Journal articles: 'Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)'

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Weil, Frederick D., and Elim Papadakis. "The Green Movement in West Germany." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 3 (May 1985): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071366.

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Sarkar, Saral. "The Green Movement in West Germany." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 11, no. 2 (April 1986): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548601100203.

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Glees, A. "The Green Movement in West Germany." German History 3, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/3.1.97.

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Gottstein, Ulrich. "The international physicians' movement in West Germany." Medicine and War 1, no. 3 (September 1985): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07488008508408642.

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Pfeiler, Wolfgang, and David Gress. "Peace and Survival: West Germany, the Peace Movement, and European Security." German Studies Review 9, no. 3 (October 1986): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429963.

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Stern, Fritz, and David Gress. "Peace and Survival: West Germany, the Peace Movement, and European Security." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 5 (1986): 1121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042827.

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Stehle, Maria. "Youth Politics in the Postwar Germanies." German Politics and Society 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260105.

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Ruff, Mark Edward. The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)McDougall, Alan. Youth Politics in East Germany: The Free German Youth Movement 1946-1968 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004)

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Panagiotidis, Jannis. "What Is the German’s Fatherland?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 1 (February 2015): 120–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414540934.

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This article deals with the migration of “ethnic Germans” from socialist Eastern Europe to the GDR in the decades after the Second World War. Post-expulsion resettlement from that region is commonly associated with Aussiedler migration to West Germany. Contesting the idea that East Germany displayed no interest in Eastern European Germans, this article shows that the GDR, which challenged the West German claim to be the sole representative of the German nation, also received ethnic German immigrants, mostly from Poland and the USSR. It argues that the distribution of roles between the two German states, with West Germany being the prime destination for resettlers, was not clear from the outset. It was only after Polish–West German “normalization” in 1970 that the FRG became the almost uncontested “fatherland” for Eastern European Germans. West and East German approaches resembled each other as long as they were predicated on humanitarian family reunification. They diverged as the GDR attempted co-ethnic labor recruitment in Poland in the 1960s. These efforts met with limited success, as East Germany was the weakest link in a cross-bloc “tetradic nexus” with the German minority in Poland, the Polish state, and West Germany. Meanwhile, the GDR authorities eyed grass-roots migration initiatives by Soviet Germans with suspicion, as they undermined the government aspiration to control the movement of people. The article finally argues that movement of labor had no priority in the project of socialist economic integration, which gives reason to suspect a link between limited migration and failed COMECON integration.

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Glatzer, Wolfgang, and Heinz-Herbert Noll. "Social Indicators and Social Reporting in Germany." Journal of Public Policy 9, no. 4 (October 1989): 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0000828x.

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Social indicators research developed in the United States at the end of the 1960s and the principal ideas and approaches were received by West German social scientists soon thereafter. It became common usage to speak of a social indicators movement, an expression which is rather unusual in regard to a scientific approach.

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Pekelder, Jacco. "Dealing with Violent Protest in West Germany and the Netherlands." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.21-41.

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Political violence is a specific category of participation that is frowned upon in most societies. This article compares how two western-style post war democracies, West Germany and the Netherlands, dealt with violent politics from the left in the 1960s and 1970s. On the macro level, a lack of integrative mechanisms in the West German political system fostered a radicalization that the Netherlands was able to avoid. On the mesolevel of intra-movement dynamics, this also produced different outcomes. While West German radicals such as the founders of the left-wing terrorist Red Army Faction were able to enhance their reputations and find sympathy and support within the broad new left movement family through an embrace of the idea and practice of armed struggle, similar Dutch groups found no footing. Still, it would be a foregone conclusion to deem the Netherlands immune to the kinds of counter-productive policies towards unwelcome forms of political participation that befell West Germany. When the Netherlands was put to the ultimate stress test in 1977 –1978 during a direct confrontation with the RAF, its police, justice system and political apparatus proved nearly as vulnerable to the negative societal dynamics of political violence as their counterparts to the East.

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ROSENFELD, ALAN. "‘Anarchist Amazons’: The Gendering of Radicalism in 1970s West Germany." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (September 29, 2010): 351–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000275.

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AbstractThis article examines the intersection between reactions to urban guerrilla violence and anxieties over the women's liberation movement in 1970s West Germany. State officials and the mainstream press focused a disproportionate amount of attention on women's contributions to left-wing violence, claiming that female guerrillas suffered from an ‘excess of women's liberation’. However, while commentators juxtaposed domineering women with effeminate men, the actual experiences of women inside groups such as the Red Army Faction often featured expressions of male dominance. Evidence suggests that female guerrillas suffered more from a compulsion to self-sacrifice than excessive emancipation.

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Dominick, R. "The roots of the Green Movement in the United States and West Germany." Environmental History Review 12, no. 3 (September 1, 1988): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3984283.

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Jaggi, Stephan. "Revolutionary Constitutional Lawmaking in Germany—Rediscovering the German 1989 Revolution." German Law Journal 17, no. 4 (August 2016): 579–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021374.

