Academic literature on the topic 'Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)"

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Weil, Frederick D., and Elim Papadakis. "The Green Movement in West Germany." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 3 (May 1985): 384. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071366.

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Sarkar, Saral. "The Green Movement in West Germany." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 11, no. 2 (April 1986): 219–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548601100203.

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Glees, A. "The Green Movement in West Germany." German History 3, no. 1 (January 1, 1986): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/3.1.97.

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Gottstein, Ulrich. "The international physicians' movement in West Germany." Medicine and War 1, no. 3 (September 1985): 195–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07488008508408642.

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Pfeiler, Wolfgang, and David Gress. "Peace and Survival: West Germany, the Peace Movement, and European Security." German Studies Review 9, no. 3 (October 1986): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1429963.

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Stern, Fritz, and David Gress. "Peace and Survival: West Germany, the Peace Movement, and European Security." Foreign Affairs 64, no. 5 (1986): 1121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20042827.

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Stehle, Maria. "Youth Politics in the Postwar Germanies." German Politics and Society 26, no. 1 (March 1, 2008): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260105.

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Ruff, Mark Edward. The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2005)McDougall, Alan. Youth Politics in East Germany: The Free German Youth Movement 1946-1968 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2004)
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Panagiotidis, Jannis. "What Is the German’s Fatherland?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 1 (February 2015): 120–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414540934.

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This article deals with the migration of “ethnic Germans” from socialist Eastern Europe to the GDR in the decades after the Second World War. Post-expulsion resettlement from that region is commonly associated with Aussiedler migration to West Germany. Contesting the idea that East Germany displayed no interest in Eastern European Germans, this article shows that the GDR, which challenged the West German claim to be the sole representative of the German nation, also received ethnic German immigrants, mostly from Poland and the USSR. It argues that the distribution of roles between the two German states, with West Germany being the prime destination for resettlers, was not clear from the outset. It was only after Polish–West German “normalization” in 1970 that the FRG became the almost uncontested “fatherland” for Eastern European Germans. West and East German approaches resembled each other as long as they were predicated on humanitarian family reunification. They diverged as the GDR attempted co-ethnic labor recruitment in Poland in the 1960s. These efforts met with limited success, as East Germany was the weakest link in a cross-bloc “tetradic nexus” with the German minority in Poland, the Polish state, and West Germany. Meanwhile, the GDR authorities eyed grass-roots migration initiatives by Soviet Germans with suspicion, as they undermined the government aspiration to control the movement of people. The article finally argues that movement of labor had no priority in the project of socialist economic integration, which gives reason to suspect a link between limited migration and failed COMECON integration.
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Glatzer, Wolfgang, and Heinz-Herbert Noll. "Social Indicators and Social Reporting in Germany." Journal of Public Policy 9, no. 4 (October 1989): 425–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x0000828x.

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Social indicators research developed in the United States at the end of the 1960s and the principal ideas and approaches were received by West German social scientists soon thereafter. It became common usage to speak of a social indicators movement, an expression which is rather unusual in regard to a scientific approach.
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Pekelder, Jacco. "Dealing with Violent Protest in West Germany and the Netherlands." Moving the Social 66 (October 31, 2021): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/mts.66.2021.21-41.

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Political violence is a specific category of participation that is frowned upon in most societies. This article compares how two western-style post war democracies, West Germany and the Netherlands, dealt with violent politics from the left in the 1960s and 1970s. On the macro level, a lack of integrative mechanisms in the West German political system fostered a radicalization that the Netherlands was able to avoid. On the mesolevel of intra-movement dynamics, this also produced different outcomes. While West German radicals such as the founders of the left-wing terrorist Red Army Faction were able to enhance their reputations and find sympathy and support within the broad new left movement family through an embrace of the idea and practice of armed struggle, similar Dutch groups found no footing. Still, it would be a foregone conclusion to deem the Netherlands immune to the kinds of counter-productive policies towards unwelcome forms of political participation that befell West Germany. When the Netherlands was put to the ultimate stress test in 1977 –1978 during a direct confrontation with the RAF, its police, justice system and political apparatus proved nearly as vulnerable to the negative societal dynamics of political violence as their counterparts to the East.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)"

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Kramer, Joshua L. "Grass Roots Urbanism: An Overview of the Squatters Movement in West Berlin during the 1970S and 1980S." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1522764873720766.

