Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-Violence Project'
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1
Sturgill, Ronda, Bob Barnett, and Lysbeth Barnett. "Combating Youth Violence Through Anti-Violence Coalitions in Three West Virginia Counties." Journal of Youth Development 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2011): 44–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jyd.2011.197.
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Kids Win was funded by SAMHSA (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration) for Cabell, Mason and Wayne Counties in West Virginia. The goal of the project was to develop anti-violence coalitions in the three counties and to develop a strategic plan for a pilot program combating youth violence. The pilot program was designed to use the Second Step and Hazelden Anti-Bullying curricula at the three middle schools. Evaluation methods included a survey of teachers, a survey of students, and a comparison of results of a state mandated school discipline report. All three data sources support the conclusion that violence was reduced significantly because of the Kids Win Program. Kids Win has demonstrated what can be accomplished by teaching students the behavioral skills needed to resolve problems without escalating violence. This program merits replication and expansion and can serve as a model for other programs.
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Casey, Erin. "Strategies for Engaging Men as Anti-Violence Allies: Implications for Ally Movements." Advances in Social Work 11, no. 2 (November 18, 2010): 267–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/580.
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As ally movements become an increasingly prevalent element of social justice efforts, research is needed that illuminates effective strategies to initially engage members of privileged social groups in anti-oppression work. This study presents descriptive findings regarding ally engagement strategies and barriers from a qualitative study of a particular ally movement – male anti-violence against women activism. Twenty-seven men who recently initiated involvement in an organization or event dedicated to ending sexual or domestic violence were interviewed regarding their perceptions of effective approaches to reaching and engaging other men in anti-violence work. Participants viewed tailored engagement strategies that tap into existing social networks, that allow men to see themselves reflected in anti-violence movements, and that help men make personal, emotional connections to the issue of violence as most effective. Implications for engaging men in the project of ending violence against women, and for ally movements more generally are discussed.
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Redikopp, Sarah. "Out of Place, Out of Mind: Min(d)ing Race in Mad Studies Through a Metaphor of Spatiality." Canadian Journal of Disability Studies 10, no. 3 (December 8, 2021): 96–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cjds.v10i3.817.
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This article examines the racial politics of Mad Studies in Canada through a metaphor of spatiality, underscoring the urgency of an antiracist Mad Studies paradigm. Drawing on critical race scholarship which situates “madness” as reliant on and informed by white supremacist and colonial logics of rationality and reason (Bruce 2017), I foreground claims made by critical race scholars of racialized madness as contingent on and informed by histories of slavery, genocide, and everyday realities of racism and racial violence which an anti-racist Mad Studies project must contend with. By locating the racialization of Mad Studies within a metaphor of spatiality, I heuristically problematize the “space” available for racialized subjects to re/claim madness within contemporary Mad Studies paradigms. I conclude that in failing to rigorously unpack the relations of race which undergird understandings of madness, and to challenge the presence of white supremacy in the Mad Studies discipline, scholars potentially perpetuate a colonial project of “othering” and consequentially maintain the systems of psychiatric violence they seek to undo. Centralizing race in Mad Studies exposes the workings of white supremacy in logics of violence against Mad people more broadly and is thus necessary to an anti-racist and anti- oppressive Mad Studies project.
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Fisher, Andrew. "Miki Kratsman and Shabtai Pinchevsky: The Anti-Mapping project." Philosophy of Photography 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 243–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/pop_00019_1.
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This article introduces an evolving project of visual mapping initiated by Israeli photographers Miki Kratsman and Shabtai Pinchevsky under the title of Anti-Mapping. Placing this critical project in the context of the Israel/Palestine conflict, the article examines how Kratsman and Pinchevsky develop complex, strategic and critically sophisticated approaches to visualizing the conditions that produce victims of violence and that place Palestinian villages under threat of destruction. The article explores their strategic, technical and critical approaches to the difficulties of representing particular contested places in this geopolitical context.
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Ristock, Janice, Art Zoccole, Lisa Passante, and Jonathon Potskin. "Impacts of colonization on Indigenous Two-Spirit/LGBTQ Canadians’ experiences of migration, mobility and relationship violence." Sexualities 22, no. 5-6 (February 17, 2017): 767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460716681474.
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An exploratory, community-based research project examined the paths of migration and mobility of Canadian Indigenous people who identify as Two-Spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and/or queer (LGBTQ). A total of 50 participants in Winnipeg, Manitoba and Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada were interviewed, many of them telling stories about the multiple layers of domestic violence, violence in communities, state and structural violence that they experienced. In order to better respond to relationship violence experienced by Indigenous Two-Spirit/LGBTQ people it is necessary to understand the specific and historical context of colonization in which relationship violence occurs. We further need to align our efforts to end relationship violence with broader anti-violence struggles.
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Brzuszkiewicz, Sara. "Jihadism and Far-Right Extremism: Shared Attributes With Regard to Violence Spectacularisation." European View 19, no. 1 (April 2020): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685820915972.
