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Published: 7 July 2024
Last updated: 7 July 2024

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1

Yadlin, Rivka. An arrogant oppressive spirit: Anti-Zionism as anti-Judaism in Egypt. Oxford: Published for the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem by Pergamon Press, 1989.

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2

Sharnoff, Michael. Defining the enemy as Israel, Zionist, neo-Nazi or Jewish: The propaganda war in Nasser's Egypt, 1952-1967. Jerusalem: The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2010.

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3

Bertherat, Thérèse. The body has its reasons: Anti-exercise and self-awareness. London: Cedar Books, 1988.

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4

Mike, Evans. The revolution: From Egypt to Armageddon : democracy, dictators and deception : the birthing of a caliphate. Phoenix, AZ: Time Worthy Books, 2011.

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5

Grimm, Jannis Julien. Contested Legitimacies. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463722650.

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Since the overthrow of President Mursi in mid-2013, Egypt has witnessed an authoritarian rollback and shrinking spaces for civil society. Nationalist discourses have villified popular protest and channelled pressure for reform into a state-centric model of governance. Despite this hostile environment for social mobilization, protest has persisted. Contested Legitimacies explores this resilience of contentious politics through a multimethod approach that is attuned to the physical and discursive interactions among key players in Egypt’s protest arena. Drawing from a unique archive of sources, it investigates the rise and fall of different coalitions of contenders, from the Tamarod uprising against Mursi, to the Anti-Coup resistance against the military coup, to the challenges posed by the Tiran and Sanafir island campaign to Al-Sisi's regime. It highlights the decisive impact of battles fought in a discursive arena on the conditions of possibility for street politics: In postrevolutionary Egypt, a contest over the meaning of political legitimacy cemented political polarization, limited social movements’ coalition choices, and ultimately paved the way for a restoration of autocracy.
6

M, Laskier Michael. The Jews of Egypt, 1920-1970: In the midst of Zionism, anti-Semitism, and the Middle East conflict. New York: New York University Press, 1992.

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7

Reuven, Ehrlich, ed. "Hate industry" in Egypt under official patronage: Anti-Semitic, anti-Jewish, and anti Israeli literature in support of Palestinian terrorism published during 2002 as part of an educational project under the auspices of several Egyptian ministries. [Tel Aviv?]: Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Center for Special Studies, C.S.S., 2003.

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8

Khan, Noor-Aiman I. Egyptian-Indian nationalist collaboration and the British Empire. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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9

Carbé, Emmanuela. La scrittura necessaria: Il diario di guerra di Fausta Cialente. Roma: Artemide, 2021.

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10

Winfried, Heinemann, and Wiggershaus Norbert Theodor 1939-, eds. Das Internationale Krisenjahr 1956: Polen, Ungarn, Suez. München: R. Oldenbourg, 1999.

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11

Johnson, Ian. A mosque in Munich: Nazis, the CIA, and the Muslim brotherhood in the West. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2010.

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12

Heshmat, Dina. Egypt 1919. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474458351.001.0001.

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The 1919 anti-colonial revolution is a key moment in modern Egyptian history and a historical reference point in Egyptian culture through the century. Dina Heshmat argues that literature and film have played a central role in the making of its memory. She highlights the processes of remembering and forgetting that have contributed to shaping a dominant imaginary about 1919 in Egypt, coined by successive political and cultural elites. As she seeks to understand how and why so many voices have been relegated to the margins, she reinserts elements of the different representations into the dominant narrative. This opens up a new perspective on the legacy of 1919 in Egypt, inviting readers to meet the marginalised voices of the revolution and to reconnect with its layered emotional fabric.
13

B, sylvie. Egypte: Livre de Coloriage/ Egypte Antiquue/ Adulte/ Relaxant Anti-Stress. Independently Published, 2021.

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14

Radford, L. B. Three Teachers of Alexandria : Theognostus, Pierus and Peter: A Study in the Early History of Origenism and Anti-Origenism. Cambridge University Press, 2014.

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15

Shorbagy, Manar. Kefaya and the New Politics of Anti-Americanism. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040832.003.0013.

