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Books on the topic 'Antipater'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Antipater, of Sidon, fl. ca. 100 B.C. and Clack Jerry, eds. Dioscorides and Antipater of Sidon: The poems. Wauconda, Ill: Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 2001.

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2

Variation und Imitation: Ein literarischer Kommentar zu den Epigrammen des Antipater von Sidon und des Archias von Antiocheia. Trier: WVT, Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Trier, 2006.

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3

Wendell, Holmes Oliver. A Mortal Antipathy. Whitefish, Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2007.

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4

Koniarellē-Siakē, Helenē. Antipalē hōra: Poiēsē. Athēna: Asterias, 1995.

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5

Oliva, Achille Bonito. Antipatia: L'arte contemporanea. Milano: Feltrinelli, 1987.

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6

A Mortal Antipathy. Whitefish, Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2004.

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7

Gli epigrammi degli Antipatri. Bari: Levante, 2003.

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8

James, Allan. Sympathy and antipathy: Essays legal and philosophical. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2002.

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9

Sabirzi͡anov, G. S. Povolzhskie tatary i russkie v zerkale simpatiĭ i antipatiĭ. Kazanʹ: Fėn, 1993.

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10

Constructing the enemy: Empathy/antipathy in U.S. literature and law. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2012.

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11

Le procès de Jean XXIII: Dix semaines qui ébranlèrent l'église. Paris, France: Publibook, 2005.

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12

Sánchez, Andrés Guerrero. Qué asco de libro! Madrid: Alfaguara, 2002.

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13

Belli, Carlo. Antipatia per Polibio: Il greco storico della grandezza di Roma (200 a.C.-120 a.C.). Cavallino di Lecce: Capone editore, 1992.

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14

Nel segno di Antipatro: L'eclissi della democrazia ateniese dal 323/2 al 319/8 a. C. Roma: Carocci, 2002.

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15

Poddighe, Elisabetta. Nel segno di Antipatro: L'eclissi della democrazia ateniese dal 323/2 al 319/8 a. C. Roma: Carocci, 2002.

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16

Il gallo contro il mulino: Due epigrammi di Antipatro di Tessalonica a confronto con testi iranici, latini, norreni e vedici. Tivoli (Roma): Edizioni Tored, 2015.

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17

Gaultier, Jacques. Table chronographique de l'estat du christianisme, depuis la naissance de Jésus-Christ, jusques à l'année M.DCXXV: Contenant en douze colomnes les papes, antipapes, les conciles & patriarches des quatre Eglises patriarchales, les escrivains sacrez, & autres saints & illustres personnages, empereurs & roys, tant de nostre France, qu'estrangers les escrivains prophanes les hérétiques, & evenemens remarquables de chaque siècle ... 7th ed. Zug [Switzerland]: IDC, 1987.

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18

Pelling, Christopher. Coelius Antipater, Lucius, Roman historian. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199381135.013.1711.

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19

Clack, Jerry. Dioscorides and Antipater of Sidon: The Poems. Bolchazy-Carducci Publishers, 2002.

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20

Wendell, Holmes Oliver. A Mortal Antipathy. IndyPublish.com, 2002.

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21

Holmes, Oliver Wendell. A Mortal Antipathy. IndyPublish.com, 2002.

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22

Planetary Sympathy And Antipathy - Pamphlet. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2006.

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23

Tea & antipathy: An American family in swinging London. 2015.

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24

Holmes, Oliver Wendell. A Mortal Antipathy: First opening of the new portfolio. Hard Press, 2006.

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25

A Mortal Antipathy: First Opening of the New Portfolio. BiblioBazaar, 2007.

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26

Wendell, Holmes Oliver. A Mortal Antipathy: First Opening of the New Portfolio. BiblioBazaar, 2007.

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27

Antipatos: Humor afel, ironyah ve-tsiniyut be-omanut Yisreelit akhshavit (Katalog). Muzeon Yisrael, 1993.