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AbstractToday, the 1989 Revolution in East Germany is recognized and celebrated as the event that abolished the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and brought about German unification. What is mostly overlooked, however, is that these are not the Revolution's only and, from the perspective of constitutional law, not even its most important achievements. More important with respect to understanding constitutional lawmaking in Germany is that the 1989 Revolution did not lead to an unconditional adoption of West German constitutional law in the new East German states. Instead, the Revolution had its own constitutional agenda, which went beyond the West German Basic Law and was transferred to unified Germany where it then needed to be integrated into the existing West German constitutional order. The Article reinterprets the 1989 Revolution and shows how a revolutionary popular movement in the GDR developed its own constitutional agenda, which first found legal manifestation in GDR legislation, and then was transferred to unified Germany through the Unification Treaty and the new state constitutions.

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Roberts, David. "Narratives of Modernization: The Student Movement and Social and Cultural Change in West Germany." Thesis Eleven 63, no. 1 (November 2000): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513600063000004.

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Zilles, Michael. "Peace and Survival: West Germany, the Peace Movement and European Security (review)." SAIS Review 8, no. 1 (1988): 237–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1988.0013.

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Gross, Stephen G. "Reimagining Energy and Growth: Decoupling and the Rise of a New Energy Paradigm in West Germany, 1973–1986." Central European History 50, no. 4 (December 2017): 514–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938917001017.

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AbstractThis article traces the rise of new ideas about energy and growth in West Germany between 1973 and 1986. It shows how new economic expertise emerged in response to the oil shocks, and looks at how West Germany could, paradoxically, sustain growth in a world of seemingly exhausted and insecure energy sources. These experts reconceptualized the economy to imagine a future where “decoupling”—reducing energy consumption while expanding Gross Domestic Production—was possible. They found support in the Social Democratic Party, which, in using their ideas to overcome an internal rift precipitated by the rise of the Green movement in the 1970s, helped make these new ideas mainstream. Investigating this new energy paradigm helps us understand why Germany began to diverge from other large, industrialized states in the 1980s, as it increasingly focused on energy conservation rather than on expanding its energy supply.

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Jürgens, Ulrich, Larissa Klinzing, and Lowell Turner. "The Transformation of Industrial Relations in Eastern Germany." ILR Review 46, no. 2 (January 1993): 229–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001979399304600202.

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Citing case studies based on interviews they conducted in 1991 and 1992 with labor representatives and managers at six eastern German manufacturing firms, the authors argue that the future could hold either vigor and growth or stagnation and permanent second-class status for the economy and labor movement in eastern Germany, depending largely on actor strategy and choice. The rapid spread of privatization and open markets is tending to undermine unions' influence, on the one hand; but on the other hand, institutional transfer from former West Germany (especially of codetermination law and centralized, regional-level collective bargaining) is giving unions and works councils increased possibilities for leverage.

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Cooper, Alice Holmes. "The West German Peace Movement and the Christian Churches: An Institutional Approach." Review of Politics 50, no. 1 (1988): 71–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036147.

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Protestant participation in postwar West German peace movements has markedly outstripped Catholic participation, suggesting that age is not the only important cleavage separating participants and nonparticipants. It is argued that because churches interpret collective experience, they have helped shape individual attitudes and political protest across generations throughout the postwar period. In West Germany, church interpretations of fascism, World War Two, and postwar developments have offered interpretive frameworks and defined the parameters of defense issues for their members. In doing so, churches have provided or restricted ideological, as well as organizational, resources to peace protest within their midst. Similar processes are at work in institutions like parties and unions as well. Although younger generations have sometimes adopted more radical views than their elders, the interplay between generations has taken place in the context of a previous institutional framing of issues.

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Frankland, E. Gene. "Parliamentary Politics and the Development of the Green Party in West Germany." Review of Politics 51, no. 3 (1989): 386–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500049743.

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This study deals with the experiences of the Greens (Die Griinen) during the 1980's as a “new” party in West German state and federal parliaments and specifically with the Green parliamentary groups' relationships with the movement-party. The founders of the Greens sought to organize as a decentralized, participatory democracy. Accordingly, they developed rules to hinder the emergence of a professionalized leadership and to restrict the autonomy of parliamentary groups. Utilizing a comparative approach, the author investigates the extent to which the Greens have become “parliamentarized” by the normalizing forces of the established system at state and federal levels. This study relates the Greens' developmental experiences to the “classic” observations of Duverger, Michels, and others about modern party development. Finally, it reviews the recent perspectives of various intraparty groups about the future of the Greens.

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Mueller, Harald, and Thomas Risse-Kappen. "Origins of Estrangement: The Peace Movement and the Changed Image of America in West Germany." International Security 12, no. 1 (1987): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538917.

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Abramson, Paul R., and Ronald Inglehart. "Generational Replacement and Value Change in Eight West European Societies." British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 2 (April 1992): 183–228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006335.