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This essay examines the Kefaya movement in Egypt and what the author calls the new politics of anti-Americanism in Egypt. The essay provides some needed historical background to the era of George W. Bush’s politics and the U.S. hopes for an “Arab Spring.” The essay argues that there has long been a policy in Washington, D.C., toward the Middle East that is a vision and not just a policy, and that it preceded regime change in Iraq. The author argues, moreover, that the U.S. has long sought a Middle East devoid of any resistance to the United States and Israel, that the U.S. has colossally failed in the Middle East, and that this demonstrates the perils of ignoring the complex realities of that area of the world. This essay (drawing on open-ended interviews, statements, newspaper articles, reports, and unpublished documents) presents the Kefaya movement as an example of a Middle Eastern movement with transformative potential, at once a cross-ideological force and an alternative mode of resistance to American imperialism.
16

Alzubairi, Fatemah. Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, and Anti-Terrorism Law in the Arab World. Cambridge University Press, 2019.

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17

Alzubairi, Fatemah. Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, and Anti-Terrorism Law in the Arab World. Cambridge University Press, 2019.

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18

Alzubairi, Fatemah. Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, and Anti-Terrorism Law in the Arab World. Cambridge University Press, 2022.

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19

Laskier, Michael M. The Jews of Egypt, 1920-1970: In the Midst of Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Middle East Conflict. New York University Press, 1991.

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20

Laskier, Michael M. The Jews of Egypt, 1920-1970: In the Midst of Zionism, Anti-Semitism, and the Middle East Conflict. New York University Press, 1993.

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21

Group, The Pharmaceuticals Research. Systemic Anti-Infective Drugs in Egypt: A Strategic Entry Report, 1996 (Strategic Planning Series). Icon Group International, Inc., 2005.

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22

Edition, Arabic. Anti Stress Coloring Book Egypt: Cleopatra, Pyramids of Giza, Egyptian Pharaoh, Egyptian Desert, Camels and Discover More! Kids Activity Book Egypt, Egyptian Coloring Book for Kids Ancient Egypt Books for Kids. Independently Published, 2021.

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23

Nash, Geoffrey P. Britain. Edited by Waïl S. Hassan. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199349791.013.36.

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This chapter examines the development of Arab British fiction. It begins with an overview of the making of Arab British fiction, citing anti-colonialism, Orientalism, and hybridization as the main elements of Anglophone Arab writing up to the close of the twentieth century. It then considers British novels about Egypt in which paternalistic “genuine love” for, and “wise understanding” of, the politics of Egypt overlaid colonial attitudes. It also analyzes Arab British fiction in relation to the colonial experience Arabs received from British domination in Arab lands, which lasted from the end of World War I to the early 1950s. Finally, it discusses postcolonial crosscurrents in the works of Arab British women, along with the predicament of exile and Diasporic consciousness in male Arab British fiction.
24

Bertherat, Therese, and Carol Bernstein. The Body Has Its Reasons: Anti-exercise and Self-awareness. Random House Children's Books (A Division of Random House Group), 1988.

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25

Booth, Marilyn. The Career and Communities of Zaynab Fawwaz. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192846198.001.0001.

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An intellectual biography of early Arabic feminist Zaynab Fawwaz and a study of her life in Ottoman Syria and Egypt, in the context of debates on gender, modernity and the good society, 1890s-1910. Chapters take up her writing and debates in which she participated, concerning social justice, girls’ education, marriage, divorce and polygyny, the question of ‘Nature’ and Darwinist notions of male/female, and intersections of nationalism, anti-imperialism, and feminism. Fawwaz also wrote two novels and play, which are analysed in the context of fiction rewriting history, and on theatre as a reformist tool of public education in turn-of-the-century Egypt. The book also comprises a study of some important periodical venues for public debate in Egypt in this period, particularly the nationalist press and one early women’s journal, and it highlights the writings of lesser-studied journalists and other intellectuals, within the context of the Arab/ic Nahda or intellectual revival. It argues that Fawwaz’s feminism, based on an Islamic ethical worldview, was distinct from prevailing ‘modernist’ views in posing a non-essentialist, open-ended notion of gender that did not, for instance, highlight maternalist discourses. Fawwaz’s own background was Shi’i, an element that was quietly present in her work.
26

Domínguez, Virginia R., and Jane C. Desmond, eds. Ira Dworkin on Schatz and Shorbagy. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040832.003.0018.