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This article argues that similarities between jihadism and far-right radicalism are increasing, particularly with regard to the spectacularisation of violence. Spectacularisation means representing and performing violence in the form of a show, for instance through live-streaming, with a renewed emphasis on captivating symbols and much less attention paid to the ideological foundations on which the radical project is supposed to rely. After the March 2019 shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand, the spectacularisation of racist, anti-Islamic and anti-Semitic violence increased, thus consolidating that event as a turning point in the evolution of the contemporary far right and the history of jihadism—which has far-right affinities. Lured by the performance of violence, the number of contemporary far-right sympathisers is steadily growing in a virtual environment that closely resembles that of jihadists, where patterns and mechanisms of online recruitment and grooming are proliferating.
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Dam, Caspar ten. "Brutalities in Anti‑Imperial Revolts." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 199–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.13.
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In order to understand and resolve internal armed conflicts one must comprehend why and how people revolt, and under what conditions they brutalise i.e. increasingly resort to terrorism, banditry, brigandry, “gangsterism” and other forms of violence that violate contemporary local and/or present‑day international norms that I believe are, in the final analysis, all based on the principles of conscience, empathy and honour. Contemporary “global” or regional norms distinct from those of the rebelling community, and the norms of the regime community and/or colonial power, are also considered. My pessimistically formulated and thereby quite testable brutalisation theory combines theorising elements of disciplines ranging from cultural anthropology to military psychology, so as to better explain rebellions or any armed conflicts and their morally corrosive effects. The theory’s main variables are: violence‑values (my composite term) on proper and improper violence; conflict‑inducing motivations, in particular grievances, avarices, interests and ideologies, that bring about i.e. cause or trigger the conflict; combat‑stresses like fear, fatigue and rage resulting from or leading to traumas (and hypothetically to brutalities as well); and conflict‑induced motivations, in particular grievances, avarices, interest and ideologies, that happen by, through and during the conflict. The present paper is an exploratory introduction to an ambitious research project, succinctly titled “Brutalisation in Anti‑Imperial Revolts”, with advice and support from Professor Tomasz Polanski. The paper addresses the project’s relevance and its epistemological and methodological challenges. The project seeks to explain rebellion, banditry and other forms of violence that may or may not be inherently brutal. It seeks to ascertain the causes and degrees of any brutalisations i.e. increasing violations of norms during rebellions by peripheral, marginalised ethnic (indigenous) communities against their overlords in classical, medieval and “modern” (industrial) times. It introduces seven selected cases of “peripheral‑ethnic revolts” by indigenous communities – as (semi‑) state actors, non‑state actors or both (yet possessing at least residual ruling capabilities) – against Imperial powers across the ages, with a special focus on banditry, “brigandry” (brigandage), guerrilla and other forms of irregular warfare. The first stage of the research will analyse and compare the causes i.e. motivations and involved norms, sorts of violence and degrees of brutalisation in these seven cases.
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Driessen, Molly C. "Campus sexual assault and student activism, 1970–1990." Qualitative Social Work 19, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 564–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325019828805.
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This historical analysis research project traces the early history of the anti-rape movement within the US by examining one university’s development of a sexual violence resource center and the role of student activism. The time period between the 1970s through the 1990s was selected for this analysis due to the significant development of legislation, research, and activism surrounding sexual violence on college campuses. In order to conduct this historical analysis, primary sources from the university’s Archives Collection were studied that included administrative documents, memos, financial documents, program reports, newspaper clippings, and training and workshop materials. Secondary sources were included to provide context to the topic of sexual violence, research, feminism, and campus culture during this time period. Amidst the university’s varied response and debates that surrounded sexual violence, the students’ persistent advocacy had led to conflict resolution.
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Strickler, Edward, and Quillin Drew. "Starting and Sustaining LGBTQ Antiviolence Programs in a Southern State." Partner Abuse 6, no. 1 (2015): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/1946-6560.6.1.78.
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Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning (LGBTQ) persons experience partner and other violence at high levels requiring culturally competent interventions. Virginia Anti-Violence Project (VAVP)—a 501(c)(3) organization in Virginia (organized in 2006 and incorporated since 2008)—has a mission focusing on LGBTQ experiences of violence, and has collaborative bonds with organizations involved with sexual and partner violence, promoting LGBTQ community health and safety, and concerned with social inclusion and legal protection of LGBTQ individuals, families, and communities. VAVP’s programs have increased provider and community competency and capacity toward improving LGBTQ safety, health, and well-being. Findings from a statewide assessment of transgender Virginians, and other local research informs its programs, including advocacy, training, direct services, and its consulting platform, VAVP’s research, organizational development, and contextual issues may inform other programs in other jurisdictions, identification of critical research questions, and implementation of rigorous program evaluation models toward a shared purpose of preventing LGBTQ partner violence.
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Sosa, Lorena. "Beyond gender equality? Anti-gender campaigns and the erosion of human rights and democracy." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 39, no. 1 (March 2021): 3–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0924051921996697.