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28

Philip, Kerr, ed. The Penguin book of fights, feuds, and heartfelt hatreds: An anthology of antipathy. London: Penguin, 1993.

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29

1956-, Kerr Philip, ed. The Penguin book of fights, feuds and heartfelt hatreds: An anthology of antipathy. London: Viking, 1992.

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30

Stanley, Matthew E. “The Progeny of Jamestown”. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040733.003.0002.

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This chapter demonstrates how antebellum migration, culture, and politics laid the foundation for the region’s white supremacy, its libertarian proclivities, and its sharp class and racial hierarchies. I argue that a cross-class fear of losing the privileges associated with whiteness drove an antebellum political culture that fostered racial aversion, agnosticism toward slavery, and antipathy toward African Americans and Upper Middle West “Yankees.” These tensions resulted in a remarkably flexible conservative Unionism by 1860.
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31

Bareau, Michel. LA Oposicion Y Conjuncion De Los DOS Grandes Luminares De LA Tierra: LA Antipatia De Franceses Y Espanoles (1617). Mrts, 1989.

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32

Gervais, Will M., and Maxine Najle. Nonreligious People in Religious Societies. Edited by Phil Zuckerman and John R. Shook. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199988457.013.36.

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Although secularism is on the rise, with fewer people identifying with a specific religion, atheists still face a significant degree of prejudice. This chapter discusses that social phenomenon and research efforts to reveal its causes and potential ways to reduce antipathy toward atheists. Social psychology can inquire into causes for prejudice and discrimination against the nonreligious, covering related matters such as origins of unbelief, how others respond to it, and how nonreligious people cope with these and other issues. This chapter also considers specific social movements within and around religious disbelief and offers some speculation on the impact of vocal atheist movements on the current state of interfaith (and nonfaith) relations.
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33

Wolf, Susan. The Ethics of Being a Foodie. Edited by Anne Barnhill, Mark Budolfson, and Tyler Doggett. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199372263.013.36.

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The chapter defines foodies as people who are enthusiasts about food for aesthetic reasons and explores the reasons behind the morally tinged antipathy many people have toward foodies so defined. Setting aside concerns with elitism and snobbishness that pertain to any activity or passion that is associated with privilege, and objections that are based on a negative stereotype that is inessential to foodieism, the chapter considers what criticisms might apply specifically to foodieism in contrast to other bourgeois interests. Criticisms and attitudes based on the (sometimes unexpressed) thought that food is a low or bestial pleasure are discussed and rejected. Thus, the chapter concludes that there need be no tension between ethics and foodieism.
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34

Smith, Jay M. Nobility. Edited by David Andress. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199639748.013.003.

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The nobility became a widely despised target of French revolutionaries despite its own lack of unity and its general openness to reform. The strength of the antipathy toward nobility is explained in part by the debates about noble identity that had coursed through French culture for much of the eighteenth century. Those debates brought forth conflicting perspectives, as some sought to revive and expand while others sought to attenuate noble power, standing, and influence. Perhaps the most important consequence of these debates, however, was to reveal the uncertain and contested foundations of noble pre-eminence—a cultural ambiguity that contrasted sharply, and troublingly, with noble assertions of political solidarity in 1788–9.
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35

Marcus, Smith, and Leslie Nico. Part IV Intangible Property that is Incapable of Transfer, 23 The Assignment of Bare Rights to Litigate: Champerty and Maintenance. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198748434.003.0023.

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This chapter examines the doctrines of champerty and maintenance—the most prominent examples of a public policy limitation on the ability to assign. The doctrines of champerty and maintenance trace their origins back to the earliest days of the common law, and indeed were the basis for the common law's traditional antipathy to all assignments. Champerty is traditionally described as a species of maintenance or ‘an aggravated form of maintenance’ that is said to occur ‘when the person maintaining another stipulates for a share of the proceeds or the action or dispute or other contentious proceedings where property is in dispute’. The chapter then explains the effect of champerty and maintenance on an assignment or other contract.
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36

Hasiotis, Arthur C. The extraordinary rise of the Russian empire: Its historic antipathy to the West and its periodic strategic partnership with Britain and America. 2018.

