a suble dialectic between universalism and particularism. Implicitly the core issue also raises the question of a common history of Islam and Judaism and the current problem if antisemitism, as targeted at the Eastern Jews, is comparable to contemporary Islamophobia.
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28

Appignanesi, Lisa. "Everyday Madness." European Judaism 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 42–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2022.550104.

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There is a troubled legacy that is visible in so many of the illiberal populisms that currently seem to plague our democracies. One thing they have in common is the idea of a return to a period hazy in memory which was somehow better, greater than the present. Transposed to an individual level, we are evoking emotions attached to a childhood home. Freud’s ideas on the unconscious and its important place in our everyday lives emerged at the turn of the nineteenth into the twentieth century. After 1918 he became increasingly preoccupied by groups, societies and nations. Under the pressure of Nazism, he turned his attention to antisemitism, exploring the impact of repression and ‘the return of the repressed’. Born in Poland shortly after the war, the author, in what was a 2019 Keynote Lecture in Warsaw, explores the after-effects of her parents’ wartime history and her own angry responses to an experience of loss and mourning.
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29

Brenner, Rachel Feldhay. "Ideology and Its Ethics: Maria Da̧browska's Jewish (and Polish) Problem." Slavic Review 70, no. 2 (2011): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.70.2.0399.

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This article is part of a project that examines Polish writers' diaristic responses to the Warsaw ghetto and to the Holocaust in general. Rachel Feldhay Brenner examines Maria Da̧browska's response in the context of her prewar attitude to Polish Jews, which was shaped by her nationalistic ideology of Poland's messianic position among the nations. Although Da̧browska publicly denounced Endecja and its antisemitism, in private she cultivated a powerful sense of ressentiment toward the Jews, seeing Jews as outsiders who stood in the way of Poland realizing its special mission. This attitude persisted during the Holocaust and explains Da̧browska's emotional disengagement in the face of Jewish extermination. In the postwar years, her resentment became more pronounced, as even Jewish suffering in the Holocaust became an object of competition and envy. Da̧browska's response to the Holocaust offers a poignant example of the impact of ideological beliefs on emotional and ethical aspects of human interaction.
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30

Gorniak-Kocikowska, K. "The Catholic Church and Antisemitism: Poland, 1933-1939. By Ronald Modras. Langhorne, Penn.: Harwood Academic Publisher, 1994. 429 pp. $48.00." Journal of Church and State 39, no. 2 (March 1, 1997): 356–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/39.2.356.

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31

Engel, D. "ROBERT BLOBAUM, editor. Antisemitism and Its Opponents in Modern Poland. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. 2005. Pp. x, 348. Cloth $57.50, paper $24.95." American Historical Review 111, no. 4 (October 1, 2006): 1280–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.4.1280.

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32

Ciancia, Kathryn. "Primed for Violence: Murder, Antisemitism, and Democratic Politics in Interwar Poland. By Paul Brykczynski.Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2016. Pp. xviii+216. $65.00." Journal of Modern History 90, no. 1 (March 2018): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/695927.

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33

Friedrich, Klaus Peter. "Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944)." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 2 (December 2, 2006): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.180.

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Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover
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34

Porter, B. "THEODORE R. WEEKS. From Assimilation to Antisemitism: The "Jewish Question" in Poland, 1850-1914. De-Kalb: Northern Illinois University Press. 2006. Pp. x, 242. $40.00." American Historical Review 111, no. 5 (December 1, 2006): 1626–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.111.5.1626.

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35

Pietrzak, Andrzej. "Diálogo judeo-cristiano en la obra de Hugo Schlesinger (1920-1996)." Acta Hispanica, no. II (October 4, 2020): 563–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2020.0.563-571.