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Although resistance to the incorporation of ‘gender’ in human rights law and policies is not new, since 2013 anti-gender campaigns have articulated as movements and increased their visibility. More recently, the transnational dimension of the anti-gender offensive has become visible as a challenge to human rights standards, including the anti-violence against women project, and a process of democratic erosion. In this column, I make a short overview of this social and political phenomenon and describe how these anti-gender campaigns have entered the human rights systems and their discourse has shifted from religious justifications towards legal ones. I conclude with general suggestions to strengthen the resilience of the human rights systems to these processes.
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Abusneineh, Bayan. "(Re)producing the Israeli (European) body: Zionism, Anti-Black Racism and the Depo-Provera Affair." Feminist Review 128, no. 1 (July 2021): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789211016331.
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This article examines the Depo-Provera Affair—where Israeli doctors administered the contraceptive Depo-Provera to newly immigrated Ethiopian Jewish women—to argue that the Israeli settler colonial project depends on these forms of gendered anti-Black violence, through the management of Black African bodies. In 2013, then Israeli Deputy Health Minister Yaakov Litzman admitted that they had administered Depo-Provera to Ethiopian immigrant women without their consent, after reproductive and civil rights activists in Israel called for an investigation after a drop in the birthrate among Ethiopian women: close to 50 per cent within the previous decade. The demarcation of Blackness as a political tool necessary to advance Israeli modernity and the situating of Black bodies as antithetical to the state of Israel are not contradictory but rather illuminate Israel’s deployment of anti-Blackness through the racial and reproductive violence necessary to become part of the superior, European West.
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Nguyen, Marguerite. "Situating Vietnamese Transnationalism and Diaspora." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 18, no. 3 (September 2015): 382–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.18.3.382.
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This review examines Kieu-Linh Caroline Valverde’s conceptualization of “transnationalizing Viet Nam.” It pays attention to Valverde’s field research in both the United States and Vietnam, which allowed her to observe how transnational networks of music and the Internet forged collaborations among individuals in both countries, despite severed US—Vietnamese diplomatic ties. It also examines the book’s treatment of the centrality of anti-Communism in Vietnamese diasporic politics and discourse, understanding Valverde’s analysis of anti-Communist hostility and violence as an argument about the limits of ideological inflexibility in Vietnamese American communities. In addition, this review also juxtaposes Valverde’s discussion of anti-Communism with other Southeast Asian American Studies scholars who interrogate the term’s many meanings to foreground the larger project to which Valverde’s project contributes—a critical approach alert to the long histories and multiple migrations that characterize overseas Vietnamese and compels a model of Vietnamese transnationalism and diaspora that is attentive to both pre-and post-Vietnam War contexts
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ALBANIS, ELISABETH. "JEWISH IDENTITY IN THE FACE OF ANTI-SEMITISM." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 895–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008024.
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A history of the Jews in the English-speaking world: Great Britain. By W. D. Rubinstein, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp. viii+539. ISBN 0-312-12542-9. £65.00.Pogroms: anti-Jewish violence in modern Russian history. Edited by John D. Klier and Shlomo Lambroza. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp. xx+393. ISBN 0-521-40532-7. £55.00.Western Jewry and the Zionist project, 1914–1933. By Michael Berkowitz. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xvi+305. ISBN 0-521-47087-0. £35.00.Three books under review deal from different perspectives with the responses of Jews in Western and Eastern Europe to the increasing and more or less violent outbursts of anti-Semitism which they encountered in the years from 1880 to the Second World War. The first two titles consider how deep-rooted anti-Semitism was in Britain and Russia and in what sections of society it was most conspicuous, whereas the third asks how Western Jewry became motivated to support the Zionist project of settlement in Palestine; all three approach the question of how isolated or intergrated diaspora Jews were in their respective countries.
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Martin, Stephanie L., Jessica McLean, Carolyn Brooks, and Karen Wood. "“I’ve Been Silenced for so Long”: Relational Engagement and Empowerment in a Digital Storytelling Project With Young Women Exposed to Dating Violence." International Journal of Qualitative Methods 18 (January 1, 2019): 160940691982593. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1609406919825932.
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Despite decades of research identifying the myriad causes and consequences, young women continue to be exposed to a variety of abuses in their dating relationships. Those who experience such violence often feel shame and isolation and hesitate to reach out for support for fear that their stories will not be heard, respected, or garner appropriate responses. Such abuse often results in grave consequences to well-being and quality of life, with the risk of exposure to one incident of abuse potentially leading to a cycle where young women may be repeatedly drawn to abusive relationships. Finding new ways to expose and disrupt this cycle of abuse in intimate relationships is critical. This article highlights the methods used, specifically an adapted version of digital storytelling as a potential empowerment research methodology with a small group of young women exposed to dating violence. Implementation of this methodology occurred in four phases: providing methodological context, preparing (setting the stage), implementing (constructing and sharing digital stories), and evaluating (experience and impact). Each phase of the methodology is described along with lessons learned to advance the innovative use of digital storytelling in anti-violence research.
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Olaloku-Teriba, Annie. "Afro-Pessimism and the (Un)Logic of Anti-Blackness." Historical Materialism 26, no. 2 (July 30, 2018): 96–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001650.