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This essay puts Egypt, the “Arab Spring,” and Islamic activism into a broader perspective, arguing that a binary approach pitting “anti-Americanism” against “pro-Americanism” is problematic. It shifts the conversation away from what is central to organizations and movements like Kefaya. The notion that non-US critics of the U.S. are motivated by anti-Americanism serves the strategic purpose of diminishing the very substance of their criticisms. At its extreme, Dworkin argues, perceived anti-Americanism becomes a rationale for war. Hence, Dworkin here praises Mohammad Marandi for suggesting that some things ought to be seen as forms of anti-imperialism rather than forms of anti-Americanism, since criticism of a state does not make one “anti.” Ultimately Dworkin insists that the caricature of political movements as pro- or anti-American stifles dynamic civil society actors who are and need to be important critics of the state. For the field of American Studies, these debates about anti-Americanism (including differences between Schatz and Shorbagy) are important because they remind us that the challenge for the discipline (shared in some sense with the activists) is how to build a credible and critical space for American Studies scholarly work.
27

Orkaby, Asher. The Anglo-Egyptian Rivalry in Yemen. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190618445.003.0008.

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The Yemen Civil War brought about the end of the British Empire and represented the final stage of an Anglo-Egyptian rivalry that had begun with Lord Palmerston’s 1839 conquest of Aden and the struggle against Muhammad Ali’s Egyptian army. Post-WWII British foreign policy had, until the end of the 1960s, been strongly influenced by the Conservative Suez Group, later renamed the Aden Group, which wasvehemently anti-Nasser. Members of the Aden Group established a mercenary organization to aid the royalist guerrilla war against Egypt, while Nasser supported anti-British nationalist groups in South Yemen during the 1960s. This clandestine war helped bring about the mutual defeat and withdrawal of British and Egyptian imperial designs in Yemen.
28

The Age of the Efendiyya Oxford Historical Monographs. Oxford University Press, 2013.

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29

Katz, Steven, ed. The Cambridge Companion to Antisemitism. Cambridge University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108637725.

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A History of Anti-Semitism examines the history, culture and literature of antisemitism from antiquity to the present. With contributions from an international team of scholars, whose essays were specially commissioned for this volume, it covers the long history of antisemitism starting with ancient Greece and Egypt, through the anti-Judaism of early Christianity, and the medieval era in both the Christian and Muslim worlds when Jews were defined as 'outsiders,' especially in Christian Europe. This portrayal often led to violence, notably pogroms that often accompanied Crusades, as well as to libels against Jews. The volume also explores the roles of Luther and the Reformation, the Enlightenment, the debate over Jewish emancipation, Marxism, and the social disruptions after World War 1 that led to the rise of Nazism and genocide. Finally, it considers current issues, including the dissemination of hate on social media and the internet and questions of definition and method.
30

Jumet, Kira D. Protest Dynamics under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces Transitional Government. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0005.

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This chapter explains how changes in political opportunity structures following the 2011 revolutionary protests affected subsequent anti-regime mobilization and the dynamics between the military transitional regime and those who contested it. Through an examination of protest cycles in Egypt 2011–2012, the chapter explores how government violence, repression, and concessions affected individuals’ emotions and their decisions to protest or not protest. The chapter demonstrates that changes in political opportunities created during the 18-day uprising altered repertoires of contention and reconfigured the power relationship between the regime and its opponents. The chapter also claims that particular elements of protest dynamics under the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) led to a relatively quick transition to civilian rule.
31

Khan, Noor-Aiman I. Egyptian-Indian Nationalist Collaboration and the British Empire. Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

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32

Rech, Walter. ‘Everything Belongs to God’. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198813415.003.0007.