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Hugo Schlesinger, judío polaco y sobreviviente de holocausto, después de la Segunda Guerra Mundial emigró para Brasil. Dejó un legado significativo de publicaciones dedicadas al tema de economía y comercio, judaísmo, diálogo, desarrollo personal y espiritual. El artículo introduce a su pensamiento a través del tema de diálogo judeo-cristiano. La primera parte trata de experiencia personal de guerra y holocausto, antisemitismo, ideologemas antisemitas, fanatismo y racismo. La segunda se refiere al diálogo y asuntos afines como comprensión del judaísmo, presencia e integración de judíos en la sociedad, Justos entre las Naciones y Consejo de Fraternidad Cristiano-Judaica en Brasil.
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36

Blatman, Daniel. "From Assimilation to Antisemitism: The “Jewish Question” in Poland, 1850-1914. By Theodore R. Weeks. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006. x, 242 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $40.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 66, no. 1 (2007): 118–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20060157.

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37

Lederhendler, Eli. "Economic Origins of Antisemitism: Poland and its Jews in the Early Modern Period. By Hillel Levine. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991. xiii, 271 pp. Illustrations. Index. $30.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 51, no. 4 (1992): 833–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500163.

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38

Cichopek-Gajraj, Anna. "Primed for Violence: Murder, Antisemitism, and Democratic Politics in Interwar Poland. By Paul Brykczynski . Madison: Wisconsin University Press, 2016. xvii, 215 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Illustrations. Photographs. Tables. Maps. $65.00, hard bound." Slavic Review 76, no. 3 (2017): 807–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2017.202.

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39

Hanebrink, Paul. "Antisemitism in an Era ofTransition: Continuities and Impact in Post-Communist Poland and Hungary. Ed. François Guesnet and Gwen Jones. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2014. 301 pp. Bibliography. Figures. Tables. $74.95, hard bound." Slavic Review 74, no. 3 (2015): 624–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.74.3.624.

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40

Pankowski, Rafał. "The Resurgence of Antisemitic Discourse in Poland." Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs 12, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23739770.2018.1492781.

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41

Rok, Adam. "Antisemitic propaganda in poland—Centres, proponents, publications." East European Jewish Affairs 22, no. 1 (June 1992): 23–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13501679208577709.

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42

Radomski, Grzegorz. "Ochrona kultury narodowej w koncepcjach współczesnej prawicy narodowej w Polsce." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 47 (January 29, 2016): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2015.061.

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Protection of natural culture in concepts of the contemporary National Right Wing in PolandIn the centre of the system of values of the National Right Wing which revived after 1989 there are still nation, family and religion. The nation as community of culture is in opinion of the said parties exposed to dangers. The main risks are in their opinion as follows: cosmopolitism, Communist ideology, individualism, liberalism; secularization.In Poland, such ideas are, in the opinion of the National Right Wing, propagated by the liberal and post-communist circles. In the beginning they demanded that the communist activists are brought to justice. Some columnists refer to antisemitism. They perceive also the fall of the literary output. They assess critically the novels of Czesław Miłosz, Stanisław Barańczak or Olga Tokarczuk. Similar assessments regard the works of Polish historians. As preventive measures the following is mentioned: appropriate educational activity, statutory protection of national heritage, broadening of Catholicism, promotion of national culture. They attach great importance to the national branding. Its components are history, language, political regime, architecture, literature, art, religion, icons landscape, music. They would probably accept the opinion of Michael Porter: “Many contemporary discussions of international competition stress global homogenization and a diminished role for nations. But, in truth, national differences are at the heart of competitive success.” Ochrona kultury narodowej w koncepcjach współczesnej prawicy narodowej w PolsceW centrum systemu wartości odrodzonego po 1989 roku ruchu narodowego pozostają naród, rodzina i religia. Naród, traktowany jako wspólnota kultury, narażony jest w ocenie wspominanych wyżej środowisk na liczne zagrożenia. Za najgroźniejsze uznają one: kosmopolityzm, ideologię komunistyczną, indywidualizm, liberalizm, sekularyzację. W Polsce wspomniane idee mają być propagowane przez środowiska liberalne i postkomunistyczne. W wypowiedziach publicystów narodowych pojawiają się także akcenty antysemickie. Krytyczna ocena dotyczy też współczesnej polskiej literatury, a zwłaszcza twórczości Czesława Miłosza, Stanisława Barańczaka czy Olgi Tokarczuk. Podobne oceny odnoszone są do prac polskich historyków. Za istotną uznano więc puryfikację kultury narodowej. Wśród środków zaradczych środowiska narodowe proponują: rozwój edukacji historycznej, ochronę dziedzictwa narodowego, rozwój katolicyzmu i promocję kultury narodowej. W tym ostatnim wypadku za niezwykle ważny uznają one branding narodowy. Jego podstawowe składniki to historia, język, architektura, krajobraz, reżim polityczny itp. Polscy narodowcy zapewne zaakceptowaliby opinię sformułowaną przez Michaela Portera. Twierdzi on, iż co prawda nastąpiła globalna homogenizacja, ale podkreślanie odrębności narodowej jest źródłem sukcesu.
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43