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37

Clark, J. C. D. Pathways of Political Change. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198816997.003.0003.

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Paine showed throughout his career a historically well-informed awareness of the shortcomings of English monarchs after 1688 and 1714, whom he regarded as usurpers: it was a practical critique that fed his antipathy to monarchy in general. Rather than republicanism, this chapter establishes Paine’s personal links with the ‘Patriot’ opposition to Sir Robert Walpole’s ministry, a movement that had a religiously freethinking element and drew on reconfigured Jacobitism. By contrast, Paine employed none of the other political languages available to him. Instead, Paine spoke a language of anti-Jacobitism; this chapter explores how many of his contemporaries trod a path ‘from Jacobite to Jacobin’. Nor were these old world preoccupations only; this chapter shows how they were shared in the American colonies.
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38

Smith, S. A. The Russian and Chinese Revolutions Compared. Edited by Simon Dixon. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199236701.013.029.

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Whereas recent historiography has tended to minimize ideological differences between Stalinism and Maoism, this chapter explores the distinctions between them, arguing that it was a belief in revolutionary will and heroic sacrifice, complemented by an instinctive antipathy to bureaucracy and a far-reaching commitment to social equality (which, of course, did not rule out privilege for some), that set Maoism apart from Stalinism. The ideological differences between the two found their most dramatic expression in the Cultural Revolution, an event that was quite unthinkable in Stalin’s Russia. The personalities of Stalin and Mao are also shown to explain crucial differences between the two regimes, which are compared and contrasted in this chapter across a wide range of political, social, and economic themes.
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39

Doody, Colleen. Introduction. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037276.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, namely to explore the beginnings of post-World War II popular conservatism, particularly the glue that held this disparate movement together: anti-Communism. Building upon recent scholarship on conservatism, the book brings their insights to bear on the debate on the nature of early Cold War domestic politics. It argues that the key elements of twentieth-century conservatism—antipathy toward big government, embrace of religious traditionalism, celebration of laissez-faire capitalism, and militant anti-Communism—arose during the 1940s and 1950s out of opposition to the legacy of the New Deal and its modernizing, centralizing, and secularizing ethos. The book examines a specific urban center, Detroit, and grounds its conception of politics in the daily decisions of a wide variety of individuals rather than on the actions of political elites.
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40

Risse, Guenter B. Tides of Inertia and Neglect. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039843.003.0004.

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This chapter explores the trends of corruption and neglect in the administration of the San Francisco pesthouse. Both city authorities and the public at large had considered the San Francisco pesthouse an unjust burden imposed on them, particularly since a fair number of the patients came from other parts of the state or abroad. Repeated official complaints, tinged with antipathy toward strangers and hatred of Chinese immigrants, sought to justify the policy of penury. Moreover, given California's failure to develop a coherent policy for medical segregation, responsibility and funding for a stigmatized facility like the San Francisco pesthouse remained subject to the whims of local politicians and businessmen. Hence, this chapter illustrates the challenges of achieving a proper political and economic balance during this period, attested by decades of seemingly erratic municipal decisions concerning pesthouse finances.
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41

Moore-Mallinos, Jennifer. Los Colores del arco iris: The Colors of the Rainbow (Spanish Edition) (Let's Talk About It! Books). Barron''s Educational Series, 2005.

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42

Eisen, Robert. R. Abraham Isaac Kook. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190687090.003.0003.

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R. Abraham Isaac Kook (1865–1935) was Chief Ashkenazi Rabbi of Palestine before the creation of the state of the Israel and an immensely influential figure in religious Zionism. This chapter examines his correspondence with another rabbi regarding war, in which R. Kook argues that legitimate authority for waging war rests with any Jewish government that rules with the consent of the community. He justifies conscription on the premise that laws of war are different from those of everyday Halakhah; therefore a government can force an individual to risk his life in war for the sake of the nation, though compelling an individual to endanger himself to save others from harm is not normally allowed. In his discussion of discretionary war, R. Kook reveals an antipathy to war. R. Kook’s treatment of war in Halakhah is brief, but his positions had a big impact on later rabbis in religious Zionism.
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43

Ellis, Fiona. Religious Understanding, Naturalism, and Theory. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198796732.003.0003.