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Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. "A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly." University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.

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[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.
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Franks, Carl. "From the Destruction of Memory to the Destruction of People : Social Movements and their Impact on Memory, Legitimacy and Mass Violence - A Comparative Study of the West German Student Movement and the Serbian "Anti-Bureaucratic Revolution"." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Hugo Valentin-centrum, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-324321.

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Challenges to the legitimacy of established collective memory can prove so inflammatory that mass violence, ethnic cleansing and even genocide have followed in their wake. However, if few doubt that the ethno-nationalist memory wars during the 1980s collapse of Yugoslavia contributed to the real wars and ethnic cleansing witnessed in the 1990s, no previous research has been able to explain why this is so. This paper pinpoints the determinant variable and causal link between attacks on memory and subsequent mass violence (or a lack thereof). It uses a theoretical model that ties together memory, legitimacy and power to compare the cases of West Germany’s 1968 student movement and Serbia’s 1986-1989 anti-bureaucratic revolution before establishing that the level of prior state repression is one factor that determines whether memory challenges will turn violent. The paper recommends further theory building over the permeable boundary that separates state and civil society, particularly in terms of how accessible state functions are to those social movements that seek to challenge and delegitimise memory.
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HUBER, Michael. "Das regulative Netzwerk Risiko und regulative Politik im bundesdeutschen Kernenergiekonflikt." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5154.

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Defence date: 16 May 1991
Examining board: Klaus Eder (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Christian Joerges (EUI/Univ. Bremen) ; Prof. Giandomenico Majone (EUI, supervisor) ; Prof. Helga Nowotny (Univ. Vienna) ; Prof. Wolfgang van den Daele (Free University, Berlin)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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Chisholm, Graham. "The West German Greens between movement and party /." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/24895356.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California at Berkeley, 1989.
eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 288-311).
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JAHN, Detlef. "New politics in trade unions : an organisation theoretical analysis of the debate on nuclear energy in Swedish and German trade unions." Doctoral thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5158.

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Defence date: 24 September 1991
Examining Board: Prof. Gösta Esping-Andersen (EUI, Supervisor) ; Prof. Claus Offe (Universität Bremen, co-supervisor) ; Dr. Ferdinand Müller-Rommel (Universität Lüneburg) ; Prof. Olof Petersson (University of Uppsala) ; Prof. Alessandro Pizzorno (EUI)
First made available on 14 February 2019
The institutionalization of ecological attitudes in highly industrialized societies is the main interest of this study. Analyses of national politics often underestimates the competing and partially latent interests which are voiced by different political pressure groups. Therefore, I am interested in the response of the workers' movement to the ecological challenge. Although the labor movement does not support the cruder forms of ecologism such as no-growth claims, of all established political actors it is the most open to these demands. This is so because the ecological politics offers an utopia for a modern society. The labor movement has also the aspiration of being a socially progressive force of society that aims for social change. Most directly, the left-wing parties have to compete with other parties that attract the post-material electorate. However, the policy and strategy of workingclass parties are not independent of trade union policy. It is self-evident that politicians of social democratic parties consult trade unions in order to formulate their political goals. But also on the national policy level, unions are often consulted in order to obtain a broad alliance for some political decisions. All these examples should illustrate that trade union policy and standpoints concerning the development of society are important for the better understanding of the political outcomes of society. Yet traditional union policy - and also trade union research - tends very much to generally ignore politics: "Unions are involved in a major way in a very significant activity - the political life of the country - and yet there is considerable evidence that they do not take that activity very seriously".
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Boovy, Bradley Robert. "Men reading men : homophile magazines in 1950s West Germany." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-08-6032.