Englund, Martin. "Facing Sweden: The Experience of Sweden after the Forced Migration from Poland During the Antisemitic Campaign, 1967–1972." Studia Scandinavica 6, no. 26 (December 28, 2022): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/ss.2022.26.06.

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This article presents how the historical experience of Sweden is depicted in six biographies about the lives of Polish-Jewish refugees who migrated to Sweden from Poland in 1967–1972 due to the antisemitic campaign. It is an early output of the dissertation project Vi, de fördrivna [We, the Expelled], for which the historical experiences of this migrant group are being collected and analyzed. The depiction of Sweden in the biographies is viewed from the perspective of historical orientation. Generally, the biographies give a positive picture of Sweden. The Sweden illustrated is contrasted with a repressive depiction of Poland during the antisemitic campaign. Sweden at the time of arrival is also contrasted with Sweden in later years, which might be described as Sweden in decline.
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Domagalska, Małgorzata. "„Wielką jest semicka moc”. Poetyckie strofy w „Roli” Jana Jeleńskiego." Studia Judaica, no. 2 (44) (2019): 213–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24500100stj.19.010.12393.

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“HOW ENORMOUS IS SEMITIC POWER”: POETRY IN JAN JELEŃSKI’S ROLA Rola was the first antisemitic weekly in Poland published in Warsaw between 1883 and 1912. According to the nineteenth-century custom, not only journalism, but also novels published in weekly installments, as well as poems were included in the magazine. In poetry, lofty or religious topics were raised at the time of Christmas or Easter, or virulent antisemitic satire was published on various occasions. The antisemitic satire corresponded to the themes taken up in prose and journalism. The themes were dominated by the myth of Judeopolonia, issues of assimilation and social advancement of Jews, attacks on mixed marriages and mockery of Zionism, or the colonies established by Baron Hirsch in Argentina. It can be said that both prose and poetry were servile to journalism and strengthened the antisemitic content dominant in the weekly.
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45

Zipperstein, Steven J. "The Jews in Warsaw: A History. Wladyslaw T. Bartoszewski , Antony PolonskyEconomic Origins of Antisemitism: Poland and Its Jews in the Early Modern Period. Hillel LevineTroubled Waters: The Origins of the 1881 Anti-Jewish Pogroms in Russia. I. Michael Aronson , Jonathan Harris." Journal of Modern History 66, no. 4 (December 1994): 888–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245003.

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46

Blobaum, Robert E. "The Resistible Rise of Antisemitism: Exemplary Cases from Russia, Ukraine, and Poland. By Laura Engelstein. Foreword by Eli Lederhendler. The Menahem Stern Jerusalem Lectures. Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2020. Pp. xvi+260. $85.00 (cloth); $40.00 (paper); $33.25 (e-book)." Journal of Modern History 94, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 435–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/719499.

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47

Trepte, Hans-Christian. "Between Homeland and Emigration. Tuwim’s Struggle for Identity." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 36, no. 6 (May 30, 2017): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.36.04.