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AbstractIn the coming months and years, the left faces a historic juncture. On the one hand, racist violence is on the rise across the West, and the political class seems intent on mobilising both overt and subtle racism. On the other hand, strategies of anti-racist organising, which have developed on both sides of the Atlantic, have reached a theoretical impasse. I argue that now, more than ever, a serious project of historical and intellectual retrieval is necessary. This article interrogates the theoretical limitations of ‘anti-blackness’ as an analysis of racialised oppression. Through the thought of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko, among others, I argue that theories of ‘anti-blackness’, specifically those rooted in Afro-pessimism, are predicated on a theoretical shift away from relational social theory to identitarian essentialism which obscures, rather than illuminates, the processes of racialisation which undergird racial oppression.
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Salazar, M., N. Daoud, Claire Edwards, Margaret Scanlon, and C. Vives-Cases. "PositivMasc: masculinities and violence against women among young people. Identifying discourses and developing strategies for change, a mixed-method study protocol." BMJ Open 10, no. 9 (September 2020): e038797. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjopen-2020-038797.
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IntroductionDespite public policies and legislative changes aiming to curtail men’s violence against women (VAW) around the world, women continue to be exposed to VAW throughout their life. One in three women in Europe has reported physical or sexual abuse. Men who display unequitable masculinities are more likely to be perpetrators. VAW is increasingly appearing at younger ages. The aims of the project are fourfold: (1) to explore and position the discourses that young people (men and women, 18–24 years) in Sweden, Spain, Ireland and Israel use in their understanding of masculinities, (2) to explore how these discourses influence young people’s attitudes, behaviours and responses to VAW, (3) to explore individual and societal factors supporting and promoting anti-VAW masculinities discourses and (4) to develop actions and guidelines to support and promote anti-VAW masculinities in these settings.Methods and analysisA participatory explorative mixed-method study will be used. In Phase 1, qualitative methods will be used to identify the discourses that young people and stakeholders use to conceptualise masculinities, VAW and the actions that are needed to support and promote antiviolence masculinities. In Phase 2, concept mapping will be used to quantify the coherence, relative importance and perceived relationship between the different actions to support and promote anti-VAW masculinities. Phase 3 is a knowledge creation and translation phase, based on findings from Phases 1 and 2, where actions and guidelines to promote and support anti-VAW masculinities will be developed.Ethics and disseminationEthical clearance has been obtained from ethics review boards in each country. Results will be disseminated through peer-reviewed publications, presentations at international conferences, policy briefs, social media and through the project online hub. With its multicountry approach, our project results seek to inform policies and interventions aimed at promoting discourses which challenge hegemonic masculinities.
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Slavíčková, Tess, and Peter Zvagulis. "Monitoring anti-minority rhetoric in the Czech print media." Journal of Language and Politics 13, no. 1 (April 28, 2014): 152–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.13.1.07sla.
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This paper describes selected outcomes of media monitoring for anti-minority hate speech in the Czech Republic. In keeping with the agenda of critical discourse analysis, we aim to integrate historical, linguistic and cultural specificities with their linguistic manifestations in news articles about minorities, and here we present findings from a long-term study devoted to tracking xenophobia against two of the main minority groups. The AntiMetrics project, of which the work described here is one part, is designed to detect signs of anti-minority rhetoric in a society, with a view to taking steps to prevent such indicators from developing into more embedded prejudice and ultimately inter-group violence. The paper aims to provide a snapshot of what is a broad, long-term interdisciplinary project. Using a critical discourse toolkit, we analyse a sample news story about the Roma community, and identify a number of discursive and linguistic features that indicate the entrenchment of “new racism” in media at some levels. The toolkit also seeks to go beyond lexical signs to identify more implicit rhetorical devices, such as framing and (de-) contextualization of news events, and to quantify lack of balance in the selection of witnesses and other primary definers. Our ongoing content survey indicates the embedding of linguistic patterns that raise concern about leakage of far right discourse via media into everyday communication.
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Zinaić, Rade. "Twilight of the Proletariat: Reading Critical Balkanology as Liberal Ideology." New Perspectives 25, no. 1 (February 2017): 19–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1702500102.
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Critical Balkanology is a sub-discipline of Central and East European Studies that deconstructs and renders arbitrary the claims of ethnic nationalisms and Western “colonial” representations of the Balkans. Yet, this critical and nominally anti-racist project is parasitic on a hegemonic Euro-Atlantic liberal ideology in that it cannot see beyond the singular individual as victim and vanguard, thereby obscuring and/or effacing an awareness of class inequality. Tomislav Longinović's Vampire Nation: Violence as Cultural Imaginary (2011) is emblematic of this project. I place this text under an immanent critique and a contrapuntal reading as an example of how one can rescue class consciousness from this literature and push the limits of its politics while, in Longinović's case, reading it against the socioeconomic contradictions of post-MiloŠević Serbia. Longinović's tracing of the vampire metaphor as a way of understanding the consumptive nature of both ethnic nationalism and Western imperialism reveals a politics that stigmatizes Serbia's plebeian history in favour of a Westernized and urban middle class youth cult of techno-culture, rock music, and the disembodied voices of (male) intellectuals – a form of epistemic violence that parallels processes of privatization, social cleansing, and class oppression consuming the bodies of (sub)proletarians.