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Surveys sponsored by the Commission of the European Communities are employed to study value change in West Germany, Britain, the Netherlands, France, Belgium and Italy between 1970–71 and 1990 and in Denmark and Ireland between 1973 and 1990. During these years generational replacement had a major impact on value trends in all eight societies. In Germany, Britain, the Netherlands and Denmark generational replacement contributed to the growth of Postmaterialism, and in France, Italy and Ireland replacement was the major force creating the trend towards Postmaterialism. Even in Belgium, where there was only a slight move towards Postmaterialism, replacement may have prevented a movement towards Materialism. For the European public as a whole, replacement contributed to the growth of Postmaterialism. However, the impact of replacement is likely to be smaller in the coming two decades because relatively low birth rates during the late 1970s and the 1980s will contribute to lower rates of generational replacement.

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Saalfeld, Thomas. "Up and down with the Extreme Right in Germany, 1949–1996." Politics 17, no. 1 (February 1997): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.0027.

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In the post-war period, (West) Germany has witnessed several cycles of extreme right-wing protest. In this article, the dynamics of these cycles will be studied. What are the causes of the cyclical ‘ups’ and ‘downs’ in the extreme right's electoral fortunes? Are the cycles of violent activity related to the cycles of electoral success? In order to address these questions, the extreme right will be analysed as a social movement whose activities are a result of the interplay between the political opportunity structure and the strategic choices made by extreme right-wing activists

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Forner, Sean A. "Greening Democracy: The Anti-Nuclear Movement and Political Environmentalism in West Germany and Beyond, 1968–1983." German History 36, no. 2 (February 26, 2018): 321–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghy006.

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Münst, Agnes Senganata. "Lesbians' contribution to the autonomous women's movement in (West-) Germany, exemplified by a state capital city." Women's Studies International Forum 23, no. 5 (September 2000): 601–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-5395(00)00126-6.

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Penny, H. Glenn. "Red Power: Liselotte Welskopf-Henrich and Indian Activist Networks in East and West Germany." Central European History 41, no. 3 (August 21, 2008): 447–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938908000587.

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A curious photograph appeared in 1976 in the East-German newspaper Junge Welt (Fig. 1). Two well-known members of the American Indian Movement (AIM), Dennis Banks and Vernon Bellecourt, were shown together with an elderly German woman, Liselotte Welskopf-Henrich, at her home in East Berlin. This photo, like so many of the photos of Indians in unexpected places, always seems to amuse people, leading them to ask with a snigger why the Indians were there. The Indians' presence in such places, however, is seldom a laughing matter, and in this case, scholars of the post-war era might find the answer to the simple question of the Indians' presence somewhat disconcerting.

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Panchenko, Alexey B. "Horde vs Ordnung: Eurasians and O. Spengler in the Context of Discussions about Russia and Germany in the 1920s-1930s." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 65 (March 1, 2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-4-151-166.

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World War I, which significantly reshaped the world map, also stirred lively debates about the fate of Russia and Germany, as they were the most affected by its outcome. German cultural scientist Oswald Spengler and a group of Russian emigrants, who united to form a movement called “Eurasianism” were active participants of those debates. However, the origins of their views lay in the scientific and social thought of Germany and Russia in the second half of the nineteenth – early twentieth centuries. Spengler and the Eurasianists were united in their rejection of Eurocentrism in the study of cultures and the assignment of the West and Russia-Europe as subjects on the equal level. Spengler pointed out that the Western world was on the brink of decline and that the only nation, that could lead it against the awakening East was the German one. The strict order was seen as characteristic feature of contemporary Germany, which would enable it to withstand the nomadic and chaotic hordes coming from the East. The Eurasianists, in turn, pointed out that stability and orderliness could be named as the Eastern features in the Russian nation. Russia-Eurasia was perceived by them as the bulwark of the rest of mankind against the onslaught of the West that sought to spread its culture to other nations. Thus, the confrontation of the West, as represented by Germany and Russia, was seen by both sides as defensive struggle of order against aggressive chaos.

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Brühöfener, Friederike. "Politics of Emotions: Journalistic Reflections on the Emotionality of the West German Peace Movement, 1979-1984." German Politics and Society 33, no. 4 (December 1, 2015): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2015.330408.

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This article analyzes the reaction of the West German press to the powerful peace movement that gripped the Federal Republic of Germany between 1979 and 1984. Following NATO's double track decision and Russia's invasion of Afghanistan, thousands of pacifist and peace activists participated in rallies, meetings, and sit-ins to protest above all the politics of NATO. Unnerved by the amassing of nuclear, protesters expressed their fears and anxieties highly visible on placards and in pamphlets. This public display of “fear of atom” led to an intensive media debate about the validity and possible dangers of the protesters' emotionality. The press's coverage of the peace movement and the question of how protesters expressed their fears turned into a discussion over legitimate political participation.

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Roesch, Claudia. "Pro Familia and the reform of abortion laws in West Germany, 1967–1983." Journal of Modern European History 17, no. 3 (June 20, 2019): 297–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419854659.