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This study focuses on how homophile magazines functioned to bring homosexual men together as readers and members of unique reading publics in the wake of National Socialist persecution of homosexuals, and in the context of postwar reconstruction, cultural normalization, and the Cold War. Through a combination of close and contextualized analysis, I argue that the magazines Die Freundschaft, Die Insel, Der Weg, PAN, Hellas, and Der Ring, created a space in which contributors and readers could articulate and come to understand their experience as homosexual West Germans. Through homophile magazines, they engaged in discourses that had bearing on their lives as homosexual men, yet the magazines also spoke to their concerns and interests as men living in the early Federal Republic. Thus on the one hand, homophile magazines provided forums for debate and discussion of homosexuality and other issues of interest to readers such as the nature and genesis of same-sex desire, the “role” of the homosexual man in society, campaigns for reform of Paragraph 175, or portrayals of same-sex desire in world literature. On the other hand, I argue that homophile magazines also reflected contributors’ and readers’ engagement with other, seemingly unrelated West German publics beyond the ones engendered by the magazines themselves. As my examination of the magazines reveals, numerous points of intersection emerged between homophile publics and the larger West German public sphere under conditions of reconstruction. As such, this study contributes to scholarship on homophile cultural production and expands our understanding of sexual publics by asking both how West German homophile magazines were unique and how they were uniquely West German.
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Erickson, Bailee Maru. ""Leave your men at home": autonomy in the West German women's movement, 1968-1978." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/2654.

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This thesis examines “autonomy” as a political goal of the West German women’s movement from its beginning in 1968 to 1978. As the central concept of the movement, autonomy was interpreted and applied in women’s groups and projects through a variety of organizational principles. The thesis takes case studies of different feminist projects. Successive chapters examine the Berlin Women’s Centre; Verena Stefan’s novel Shedding, the women’s press Frauenoffensive, and the women’s bookstore Labrys; and the periodicals Frauenzeitung, Courage, and Emma. These studies show that autonomously organized projects were characterized by the expression of an anti-hierarchical ethos. The Berlin Women’s Centre organized itself around collective decision making and self sustainability. Women’s writing and publishing projects established an alternative literary space. National feminist periodicals created journalistic spaces capable of coordinating the movement while subverting a dominant viewpoint. These examples illustrate how networks of autonomous projects established an autonomous cultural counter-sphere both separate and different from the established public sphere.
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Wheeler, Alexandra-Mary. "'How do I speak about the past?" Bernhard Schlink and the genre of Vaterliteratur." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/13123.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanties, English Literature, 2013
This dissertation functions as an exploration of German author Bernhard Schlink’s engagement with the genre of Vӓterliteratur (Literature about Fathers). By examining how Schlink has used adaptations of this genre in his novels The Reader (1998), Homecoming (2009) and short story Girl with Lizard (2002), this project will attempt to ascertain the extent to which one can view these texts as part of a new wave of father writing that has emerged in the German post-unification space. The question dominating this research project and contained in the first part of the title: “How do I speak about the Past”, implies that part of this research will examine Schlink’s portrayal of the second-generation’s attempt to understand and give voice to their experiences in postwar Germany. As such, my work engages with the emergence of Vӓterliteratur as being the result of an incomplete attempt by second-generation Germans to confront Germany’s national traumatic past during the 1968 Student Movement. However, while Schlink’s work demonstrates a familiarity with the content, structure and themes present in the first wave of Vӓterliteratur he appears to rewrite these into a fictionalised format, demonstrating the continued need in German society to work through the past. In many respects the texts selected for analysis in this dissertation deviate from the traditional conventions found within the earlier father novels, and interestingly appear to emphasise the previously marginalised role of women both during and postwar. What I will demonstrate is that while Schlink’s work makes use of the conventions found in Vӓterliteratur, and by doing so explores the postwar relationships between fathers and sons, it also indirectly engages with the experiences of German women and their own perpetration of, or suffering as a result of the patriarchal attitudes present in, Nazism. Through this dual portrayal (the presence of both men and women) Schlink gives a new perspective to the complexities of German postwar life as seen through the eyes of the second-generation.
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Frank, Leonnard. "Gemeindeaufbau russlanddeutscher Pfingstgemeinden in der UdSSR und der BRD." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24344.