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Jones, Rodney H. "Generic intertextuality in online social activism: The case of the It Gets Better project." Language in Society 44, no. 3 (June 2015): 317–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404515000214.
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AbstractThe It Gets Better project has been held up as a model of successful social media activism. This article explores how narrators of It Gets Better videos make use of generic intertextuality, strategically combining the canonical narrative genres of the exemplum, the testimony, and the confession in a way that allows them to claim ‘textual authority’ and to make available multiple moral positions for themselves and their listeners. This strategy is further facilitated by the ambiguous participation frameworks associated with digital media, which make it possible for storytellers to tell different kinds of stories to different kinds of listeners at the same time, to simultaneously comfort the victims of anti-gay violence, confront its perpetrators, and elicit sympathy from ‘onlookers’. This analysis highlights the potential of new practices of online storytelling for social activism, and challenges notions that new media are contributing to the demise of common narrative traditions. (Activism, digital media, genre, LGBT discourse, narrative, positioning)*
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Paye, Michael. "Beyond a Capitalist Atlantic: Fish, Fuel, and the Collapse of Cheap Nature in Ireland, Newfoundland, and Nigeria." Irish University Review 49, no. 1 (May 2019): 117–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2019.0384.
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Irish director Risteard O'Domhnaill's 2010 film, The Pipe, documents the battle of a small Mayo community against the Corrib gas pipeline project, following a number of local residents in their eight-year struggle against state-sponsored and corporate violence. In his next major production, Atlantic (2016), a comparative documentary of fishing and fossil-fuel industries in Ireland, Newfoundland, and Norway, O'Domhnaill retreats from the possible anti-systematicity of the Rossport struggle, taking a reformist, nationalist attitude to the question of oil and fish extraction. In this article, I will demonstrate how O'Domhnaill naturalizes this mobilization and ‘cheapening’ through a vocabulary of rightful ownership and human-centric dominance. Using world-ecological and energy humanities theories, I will then demonstrate that numerous other contemporary depictions of life and labour at the fish and oil frontiers, across the Global North and South, articulate how systemic contradiction materializes as environmental violence, focusing on works by Irish author Mike McCormack, Canadian author Lisa Moore, and Nigerian author Nnedi Okorafor.
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Charania, Gulzar R. "Lonely methods and other tough places: recuperating anti-racism from white investments." Feminist Theory 23, no. 1 (January 2022): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14647001211062725.
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This article wrestles with how white domination is reproduced in research methods, questions and priorities in the neoliberal university. Reflecting on the stuck and lonely places in my doctoral project, I consider the challenges of doing research on racism in institutions largely hostile to such inquiries. I also trace the pivotal insights that helped me to get unstuck and less lonely. This involved refusing to allow white audiences and white investments to determine the direction and priorities of anti-racist scholarship. The academy constantly returns us to the authority of these gatekeepers and this needs to be displaced and replaced with forms of accountability that do not consolidate white authority about matters pertaining to racism. The question of how to engage responsibly with the harm of racial violence became a central one as the concerns, priorities and desires of Black and racialised women rerouted questions of audience and accountability in this research project. Instead of being faithful to academic forms and conventions, I follow the insights of Black, Indigenous and women of colour feminisms to argue for a practice of careful and ethical engagement with one another.
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Restar, Arjee J., Aaron S. Breslow, Harry Jin, Ma Irene Quilantang, Olivia Sison, Amiel Nazer Bermudez, Maylin Palatino, et al. "Transgender-specific developmental milestones and associated experiences of violence, discrimination, and stigma among Filipinx transgender women who are sexually active with men." PLOS ONE 16, no. 3 (March 9, 2021): e0248248. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0248248.
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Background For transgender people, reaching transgender (trans)-specific developmental milestones, including recognizing and expressing one’s identity, plays an integral role in overall health, wellbeing, and the pursuit of gender affirmation. Yet trans people continue to face minority stressors, including structural violence (i.e., discrimination, violence, and stigma), which may interfere with the achievement of these milestones. Among trans women specifically, however, potential associations between gender developmental milestones and structural violence are not well characterized in the literature. In a sample of Filipinx (i.e., an inclusive term for describing non-binary genders in the Philippines) trans women who are sexually active with men (trans-WSM), we thus sought to: (a) describe the mean ages at which gender developmental milestones occur and (b) examine the associations between structural violence and mean ages at which at which Filipinx trans-WSM experience trans-specific developmental milestones. Methods Using data from Project #ParaSaAtin, an online survey of Filipinx trans-WSM (n = 139), we mapped age-estimates per trans-specific milestones and then tested whether structural violence is associated with the mean age at which trans women experience trans-specific developmental milestones. Results Overall, participants who reported higher levels of discrimination, stigma, and violence also experienced a later age for nearly each milestone (i.e., initial self-awareness of transfeminine identity, transfeminine expression in private, transfeminine expression in public, first consensual oral/vaginal/anal sex with a cisgender male partner, first consensual oral/vaginal/anal sex with a cisgender male partner as a trans women, and hormone integration) (all p-values <0.05). Of note, the single exception to this pattern was the non-significant association between stigma and initial disclosure of transfeminine identification to another person. Conclusion Results are consistent with psychological literature outlining a temporal sequence of developmental milestones among young trans-WSM. For young trans-WSM in the Philippines, data from this study demonstrate significant associations between structural violence and the achievement of developmental milestones. These findings highlight the need for trauma-informed, strengths-based programming and institutional policies that measure and mitigate anti-trans violence.