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This article investigates the role of the West German family planning association Pro Familia in the abortion reform of the 1960s and 1970s. It examines the question of legal abortion from the perspective of reproductive decision-making and asks who was to make a decision about having an abortion in the reform process—the woman, her doctor, or a counsellor. During the early reform suggestions of §218 in the 1960s, Pro Familia supported the West German solution of allowing legal abortion only in medical emergencies. Opinions within the organization changed as leading members witnessed legalization in Great Britain and New York. The feminist movement and the Catholic opposition to legal abortion influenced positions in the reform phase of the 1970s. Meanwhile, Pro Familia put emphasis on compulsory pregnancy crisis counselling as aid in decision-making for individual women and a tool for putting a decision into practice. Throughout the reform process, Pro Familia continued to perceive legal abortion not as way to enable women to make their own decision but as a pragmatic solution to emergencies.

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Ferree, Myra Marx, Hanno Balz, John Bendix, Meredith Heiser-Duron, Jeffrey Luppes, Stephen Milder, and Randall Newnham. "Book Reviews." German Politics and Society 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 98–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360405.

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Ann Taylor Allen, The Transatlantic Kindergarten: Education and Women’s Movements in Germany and the United States (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017).Christoph Becker-Schaum, Philipp Gassert, Martin Klimke, Wilfried Mausbach, and Marianne Zepp, ed., The Nuclear Crisis. The Arms Race, Cold War Anxiety, and the German Peace Movement of the 1980s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2016).Armin Grünbacher, West German Industrialists and the Making of the Economic Miracle: A History of Mentality and Recovery (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2017).Dan Bednarz, East German Intellectuals and The Unification of Germany (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017).Cornelia Wilhelm, ed. Migration, Memory, and Diversity: Germany from 1945 to the Present (New York: Berghahn Books, 2017).Britta Schilling, Postcolonial Germany: Memories of Empire in a Decolonized Nation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014).Jenny Wüstenberg, Civil Society and Memory in Postwar Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017).John J. Kulczycki, Belonging to the Nation: Inclusion and Exclusion in the Polish-German Borderlands 1939-1951 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2016).

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Park, Hye Jeong. "European Integration Viewed through the Postwar Transnational ‘Abendland’ Movement: With Special Reference to the Centre Européen de Documentation et d'Information(CEDI) of the 1950s and 1960s." Korean Society For German History 51 (November 30, 2022): 97–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.17995/kjgs.2022.11.51.97.

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The central piece of the postwar Abendland movement was European integration. The historical origin of this European vision can be found in the idea of Abendland itself, which departs from the ideal of the Sacrum Imperium of the Middle Age. However, the path, on which the postwar Abendland movement had walked down as an organization in the process of its transformation into an European integration movement was extremely rugged. The so-called CEDI was cast to European stage when it was launched, and thereafter had to switch its partners multiple times in order to survive as an organization in the middle of the stormy conjuncture of the Cold War era. Its agenda was much more transnational, compared to another European movement organization based in West-Germany, i.e. Europa-Union, which belonged to the main stream movement aiming at founding a United States of Europe. The clearest transnationality of the CEDI lies in its persistent focus on the Central and Eastern Europe and the political goal of setting this region free from the Soviet’s claw. The decisive move of the CEDI towards this ultimate goal was the organizational merge with Paneuropean Union in 1972. The CEDI already restored its ancient pivot of the Abendland, i.e. the Central and Eastern Europe, as its main agenda through the collaboration with De Gaul France government, and it did not lose sight of this pivot again even after they split. Eventually since the CEDI merged with PEU, it properly start collaborating with the expellee’s association in West-Germany and its efforts to realize the agenda of ‘christliches Großeuropa’ led to the historical event, the Paneuropean Picnic in 1989, which made the first kick to tear down the iron curtain.

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Szelewa, Dorota, and Michal Polakowski. "European solidarity and “free movement of labour” during the pandemic: exposing the contradictions amid east–west migration." Comparative European Politics 20, no. 2 (March 30, 2022): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41295-022-00287-4.

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AbstractCOVID-19 regulations introduced in EU member states in 2020 meant serious restrictions for the free movement of persons, particularly workers. An ensuing gap in the supply of workers raised concerns of food shortages in the West. Governments in several EU member states enacted regulations to except the workers from restrictions facilitating their travel from Eastern Europe. In this study, we focus on EU-level responses to the COVID-19 crisis in relation to labour shortages in the food industry, and on the reactions in Germany and the UK. Firstly, referring to Schmidt (2020) and Wolff and Ladi (2020), we argue that the COVID-19 crisis placed the EU in a permanent emergency mode facilitating a quick response to enable labour mobility with less priority on the coordination of social rights. Secondly, the crisis exposed issues pertaining to working conditions, including housing and sanitation. Thirdly, differences between the reactions in Germany and the UK were consistent with the pre-existing trends in both countries. While a traditional emphasis on quality working conditions made it “appropriate” for the German government to initiate regulatory change, small-scale measures taken in the UK were directed towards maintaining an influx of migrant workers, rather than ensuring adequate working conditions.