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What is the relation between religious understanding and theory? And what does it have to do with naturalism? This chapter tackles these questions initially by examining John Cottingham’s contribution to this volume, and in particular the distinction he makes between two ways of comprehending the nature of religious understanding. The chapter raises some questions about his antipathy toward theory, and proposes a model which is compatible with his praxis-oriented account and draws upon the natural theology defended elsewhere by this chapter’s author. The chapter concludes that religious understanding must be explained on its own terms, and that it has both a practical and a theoretical dimension. This conclusion is compatible with most of what Cottingham says, and it allows us to clarify in further detail where theory can go wrong and to enter into dialogue with one who opposes the theistic dimension of the picture.
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44

Omissi, Adrastos. Tyranny and Blood. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198824824.003.0006.

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This chapter examines three moments of political crisis during the period 337‒54. First, the chapter defends the notion that the so-called ‘great massacre’ of 337was orchestrated by, or with the connivance of, Constantius. It then considers the wars between the sons of Constantine in the 330s and 340s. It contrasts the bitter antipathy between Constantius and Constans with the rhetoric of fraternal harmony in Libanius’ Oratio LIX. Finally, the chapter examines the death of Constans, the usurpations of Magnentius and Vetranio, and Constantius’ war in the West from 350‒3. The chapter explores how Julian’s Orationes I and II and Themistius’ Orationes II, III, and IV produced a coherent caricature of Magnentius, and also how they can be used to demonstrate that Vetranio’s usurpation in Illyricum was in defence of Constantius, and that Vetranio willingly laid down power in 350. The chapter also contains some remarks on the usurpation of Silvanus.
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45

Culver, Annika A., and Norman Smith, eds. Manchukuo Perspectives. Hong Kong University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528134.001.0001.

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This collection reveals how, in Manchukuo (1932-1945), literature both furthered national aims while contesting them, as writers of varied ethnicities engaged in multivalent strategies to continue cultural production amidst difficult political circumstances. Studies of their work by transnational scholars today demonstrate that these writers faced factors influencing outcomes of their production, such as censorship, the Japanese puppet regime's propaganda aims, and even the market. In addition, particular hybrid language practices emerged, with writers engaging in transnational practices in a border region. This volume examines what we call "Manchukuo perspectives" unique to cultural producers in a state transformed by Japanese interests, but later shaped by more inclusive multivalent aims, reflected in the writings of Chinese, Korean, and Russian intellectuals who felt a keen loss of nation, which also included Japanese converted leftists who transformed their antipathy towards imperialist capitalism into support for a fascist state offering the utopian promises of a "right-wing proletarianism".
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46

Ngoei, Wen-Qing. Arc of Containment. Cornell University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501716409.001.0001.

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This book recasts the history of American empire in Southeast and East Asia from the Pacific War through the end of U.S. intervention in Vietnam. It argues that anticommunist nationalism in Southeast Asia intersected with pre-existing local antipathy toward China and the Chinese diaspora to usher the region from European-dominated colonialism into U.S. hegemony. Between the late 1940s and 1960s, Britain and its indigenous collaborators in Malaya and Singapore overcame the mostly Chinese communist parties of both countries by crafting a pro-West nationalism that was anticommunist by virtue of its anti-Chinese bent. London’s neocolonial schemes in Malaya and Singapore prolonged its influence in the region. But as British power waned, Malaya and Singapore’s anticommunist leaders cast their lot with the United States, mirroring developments in the Philippines, Thailand and, in the late 1960s, Indonesia. In effect, these five anticommunist states established, with U.S. support, a geostrategic arc of containment that encircled China and its regional allies. Southeast Asia’s imperial transition from colonial order to U.S. empire, through the tumult of decolonization and the Cold War, was more characteristic of the region’s history after 1945 than Indochina’s embrace of communism.
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47

Standen, Jeffrey. The Law of Sports Wagering in the United States. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935352.013.10.