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Julian Tuwim belongs to the pantheon of the greatest Polish writes of the 20th century. His Polish-Jewish descent, his attitude towards the Polish language, towards Jews in Poland, his political activities as an emigrant as well as his controversial involvement with the communist Poland still fuel many critical discussions. Polish language and culture were for him much more important than the categories of nation or state. However, whereas for Polish nationalists and antisemites Tuwim remained “only” a Jew, Jewish nationalists considered him a traitor. It was in exile that his attitude towards his Jewish countrymen began to change, especially after he learnt about the horror of the Holocaust in occupied Poland. Thus, he began writing his famous, dramatic manifesto, We, the Polish Jews. After World War II, Tuwim came back to Poland, hoping to continue his prewar career as a celebrated poet. His manifold contributions to the development of the Polish language and literature, within the country and abroad, cannot be questioned, and the dilemmas concerning his cultural and ethnic identity only make him a more interesting writer. Julian Tuwim belongs to the pantheon of the greatest Polish writes of the 20th century. His Polish-Jewish descent, his attitude towards the Polish language, towards Jews in Poland, his political activities as an emigrant as well as his controversial involvement with the communist Poland still fuel many critical discussions. Polish language and culture were for him much more important than the categories of nation or state. However, whereas for Polish nationalists and antisemites Tuwim remained “only” a Jew, Jewish nationalists considered him a traitor. It was in exile that his attitude towards his Jewish countrymen began to change, especially after he learnt about the horror of the Holocaust in occupied Poland. Thus, he began writing his famous, dramatic manifesto, We, the Polish Jews. After World War II, Tuwim came back to Poland, hoping to continue his prewar career as a celebrated poet. His manifold contributions to the development of the Polish language and literature, within the country and abroad, cannot be questioned, and the dilemmas concerning his cultural and ethnic identity only make him a more interesting writer.
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Buryła, Sławomir. "Marzec a Zagłada – płaszczyzny spotkania." Studia Judaica, no. 2 (44) (2019): 305–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24500100stj.19.014.12397.

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MARCH 1968 AND THE SHOAH: THE COMMON GROUNDS This article is a synthetic study on major issues related to the events of 1968 in Poland and their similarity to the atmosphere at the time of the Holocaust. The author presents analogies and differences between the antisemitic campaign of 1968 and the Shoah, analyzing: (1) the rhetoric of journalistic texts and political speeches; (2) works of art; (3) literary representations; and (4) memories of the victims. The main material for the analysis consists of prose texts—novels and short stories—written both in the late 1960s and after the political transformation of 1989.
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Stauter‐Halsted, Keely. "From Assimilation to Antisemitism: “The Jewish Question” in Poland, 1850–1914. By Theodore R. Weeks. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006. Pp. x+242. $40.00.Poland's Threatening Other: The Image of the Jew from 1880 to the Present. By Joanna Beata Michlic. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006. Pp. xii+396. $59.95." Journal of Modern History 80, no. 2 (June 2008): 449–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/591587.

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50

Brenner, Rachel Feldhay. "The Jews and the Messianic Ethos of the Second Polish Republic. Stanisław Rembek’s Interwar Literary Writings." Przegląd Humanistyczny 62, no. 4 (463) (May 24, 2019): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2632.

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Rembek’s conviction of Polish “chosenness” is expressed in the characterizations of the Jewish protagonists in his fiction. While Rembek’s diaristic writing reveals his antiSemitic prejudices, in his novella Dojrzałe kłosy [Ripe spikes], and novel Nagan [Revolver] he portrays the Jews as patriotic officers fighting for Poland. These characterizations of the Jews highlighted Poland’s democratic open-mindedness toward its Jewish citizens. Nonetheless, as Jews they were excluded from the nation’s Christian destiny. Time and again, the Jewish officers in Rembek’s fiction articulate their despondency over their failure to accept Christ despite their irresistible attraction to the Christian faith. The failure points to their inability to achieve grace. Their sense of religious inadequacy elucidates a theological perspective which posits that a Jewish presence was indispensable to Poland’s redemptive destiny; the Jew as an affirming witness sanctioned the Polish claim to a messianic calling. To achieve legitimacy, the Polish national messianic mission needed to be acknowledged by Jews. The perspective in Rembek’s fiction illuminates an important facet in the complexity of the Polish-Jewish relationships in reborn Poland.
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