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Baryshnikov, Vladimir N., Victor N. Borisenko, and Oleg Yu Plenkov. "The Student Riots in Germany and their Aftermath." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1212–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.411.

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This article deals with the peculiarities of the student protests of 1968 in Germany and their political and social consequences. Among the many protests in the West that year, they had particularly far-reaching consequences for German society. These consequences were related to the heavy legacy of the Nazis, who committed grave crimes against humanity during World War II. It is for this reason that the article places a special emphasis on overcoming the Nazi past, which played an extremely important role in the emergence and spread of youth protests in the FRG. Placing the German protests in the context of a generally rather homogeneous and synchronous protest movement in all Western countries against the old values of bourgeois society and its morals poses difficulty – it is no accident that one of the symbols of youth protest was John Lennon's single “Yesterday”. The past (“yesterday”) indeed came suddenly into the spotlight and was subjected to unrelenting criticism. But the changes in the political culture of society and its mentality were very significant. The mutation toward the triumph of leftist-liberal discourse in the West German public consciousness was so complete and total that it is possible to state, as German satirists joke, that the situation was similar to the way public opinion was controlled in the GDR. As a result, it can be rightly asserted that 1968 in the FRG was perhaps the most important reason for the triumph of left-liberal political discourse in Germany.

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Berben, Theo, Joop Roebroek, and Göran Therborn. "Stelsels van sociale zekerheid : Na-oorlogse regelingen in West-Europa." Res Publica 28, no. 1 (March 31, 1986): 111–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v28i1.19194.

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Social security systems differ not only in size, hut also in form. These forms have often been more controversial than the size of social expenditure. Different social forces have different conceptions of social security.Here is looked into the post-World War II settlements with regard to social security in Austria, Belgium, Britain, France, Germany, and the Netherlands, with a further glance at Denmark, Italy, Norway and Sweden. It is argued, that the labour movement had a particular vision of social security, which was carried through where the labour had the political majority and was defeated where it was a minority. Postwar developments derive form this settlement, which is more visible in the current crisis than in the 1960s - early 1970s period of expansion.

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Kauders, Anthony D. "Drives in Dispute: The West German Student Movement, Psychoanalysis, and the Search for a New Emotional Order, 1967–1971." Central European History 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 711–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000707.

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Summarizing the activities of the Sigmund-Freud-Institute (SFI) in Frankfurt am Main in 1969, its director Alexander Mitscherlich painted a bleak picture of recent events. Psychoanalysis had always faced opposition in Germany, he wrote, but of late Freudianism contended with several broadsides simultaneously: critics still maintained that it placed too much emphasis on sexuality; some added that behavioral therapy or sophisticated medication did a better job at treating patients than long-term analysis; yet others argued that Freud's teachings may have been relevant in 1900, but that society no longer resembled turn-of-the-twentieth-century Vienna. On top of all this, Mitscherlich complained, a new generation demanded that psychoanalysis figure as chief witness for an antiauthoritarian education that emphasized indulgence rather than sublimation. “Society” continued to make life difficult for psychoanalysis, then, and it was for this reason that the government needed to assist the SFI in its efforts to train a new generation of analysts in Germany.

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Świder, Małgorzata. "Pytania o Polskę w okresie przełomu politycznego w 1989 roku w świetle relacji wybranych polityków zachodnioniemieckich." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 26 (August 23, 2019): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.26.13.

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Questions about Poland during the political breakthrough in 1989 through the prism of a selection of West German politicians’ reports The situation in Poland at the end of 1988 as well as the dynamic changes in the first half of 1989 were a subject of many analyses in West Germany conducted by politicians and trade unionists. First of all, they were interested in the development of opposition’s power and also the condition of internal reforms. On this base they tried to predict directions of the future of Polish development. In West Germany the following questions were raised: What will the Polish political scene look like? What will democracy and Solidarity be in Poland? Furthermore, West German observers were tracking political “trends” of newly created political and social organizations.From the analysis emerges not only a picture of the country’s internal division and complicated domestic relations, but also a lack of a positive programme, internal tensions and contradictory interests. In that crucial time, public consciousness of the importance of changes had accompanied to passivity great part of society. Foreign observers more than once expressed anxiety that Poland could miss the opportunity which arose from the citizens’ mobilizations and the Solidarity movement from the beginning of the 1980s.

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Eyerman, Ron. "Book Reviews : Elim Papadakis: The Green Movement in West Germany. Croon Helm/St. Martin's Press, London, 1984." Acta Sociologica 28, no. 4 (October 1985): 365–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000169938502800406.

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Deess, E. "Collective Life and Social Change in The GDR." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 2 (September 1, 1997): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.m85861x8338218hh.