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The law of sports wagering in the United States reflects the exceptionalism of sports. Although limitations on gambling in general have undergone significant liberalization in recent decades, sports wagering remains subject to a complex interplay among federal and state prohibitions. This exceptionalism stems from the notion that sports contests would be ineluctably corrupted by betting, potentially giving contestants unduly large investments in the outcome, or in shaping the magnitude of the victory. Despite this continuing antipathy toward sports betting as a matter of formal legality, recent legal developments have unwittingly created a burgeoning industry in sports betting, which industry has created significant instability in the general prohibition. Specifically, the rise of daily fantasy sports contests, which can feature contests that appear remarkably similar to single-game bets on the outcome of a game, has both evidenced the domestic appetite for sports wagering, and has pushed against the boundaries set by the anti-gambling prohibitions. The legality of daily fantasy sports is highly debatable, and calls into question the very nature of a sports bet as a game of chance or skill, and whether or not fantasy play presents a substantially different set of characteristics. Whatever the legal outcome, strong arguments exist that suggest that fantasy play would not give rise to the concerns that animated the general prohibition on sports wagering.
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48

Fitzduff, Mari. Our Brains at War. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197512654.001.0001.

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Our Brains at War: The Neuroscience of Conflict and Peacebuilding suggests that we need radical change in how we think about war, leadership, and politics. Most of us, including most political scientists, fail to appreciate that the main factors in today’s identity wars and politics arise not from logic but from instincts and emotions, against which reason often has little sway. Many of our physiological and genetic tendencies, of which we are mostly unaware, can easily fuel our antipathy toward other groups, make us choose supposedly “strong” leaders over more mindful leaders, facilitate the recruitment of fighters for both legal and illegal militia groups, and enable even the most seemingly gentle of us to inflict horrific violence on others. Unfortunately, in today’s world, such instincts and emotions also increase our susceptibility to being easily led toward hateful activities by social media. Without understanding the genetic, neural, and hormonal tendencies that facilitate such predispositions, it will be extremely difficult to achieve sustainably peaceful societies. Drawing on the latest research from newer sciences such as social biopsychology, behavioral genetics, political psychology, and social and cognitive neuroscience, this book identifies the sources and the consequences of such instincts and emotions. It also suggests that we need new and radical ways of dealing with societal and global conflicts by openly addressing the biological factors that help create them and by taking them into account in our plans for more constructive politics and more effective peacebuilding in our increasingly fracturing world.
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49

Lepoutre, Maxime. Democratic Speech in Divided Times. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198869757.001.0001.

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Democratic Speech in Divided Times offers a comprehensive account of the norms that should govern public discourse in circumstances marked by deep and often unjust social divisions. Part I investigates what forms of democratic speech are desirable in these settings. This part shows, firstly, that some forms of public discourse that are symptomatic of division can nevertheless play a crucial democratic function. In particular, it argues that emotionally charged speech—and most notably, speech voicing deep anger—plays a fundamental role in overcoming entrenched epistemic divisions and in facilitating the exchange of shared reasons. This part also examines how, in contrast, other characteristic features of the public discourse of divided societies endanger democratic life. Here, the argument considers the proliferation of hate speech and misinformation, and examines what forms of democratic speech should be used to combat them. Part II considers how realistic the foregoing account of public discourse is. Specifically, it assesses the complications that arise from intergroup antipathy, pervasive political ignorance, and the fragmentation of the public sphere. The normative picture of public discourse that this book defends can largely withstand these problems. And, while these social conditions do qualify the value of democratic speech in some respects, they are at least as problematic for political ideals that give up on inclusive democratic speech altogether. Accordingly, while realising the ideal of democratic speech that this book outlines is challenging, we should not lose patience with this task.
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