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Summary in German and English
Die vorliegende Arbeit widmet sich dem Gemeindeaufbau und der Mission von Pfingstgemeinden unter Russlanddeutschen in der UdSSR und der BRD. Leitend ist dabei die Frage, welche missiologische Praktiken und Prinzipien für den Wachstum dieser Gemeinden verantwortlich waren. Die historische Untersuchung beginnt mit der Entstehungsgeschichte der Pfingstbewegung unter den Russlanddeutschen in der UdSSR und BRD. Dabei werden vor allem die Gemeindeaufbaumethoden der Pfingstgemeinden, ihre geographischen Ausdehnung und ihre zahlenmäßige Ausweitung betrachtet. Der historische Teil der Studie bildet im weiteren Forschungsverlauf die Grundlage zur Entwicklung einer qualitative Studie der russlanddeutschen Pfingstgemeinden in der BRD. Dazu wurden mittels qualitativer Interviews Leiter aus 14 Gemeinden zu ihrer Glaubenspraxis, dem Gemeindeaufbau und ihrer Mission befragt. Auf Basis der Grounded Theory wurden die gewonnenen Daten ausgewertet, nach verschiedenen Wachstumsfaktoren geordnet und vor dem Hintergrund missionstheologischer Aspekte interpretiert. Schließlich werden die Ergebnisse aus der historischen und empirischen Untersuchung mit den gegenwärtigen missiologischen Konzepten verglichen und eine handlungsorientierte Perspektive eröffnet. Die vorliegende Studie soll als Diskussionsbeitrag zum Gemeindeaufbau und der Mission der russlanddeutschen Pfingstgemeinden in der Missiologie dienen
The present paper deals with the development and mission of the Pentecostal community of German- Russians in USSR and FRG (Federal Republic of Germany). The main purpose is which missiological practices and principles brought about the development of these communities. The historical investigation starts with the history of the origins of the Pentecostal movement among the German- Russian people in the USSR and FRG. The attention is paid to the methods of the establishment and development of the community, its geographical extension and also the numerical growth. Furthermore the historical research is the basis for the development of the qualitative study about the Pentecostal- communities of the German- Russians in FRG. Therefore leaders of 14 Pentecostal Churches were interviewed and asked about their religious practices, community development and mission. Based on the Grounded theory the collected data were classified in different growth factors and they were interpreted against the background of mission- theological aspects. Finally the results of the historical and empirical research are compared with current missiological concepts so that they open an action-orientated perspective. This study provides a basis for a debate for the community development and missionary of German- Russian Pentecostal Communities. Key Terms
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
D. Th. (Missiology)
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Books on the topic "Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)"

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Leif, Thomas. Die strategische (Ohn-) Macht der Friedensbewegung: Kommunikations- und Entscheidungsstrukturen in den achtziger Jahren. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1990.

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Jahn, Detlef. New politics in trade unions: Applying organization theory to the ecological discourse on nuclear energy in Sweden and Germany. Aldershot, England: Dartmouth, 1993.

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Mobilizing against nuclear energy: A comparison of Germany and the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993.

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Peace and survival: West Germany, the peace movement, and European security. Stanford, Calif: Hoover Institution Press, 1985.

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Sarkar, Saral K. Green-alternative politics in West Germany. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1993.

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Joachim, Szodrzynski, and Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte in Hamburg., eds. "Kampf dem Atomtod!": Die Protestbewegung 1957/58 in zeithistorischer und gegenwärtiger Perspektive. München: Dölling und Galitz, 2009.

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Joachim, Szodrzynski, and Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte in Hamburg., eds. "Kampf dem Atomtod!": Die Protestbewegung 1957/58 in zeithistorischer und gegenwärtiger Perspektive. München: Dölling und Galitz, 2009.

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Ursula, Büchau, Ludwig Andreas, Rummler Monika, Evangelische Akademie Berlin, and Ev Bildungswerk Berlin, eds. In der Gestapo-Zentrale Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse 8: Berichte ehemaliger Häftlinge : eine Dokumentation der Evangelischen Akademie Berlin (West) im Evangelischen Bildungswerk. Berlin: Die Akademie, 1989.

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Langguth, Gerd. The Green factor in German politics: From protest movement to political party. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1986.

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Langguth, Gerd. The Green factor in German politics: From protest movement to political party. Boulder, Colo: Westview Press, 1986.