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Research into East Germany's 1989 collapse often uses models developed for Western social movements which emphasize social movement organizations and activists. This approach may neglect important aspects of the social organization of everyday life in repressive contexts and how these affect social movement processes. Unlike the West, East Germany built social life around state-sponsored groups, called collectives, and these had a marked effect on the development of the opposition. Research presented here, based on interviews and archival documents, shows how collective discussions, although never oppositional in the fullest sense, facilitated grievance construction and an awareness of common political exclusion. Over the course of time, especially after Gorbachev's reforms, these practices laid the groundwork for mobilization in the relative absence of an opposition movement. Without understanding the concealed social movement processes operating within collective groups, the state's sudden, and peaceful, collapse is not easily explained.

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Ivanytska, Maria. "UKRAINIAN EMIGRE TRANSLATORS’ ACTIVITY IN WEST GERMANY AFTER WORLD WAR II." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.150-160.

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The article provides an insight into the work of cultural activists in Germany in the post-war decades. It delineates the following groups of translators and popularizers of Ukrainian literature in West Germany: 1) German speakers: Halychyna descendant Hans Koch and Elisabeth Kottmeier, the wife of the Ukrainian poet Igor Kosteckyj; 2) the Ukrainian scholars who began their activity before the war: Dmytro (Dimitrij) Tschižeswskij, Iwan Mirtschuk; 3) representatives of the younger wave of emigration – Jurij Bojko-Blochyn, Olexa and Anna-Halja Horbatsch, Igor Kostetskyj, Mychahlo Orest, Jurij Kossatsch and others. The author reflects on the question whether or not the post-war Ukrainian emigration was integrated into a wider context of German culture. This is analyzed from the vantage point of the Western European reader’s/ literary critic’s readiness for the reception of Ukrainian literature. Among the first promoters of Ukrainian literature was the Artistic Ukrainian Movement (Munich), whose member of the board, Jurij Kossatsch, published the first review of the then contemporary Ukrainian literature in the German language “Ukrainische Literatur der Gegenwart” (1947). The author analyzes the first collection of translations of Ukrainian poetry “Gelb und Blau: Moderne ukrainische Dichtung in Auswahl” (“Yellow and Blue: Selected Contemporary Ukrainian Poetry”) compiled by Wolodimir Derzhawin, who condemned the persecution and extermination of poets in the USSR, criticized proletarian literature and the choice of authors. The preface by Derzhavin testified to the conviction of Ukrainian emigrants that free Ukrainian literature could flourish only in the exile. The work of the translators’ tandem of Igor Kosteckyj and Elisabeth Kottmeier is further described. The chronological and quantitative comparison of scholarly publications on Ukrainian literature in the then West Germany revealed that one of the major accomplishments of the Ukrainian diaspora was the transition from the complete lack to a gradual increase of interest in the aforementioned subject. The article emphasizes the significance of the translating activity of Anna-Halja Horbatsch aimed at introducing Ukrainian literature to the German Slavic Studies scholars along with ordinary readers. This was made possible when large collections of translations “Blauer November. Ukrainische Erzähler unseres Jahrhunderts” (Blue November: Ukrainian writers of this century) and “Ein Brunnen für Durstige “ (“The Well for the Thirsty”) were out, and in the 90’s – when the publishing house specializing in translations from Ukrainian literature was founded. The Soviets’ negative reaction to those and previous publications is perceived as a manifestation of the political engagement of socialist literary criticism. Conclusion: Anna-Halja Horbatsch’ contribution to the systematic acquaintance of the West German reader with modern Ukrainian literature is by far the most significant due to her numerous translations, scholarly articles, and critical reviews.

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Ruble, Alexandria N. "Creating Postfascist Families: Reforming Family Law and Gender Roles in Postwar East and West Germany." Central European History 53, no. 2 (June 2020): 414–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000175.

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ABSTRACTAfter 1945 both German states overturned longstanding laws and policies from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that designated women as second-class citizens in spousal rights, parental authority and marital property. From the early postwar years, female politicians and activists in the women's movement pursued in both Germanys reforms of the obsolete marriage and family law. The article compares how these women and mainly male legislators in both states envisioned the role of women in the family and in gender relations. It shows that these debates in the FRG and the GDR were influenced on the one hand by earlier, pre-1933 ideas, and on the other hand reacted to Nazi-era politics. Yet, because of their different political, economic and social conditions, discourses and policies developed in the context of the Cold War in both states in different directions, though they continued to be related to each other.

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Lucas, Hans-Dieter. "Sécurité et détente : Dimensions historiques et problèmes actuels de la politique de sécurité ouest-allemande." Études internationales 15, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701699ar.