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Montes, Gabriel Caldas, and Gabriel Oliveira Lins. "Deterrence effects, socio-economic development, police revenge and homicides in Rio de Janeiro." International Journal of Social Economics 45, no. 10 (October 8, 2018): 1406–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-09-2017-0379.
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Purpose Due to the high levels of crime in Rio de Janeiro, the purpose of this paper is twofold. The first one is to analyze the effects of deterrence variables (such as the adoption of Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) and incarcerations) on violence in the municipalities of the State of Rio de Janeiro, as well as to verify the existence of “revenge effect.” The second is to analyze the effects of socio-economic development on violence, using development indicators. Design/methodology/approach Besides usual OLS method for panel data analysis, the study makes use of dynamic panel data framework through D-GMM and S-GMM. The estimates are based on a sample of 82 municipalities of Rio de Janeiro, and the period runs from 2003 to 2013. As dependent variables, the estimates use violent deaths (i.e. aggregation of intentional homicides and armed robberies followed by death) and homicides resulting from opposition to police intervention (i.e. civilians killed as a result of police actions against criminals – “opposition deaths”). Findings The estimates indicate that incarceration presents marginal capacity to reduce violence. Regarding the findings for the adoption of UPPs, the evidence suggests that this project increased violence and, therefore, the possibility of displacement of violence to other regions of the State. With respect to the effect of police deaths over violence, the results are unprecedented and suggest the existence of a “revenge effect.” Besides, the study points to the importance of socio-economic development to reduce violence. Originality/value Once the study analyzes the effects of incarceration and UPPs, it contributes to the literature by providing new evidence on the ability of anti-crime policies of reducing (or not) violence. In addition, when considering the death of policemen in the estimates, the study shows an unprecedented way, the effect that these deaths cause over violence (the so-called “revenge effect”). Moreover, the study considers the impacts of the development of employment and income, health and education on violence. When analyzing these development indicators, the study contributes with the literature that looks for non-police alternatives to control crime.
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Crawley, Karen, and Olivera Simic. "Telling stories of rape, revenge and redemption in the age of the TED talk." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 15, no. 2 (May 14, 2018): 259–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659018771117.
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The last few years have witnessed increasing discussion of sexual violence in the mainstream media and public debate in North America and elsewhere, especially with the most recent wave of sexual assault and harassment allegations in entertainment, media and public institutions, called the #MeToo campaign. Despite the view that men must be engaged in this conversation in order to be effective at preventing violence and changing deep-seated patriarchal attitudes, the place of male voices in this ongoing conversation is hotly in question. This article analyzes an unusual and controversial project by Thordis Elva and Tom Stranger, who, 20 years after Stranger raped Elva, produced a TED talk (2016) watched by over 3 million people, and a jointly written book, South of Forgiveness (Elva and Stranger, 2017), detailing their story of forgiveness and redemption. The first part of this article situates this unprecedented victim-rapist enterprise within the history of feminist anti-rape politics and men’s involvement in that politics, arguing that this project both instantiates, and critiques, an appeal to the ‘good man’. The second part analyzes the book South of Forgiveness as a survivor story that is more complex than the highly reductive format of a TED talk allows, and shows how its uneasy fit within the putative frameworks of ‘restorative’ or informal justice (as Elva and others claim it to be) is a function of the unacknowledged dimension to the performance in the form of revenge. The third part of the article turns to Elva’s and Stranger’s public performances that began with the TED talk and book tour, which we attended, to show how this function of revenge played out theatrically and implicates the spectator as bystander and witness. We conclude by reflecting upon the implications of listening to male perpetrators speak against sexual violence against women and our responsibility towards these questions as feminist legal academics.
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Mwapangidza, Solomon. "A NATION BECOMING? MEDIATING POST-APARTHEID IDENTITIES IN ANTJIE KROG’S COUNTRY OF MY SKULL." Imbizo 6, no. 1 (June 21, 2017): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2078-9785/2782.