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Book chapters on the topic "Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)"

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Whisnant, Clayton J. "The Homophile Movement." In Male Homosexuality in West Germany, 64–111. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137028341_3.

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Offczors, Günter, and Matthias Ruete. "Law and Peace in West Germany." In Nuclear Weapons, the Peace Movement and the Law, 219–30. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18200-8_13.

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Burns, Rob, and Wilfried van der Will. "The Anti-Authoritarian Student Movement (1965 to 1969): a Caesura in the Political Discourse." In Protest and Democracy in West Germany, 99–124. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19521-3_4.

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Burns, Rob, and Wilfried van der Will. "The Politics of the Women’s Movement and the Cultural Challenge of Feminism (1968 to 1985)." In Protest and Democracy in West Germany, 125–63. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19521-3_5.

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Nathans, Eli. "From Understanding to Indignation: Zahn on American Racism and the Civil Rights Movement." In Peter von Zahn's Cold War Broadcasts to West Germany, 239–68. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50615-9_10.

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Kössler, Till. "Confrontation or Cooperation? The Labour Movement and Economic Elites in West Germany After 1945." In Social Movements and the Change of Economic Elites in Europe after 1945, 21–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77197-7_2.

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Henze, Patrick. "Perversion of Society: Rosa von Praunheim and Martin Dannecker’s Film It Is Not the Homosexual Who Is Perverse, but the Society in Which He Lives (1971) as the Initiation of the Golden Age of the Radical Left Gay Movement in West Germany." In Sexual Culture in Germany in the 1970s, 89–117. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27427-6_5.

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Nielsen, Henrik Kaare. "Chapter 9 Youth and the Antinuclear Power Movement in Denmark and West Germany." In Between Marx and Coca-Cola, 203–23. Berghahn Books, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780857456854-011.

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Goedde, Petra. "The Politics of Peace." In The Politics of Peace, 189–220. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195370836.003.0008.

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The last chapter examines the migration of a politics of peace from the margins to the centers of political power. As leading antinuclear and peace advocates became increasingly marginalized by the student and antiwar movements, their efforts were beginning to bear fruit in the arena of international politics. They were helped by a popular groundswell of sentiment that saw the arms race and the political ideology of nuclear deterrence as increasingly absurd. Absurdist writers, filmmakers, and philosophers of the 1950s and 1960s creatively underscored the absurdist nature of Cold War politics through works such as Joseph Heller’s Catch-22, Stanley Kubrick’s science fiction film Dr. Strangelove, and the fictional secret government Report from Iron Mountain. Together, they helped pave the way for political leaders, including Nixon in the United States, and Willy Brandt in West Germany, to develop a more pragmatic politics of peace.
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"The New Women’s Movement in West Germany." In Sisters in Arms, 21–44. Berghahn Books, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvw04gn9.8.

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Reports on the topic "Antinuclear movement – Germany (West)"

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Schluckebier, Kai. Intersections in contemporary traffic planning. Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.58866.

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In Germany, traffic planning still follows the tradition of modernist urban planning theory from the beginning of the 1930s and car-oriented city planning during the post-war period in West Germany. From a methodological perspective, the prevailing narrative is that traffic can be abstracted and modelled under laboratory conditions (in vitro) as a spatial movement process of individual neutral particles. The use of these laboratory experiments in traffic planning cannot be understood as a neutral application of experimental results, assumed to be true, in a variety of spatial contexts. Rather, it is an active practice of staging traffic according to a particular social interactionist paradigm. According to this, traffic is staged through interventions in planning authorities as well as the practices of people on the streets. In order to describe these staging conduits, traffic is ontologically thought of as a social order that is continuously reproduced situationally through interactions, following Erving Goffman and Harold Garfinkel. To investigate the staging conduits empirically, an ethnographic-inspired field study was conducted at Willy-Brandt-Platz in Frankfurt am Main in May and June 2020. Through situational mapping and observation of social interactions (in situ), knowledge about the staging of social orders was generated. These empirical findings are further embedded in debates that discuss traffic not only as a staging but also as an enactment of certain realities. Understanding planning practice as a political enactment, through which realities are not only described but also made, makes it possible for us to think and design alternative realities.
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