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Against the background of the latest vehement discussions in West-Germany on the implementation of the NATO twin-track-decision this article analyses the current concepts of security and détente presented by the main political forces as well as their historical dimensions. The Christian Democrat/Liberal government pursues a pragmatic Atlanticist security policy, which is based largely upon Adenauer's principles such as exclusive definition of West German interests in the framework of the Alliance, rejection of one-sided disarmament and nuclear disengagement. Nevertheless, the government Kohl has adopted the main instruments of the new "Ostpolitik" in order to establish the calculability of West German policy in East and West. Détente is no considered as a political aim in itself. The Social Democrat concept of a security partnership with the East is strongly influenced by the principles and methods underlying the new "Ostpolitik". This concept aims at the creation of a denuclearized zone in Central Europe in order to facilitate a real détente between East and West. An optimistic view or détente appears to be an essential element of the political identity of the SPD. The ideas of the Greens and the "Peace Movement" - unilateral disarmament, creation of a denuclearized zone, renunciation on "first Use" - are variations of the pacifistic concepts already developped in the 1950's. The main reason for the formation of the "Peace Movement" is a change in West German political culture involving above all the younger population.

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Grakhotsky, A. P. "The Legacy of the Human Rights Movement: Prosecutor-General Fritz Bauer on Genocide and Human Rights." Kutafin Law Review 9, no. 4 (January 3, 2023): 818–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2313-5395.2022.4.22.818-833.

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The paper is devoted to the legacy of Fritz Bauer — the Prosecutor General of the Land of Hesse in West Germany — and analyzes his understanding of the possibility of building the rule of law in Germany, understanding the criminal past of Germany and realizing the responsibility of the German citizens for the genocide of the Jewish people. Fritz Bauer was one of the most consistent supporters of the criminal prosecution against Nazi criminals in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). In Bauer’s view, the Nuremberg trials were supposed to witness the desire of the German state to restore the rule of law, preserve the memory of millions of victims of Nazism, celebrate the triumph of justice and human rights. In the course of the court proceedings, Fritz Bauer sought to show that millions of German citizens who supported the Hitler regime and shared the ideology of National Socialism were responsible for Nazi atrocities. The merit of Fritz Bauer’s goal was to recognize the Third Reich as an illegitimate State and rehabilitate the participants of the Anti-Hitler Resistance Movement. In his articles and court speeches, Bauer justified the right of citizens to resist the criminal authorities, argued that disobeying criminal orders was the only possible option for lawful behavior in an illegitimate State. Fritz Bauer was convinced that it was possible to prevent the repetition of the past and prevent the neo-Nazis from coming to power only through the democratic education of the younger generation of the Germans, ensuring universal respect for human rights and dignity.

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ZIEMANN, BENJAMIN. "The Code of Protest: Images of Peace in the West German Peace Movements, 1945–1990." Contemporary European History 17, no. 2 (May 2008): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777308004396.

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The article examines posters produced by the peace movements in the Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War, with an analytical focus on the transformation of the iconography of peace in modernity. Was it possible to develop an independent, positive depiction of peace in the context of protests for peace and disarmament? Despite its name, the pictorial self-representation of the campaign ‘Fight against Nuclear Death’ in the late 1950s did not draw on the theme of pending nuclear mass death. The large-scale protest movement in the 1980s against NATO's 1979 ‘double-track’ decision contrasted female peacefulness with masculine aggression in an emotionally charged pictorial symbolism. At the same time this symbolism marked a break with the pacifist iconographic tradition that had focused on the victims of war. Instead, the movement presented itself with images of demonstrating crowds, as an anticipation of its peaceful ends. Drawing on the concept of asymmetrical communicative ‘codes’ that has been developed in sociological systems theory, the article argues that the iconography of peace in peace movement posters could not develop a genuinely positive vision of peace, since the code of protest can articulate the designation value ‘peace’ only in conjunction with the rejection value ‘war’.

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Robb, David. "The mobilising of the German 1848 protest song tradition in the context of international twentieth-century folk revivals." Popular Music 35, no. 3 (September 14, 2016): 338–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143016000532.

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AbstractThe rediscovery of democratic traditions of folk song in Germany after the Second World War was not just the counter-reaction of singers and academics to the misuse of German folk song by the Nazis. Such a shift to a more ‘progressive’ interpretation and promotion of folk tradition at that time was not distinct to Germany and had already taken place in other parts of the Western world. After firstly examining the relationship between folk song and national ideologies in the nineteenth century, this article will focus on the democratic ideological basis on which the 1848 revolutionary song tradition was reconstructed after the Third Reich. It will look at how the New Social Movements of West Germany and the folk scene of the GDR functioned in providing channels of transmission for this, and how in this process a collective cultural memory was created whereby lost songs – such as those of the 1848 Revolution – could be awakened from extinction. These processes will be illustrated by textual and musical adaptations of key 1848 songs such as ‘Badisches Wiegenlied’ (Baden Lullaby), ‘Das Blutgericht’ (The Blood Court) and ‘Trotz alledem’ (For all that) within the context of the West German folk movement and its counterpart in the GDR.

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Hadjar, Andreas, and Florian Schlapbach. "The 1968 Movement Revisited: Education and the Distinction in Values, Political Interest and Political Participation in West Germany." German Politics 18, no. 2 (June 2009): 180–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644000902870867.