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This chapter examines and contextualizes Sayyid Qutb’s doctrine of property and social justice, which he articulated at a time of deep social conflicts in Egypt. The chapter describes how Qutb, along with other writers concerned with economic inequality in the 1920s–40s such as Hasan al-Banna (1906–1949) and Abd al-Razzaq al-Sanhuri (1895–1971), conceptualised private ownership as a form of power that must be limited by religious obligations and subordinated to the public good. The chapter further shows that Qutb made this notion of restrained property central to a broader theory of social justice and wealth redistribution by combining the social teachings of the Qur’an with the modern ideal of the centralized interventionist state. Arguably this endeavour to revitalise the Quranic roots of Islamic charity and simultaneously appropriate the discourse of modern statehood made Qutb’s position oscillate between legalism and anti-legalism.
33

Jumet, Kira D. The June 30th Coup. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.003.0007.

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This chapter identifies the discrepancy between real and perceived political opportunities and the effect this gap had on political mobilization for the June 30th protests in Egypt. The chapter relies on interview data and fieldwork conducted during the 2012 anti-Morsi protests, the 2013 coup, the months following the coup, and at protests in Tahrir Square and at the Rabaa al-Adawiya sit-in. In addition to outlining the politics surrounding President Morsi’s 2012 constitutional declaration, the subsequent protests, and how the Tamarod movement mobilized mass protests against Morsi that took place on June 30, 2013, the chapter also presents the details and step-by-step process of the 2013 military coup. The chapter explains post-coup politics, including the designation of the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organization, the military’s mobilization of the public against the Muslim Brotherhood, the Rabaa al-Adawiya massacre, the cult of General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, and the 2014 constitutional referendum and presidential elections.
34

Jumet, Kira D. Contesting the Repressive State. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190688455.001.0001.

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This book advances research on the collective action dilemma in protest movements by examining protest mobilization leading up to, and during, the 2011 Egyptian Revolution and 2013 June 30th Coup in Cairo, Egypt. The book is organized chronologically and touches on why and how people make the decision to protest or not protest during different periods of the revolutionary process. The overarching question is: Why and how do individuals who are not members of political groups or organizers of political movements choose to engage or not engage in anti-government protest under a repressive regime? In answering the question, the book argues that individual decisions to protest or not protest are based on the intersection of the following three factors: political opportunity structures, mobilizing structures, and framing processes. It further demonstrates that the way these decisions to protest or not protest take place is through emotional mechanisms that are activated by specific combinations of these factors. The goal of the book is to investigate the relationship between key structural factors and the emotional responses they produce. By examining 170 interviews with individuals who either protested or did not protest, it explores how social media, violent government repression, changes in political opportunities, and the military influenced individual decisions to protest or not protest.
35

Musallam, Adnan. From Secularism to Jihad. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400654664.

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The modern political idea of jihad—a violent struggle against corrupt or anti-Islamic regimes—is essentially the brainchild of one man who turned traditional Islamic precepts inside out and created the modern radical political Islamist movement. Using the evolution of Sayyid Qutb's life and writings, Musallam traces and analyzes Qutb's alienation and subsequent emergence as an independent Islamist within the context of his society and the problems that it faced. Radicalized following his stay in the United States in the late 1940s and during his imprisonment from 1954 to 1964, Qutb would pen controversial writings that would have a significant impact on young Islamists in Egypt for decades following his death and on global jihadist Islamists for the past quarter century. Since September 11, 2001, the West has dubbed Qutb the philosopher of Islamic terror and godfather ideologue of al-Qaeda. This is the first book to examine his life and thought in the wake of the events that ignited the War on Terrorism. A secular man of letters in the 1930s and 1940s, Qutb's outlook and focus on Quranic studies underwent drastic changes during World War II. The Quran became a refuge for his personal needs and for answers to the ills of his society. As a result, he forsook literature permanently for the Islamic cause and way of life. His stay in the United States from 1948 to 1950 reinforced his deeply held belief that Islam is man's only salvation from the abyss of Godless materialism he believed to be manifest in both capitalism and communism. Qutb's active opposition to the secular policies of Egyptian President Nasser led to his imprisonment from 1954 to 1964, during which his writings called for the overthrow of Jahili (pagan) governments and their replacement with a true and just Islamic society. A later arrest and trial resulted in his execution in August 1966.
36

Chute, Carolyn. Recipe for Revolution. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2021.

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37

Chute, Carolyn. Recipe for Revolution. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2020.

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38

Chute, Carolyn. Recipe for Revolution. Grove/Atlantic, Incorporated, 2020.

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