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 In this paper I use postmodernism to explore Antjie Krog’s engagement with post-Apartheid identities in Country of My Skull. These identities, often complex and multiple, are mediated in the process of nation-building. I take the exercise of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as metonymy for the nation-building project, and I argue that Krog quite deliberately chose an ambiguous and complex genre to represent equally ambiguous and complex identities. One of the salient features of postmodernism is its anti-systemic, anti-form impulse, and the form that Krog uses refuses to be conscripted into any single conventional form. Dominated by testimonies of victims and perpetrators of apartheid violence, the form also bears aspects of autobiography, novel, poetry and journalistic snippets interlaced with quotes from psychoanalysts and philosophers. From time to time, anecdotes, fairytales, myths and legends are interpolated into the narrative to remind the reader of the porous borders between fiction and reality.
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Jennifer, Dawn, and Julie Shaughnessy. "Promoting non–violence in schools: The role of cultural, organisational and managerial factors." Educational and Child Psychology 22, no. 3 (2005): 58–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.53841/bpsecp.2005.22.3.58.
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While schools are increasingly being asked to address issues of violence, certain cultural, organisational and managerial factors can obstruct violence prevention, reinforcing a culture in which violent attitudes impede the development of a safe learning environment. The focus of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of an intervention strategy designed to support schools and young people in promoting nonviolence. The longitudinal study (one year) built on the UK-001 CONNECT project funded by the European Union within whichCheckpointswas selected for evaluation as part of ongoing work relating to violence in schools. The research design used a test/retest design involving baseline measures and qualitative case study data, including semi-structured interviews, diaries, observations and documentary evidence. Twelve schools were selected to participate based upon their previous involvement with work on anti-bullying. Three of the final seven study schools experienced a significant decrease in overt bullying and aggressive behaviour. These results are discussed in the light of the qualitative findings which highlighted three organisational models that illustrate the process of a school’s readiness to implement an intervention. The models describe the cultural, organisational and managerial factors that can either inhibit or facilitate the promotion of non-violence. At one end of the spectrum is the school that recognizes the negative consequences of not addressing the issues of bullying and violent behaviour and which is committed to the process of change; at the other is the school that is not yet sensitive to the bullying and violent behaviour experienced by their children and young people, and which experiences difficulty in articulating a clear way forward.
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Woodward, Mark. "ISLAM, ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM, AND THE BURMESE ROHINGYA CRISIS." Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman 15, no. 02 (November 24, 2020): 287–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.21274/epis.2020.15.02.287-314.
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This article discusses the world’s most oppressed people, the Muslim Rohingya of Burma (Myanmar) through the lens of “state symbologies and critical juncture”. It further argues the amalgamation of Burmese-Buddhist ethno-nationalism and anti-Muslim hate speech have become elements of Burma’s state symbology and components. Colonialism established conditions in which ethno-religious conflict could develop through policies that destroyed the civic religious pluralism characteristic of pre-colonial states. Burmese Buddhist ethno-religious nationalism is responsible for a series of communal conflicts and state repression because it did not recognize Muslims and other minorities as full and equal participants in the post-colonial national project. Therefore, the cycles of violence and the complexities of inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations indicate that Burmese political culture has become increasingly violent and genocidal.
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SAJED, ALINA. "The post always rings twice? The Algerian War, poststructuralism and the postcolonial in IR theory." Review of International Studies 38, no. 1 (January 27, 2011): 141–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510001567.
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AbstractThis article makes the case for rethinking the relation between poststructuralism and postcolonialism, by building on the claims advanced by Robert Young, Azzedine Haddour and Pal Ahluwalia that the history of deconstruction coincides with the collapse of the French colonial system in Algeria, and with the violent anti-colonial struggle that ensued. I choose to examine narratives of theorists such as Derrida, Lyotard, and Cixous because not only they provide the link between colonial violence, the poststructuralist project that ensued, and postcolonialism, but also because the problems I identify with their projects are replicated by much poststructuralist work in International Relations (IR). I signal that one of the most significant consequences of conducting poststructuralist research without attention to postcolonial horizons lies in the idealisation of the marginalised, the oppressed or the native without attending to the complexity of her position, voice or agency. Bringing these theories together aims to highlight the need for a dialogue, within IR, between poststructuralism's desire to disrupt the disciplinarity of the field, and postcolonialism's potential to transcend the self-referential frame of IR by introducing perspectives, (hi)stories, and voices from elsewhere.
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Albernaz, Elizabete, and Lenin Pires. "“Places you shouldn't go to”: (Im)mobility, violence and democracy in Brazil and South Africa." Oñati Socio-Legal Series 11, no. 6 (December 1, 2021): 1365–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1221.
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Pursuing the broader political effects of the relationship between violence, mobility, and inequality, the article describes some of the grounded political-economies (re)producing social inequalities in Brazil and South Africa, and a discontinuous experience of the urban space. This fragmented spatial experience is produced by the simultaneous operation of a discursive apparatus projecting a split ideal of “city”, and grounded social mechanics, in the intersection of values and power relations. In Johannesburg, South Africa, we’ve described the creation of Maboneng, a “urban development project”, to highlight the role of social mobility and growing class aspirations as powerful political vehicles for neoliberal markets reissuing old apartheid socio-spatial divisions. In Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, we’ve explored the relationship between the State and its margins to understand the production of the milícia as a violent anti-modern capitalist venture, aiming to control the circulation of people, capital and political support in the city.