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Kalb, Martin. "“Rather Active Today than Radioactive Tomorrow!” Environmental Justice and the Anti-Nuclear Movement in 1970s Wyhl, West Germany." Global Environment 5, no. 10 (January 1, 2012): 156–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2012.051009.

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Uekötter, Frank. "Stephen Milder. Greening Democracy: The Anti-Nuclear Movement and Political Environmentalism in West Germany and Beyond, 1968–1983." American Historical Review 124, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 364–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy557.

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Bickle, Penny, and Daniela Hofmann. "Moving on: the contribution of isotope studies to the early Neolithic of Central Europe." Antiquity 81, no. 314 (December 2007): 1029–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00096095.

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Stable isotope analysis is a new, not-so-secret weapon which promises much in mapping population movement on a regional and local scale. Lining up these movements with certain economic strategies, such as farming or foraging, with social strategies such as exogamy or with ethnicity and ranking constitutes forgivable temptation. Here our astute authors urge caution. Taking the Mesolithic-Neolithic transition in south-west Germany as their example, they show that caution does not inhibit interpretation, but opens the door to more subtle, more human possibilities.

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Andrievskiy, Oleksandr, and Oleksandr Ivanov. "Causes of the West German student movement’s radicalization in the late 60s and a foundation of terroristic organization RAF." European Historical Studies, no. 6 (2017): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2017.06.64-83.

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On the basis of published documents on the activities of the terrorist organization “Red Army Fraction” (RAF) in West Germany during the 70s-80s, the authors highlight the causes that led to the radicalization of the student movement and the transition of activists to the armed confrontation with the police in the name of “City guerrilla” concept. Among the documents mentioned, texts of the RAF members, their manifestos, etc. are avaliable, as well as the articles by one of the leaders of the organization, Ulrike Meinhof, which she wrote for the left-radical magazine “Concrete”. Also there authors used the materials of the German media. In addition, the authors have analyzed foreign and domestic historiography focusing on German-language studies. The conclusions, to which the authors of the article have come, can be summarized as follows. There were three main reasons for the radicalization of the German student movement in the late 1960s. Firstly, the protest spirit and antipathy towards the “conformist” older generation, caused not least by the fact that the governments of the Chancellors Adenauer and Kiesinger were associated with the rehabilitation of former Nazis, so left-radicals saw in their politics the returning of authoritarianism and the militarization of FRG. Secondly, the views of the leftist scholars (such as Herbert Marcuse, Theodor Adorno, Jurgen Habermas, and others) that were popular among young people and reflected, albeit exaggeratedly, the social problems of Germany at that time related to labor migration, property inequality etc. Thirdly, speaking of the internal political context, the authors have underlined the important role of the events that led to a creation of radical groups. Among these events the most important were the protest actions against so called “Extraordinary laws,” the beating of a peaceful demonstration by the police on the 2th of June and the killing of Benno Onezorge, the assassination of the leader of the student movement Rudi Dutschke, the occupations of universities in 1968 etc. Characterizing the foreign policy context, the authors figure out that in the conditions of the bipolar world and the unfolding of the Cold War, the German youth was inspired by the revolutionary movements of the Third World and also by the American youth movement against the war in Vietnam. At the same time, the future German “city guerrillas” were inspired by the images of Che Guevara, Mao Tse-tung, Ho Chi Minh, etc. There is no doubt that they were rather skeptic about the USSR, not considering it as a socialist state, while they were preferring Cuba or Maoist China, because at that time almost nobody was aware of an essence of the “cultural revolution” and Mao’s repressive policy. However, activity of left-radicals in West Germany was still profitable for the GDR government, controlled by Soviet Union, as far as they were trying to use every possibility to destabilize the situation in FRG.

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Albrecht, Joachim. "Initial ice movement directions from the East and South South East during a late Weichselian readvance in NE Germany." E&G Quaternary Science Journal 49, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 55–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3285/eg.49.1.04.

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Abstract. Im Hinterland der Pommerschen Endmoräne in Nordostdeutschland sind zwei Kiesgruben (Kavelpaß und Wusseken) untersucht worden. Beide weisen glazifluviale Sedimente im unteren, sowie Geschiebemergel im oberen Teil der Lagerfolge auf. Sedimentologische Studien und Studien zur Eisbewegungsrichtung sind durchgeführt worden. Es ist deutlich, daß das Eis zu Beginn des Vorstoßes von Ost nach West, bzw. von Südsüdost nach Nordnordwest geflossen ist, und somit die Eisfließrichtung als abweichend von der erwarteten regionalen nordost-südwestlichen Bewegungsrichtung betrachtet werden muß. Eine Erklärung dieses Phänomens unter Zuhilfenahme des Marginaldomkonzeptes wird in dieser Arbeit vorgeschlagen.

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Hunt, Jonathan. "Greening Democracy: The Anti-Nuclear Movement and Political Environmentalism in West Germany and Beyond, 1968–1983. By Stephen Milder." Environmental History 24, no. 1 (October 27, 2018): 202–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emy093.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)'

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