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Arteaga-Cruz, Erika, Baijayanta Mukhopadhyay, Sarah Shannon, Amulya Nidhi, and Todd Jailer. "Connecting the right to health and anti-extractivism globally." Saúde em Debate 44, spe1 (2020): 100–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-11042020s108.
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ABSTRACT Natural resources are essential to health and are global commons. Recognizing the devastating damage posed by extraction to health and the environment, as well as the erosion of the sovereignty of our governments that have increasingly conceded people’s health in the interest of profit and development, is important in framing our resistance. Our communities experience growing displacement, the loss of social services, of land, water and livelihood, heightened militarization, violence and repression, and increased incidence of communicable diseases and health problems resulting from exposure to toxics. All of these are linked to an extractivist project driven by global financial capital promoting an unsustainable and inequitable development model that threatens people’s health and the health of the planet. Is it compatible with the right to health to finance national health systems with revenues of activities that intrinsically destroy life? The essay portrays the inconsistency of development policies that fund health/right to health with extractivism and depicts examples of resistance to extractive industries tied to the People’s Health Movement (Canada,Turkey, India and Ecuador) in different types of governments. The need to strengthen the link between the right to health struggles and anti-extractive resistance is highlighted.
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McDowell, Meghan G. "Insurgent safety: Theorizing alternatives to state protection." Theoretical Criminology 23, no. 1 (June 20, 2017): 43–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480617713984.
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In the United States, public safety is embraced as an unquestioned social good. Broadly speaking, the criminal justice system is tasked with administering and maintaining public safety through the use of law enforcement, the courts, and prisons. First, through a focus on racialized police violence, this article develops a critique of the dominant model of public safety practiced in the United States—identified herein as ‘carceral safety’. Second, through an analysis of findings from the (Re)imagining Public Safety Project (RPSP), this article seeks to sketch out an alternative model and practice of safety that does not rely on banishment, policing, or mass criminalization. In contradistinction to the forms of state protection exercised under the seemingly innocuous rhetoric of ‘public safety’, RPSP participants conceptualized what I am calling ‘insurgent safety’: locally determined, anti-capitalist practices and ethics for reducing, and responding to harm.
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Lin, Lee Kuo, Yu Ru Zhou, and Jia Wei Lin. "The Construction Protest Management Study with NIMBY Conflict." Applied Mechanics and Materials 479-480 (December 2013): 1128–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.479-480.1128.
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Conflicts often occur with public facility construction. In sociology terms, the factor caused opposite opinions and flights from neighborhood people called NIMBY (Not In My Back Yard) phenomenon. Although NIMBY has been mentioned and discussed in lots of related researches, but there is no particular one to focus on making NIMBY phenomenon into quantization based on construction job-site interface. In this study, the Wastewater Sewer System construction project has been taken as a real case to find main factors caused NIMBY phenomenon and then makes the affiliated NIMBY phenomenon into quantization. The Wastewater Sewer System construction project is taken as the demonstration case due to wastewater facility belong to low accepting and high NIMBY within all public construction projects. In this study, the questionnaire and consulting survey are made to investigate the professional opinions of experts of sewer system facility and NIMBY response of citizens. The questionnaire is designed by fuzzy linguistic scale and quantized by Fuzzy Delphi Method. Then mainly factors caused NIMBY phenomenon and corresponding improvement measures are derived by the result of questionnaires and anti-NIMBY self-check list which can be established and used in daily process at construction job-site. This research develops NIMBY curves to estimate the NIMBY affection of citizens under the unsure circumstance of noise, air and water pollution with sewer system construction. Also the fuzzy rule base can be discovered by predicting NIMBY affection under the various violence of noise, air and water pollution in Fuzzy Inference Method. The anti-NIMBY self-check list for sewer system construction developed by this study can be used for examining the factor caused NIMBY and finding corresponding improvement measures in pre-construction period and construction period for managing workers at construction field. During construction period, the NIMBY Conflict Index system calculated from fuzzy rule based on NIMBY affection can be executed persistently to control NIMBY affection to avoid NIMBY conflict events happened.
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Vikram, Anuradha. "Spectres of orientalism: Patty Chang and Chinese American art in the pandemic." Journal of Contemporary Chinese Art 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2022): 353–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jcca_00071_1.
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This article addresses the work of Chinese American interdisciplinary artist Patty Chang over a 25-year period that begins with her groundbreaking short form videos in the 1990s, and considers transitional works in the mid-2000s that led the artist to create two major bodies of work connecting identity issues with climate change since 2009. I discuss Chang’s influence on subsequent generations of Chinese American and Asian American artists, her prescient use of online aesthetics and her complex engagement with the political, social and ecological realities of mainland China and neighbouring Uzbekistan. After contextualizing Chang’s influence through the lens of her inclusion in the group exhibition Wonderland with nine other Chinese Diasporic artists, I consider the impact of COVID-19 and anti-Asian violence in the United States and globally on the direction of Chang’s work and discuss the experience of curating her recent project during the pandemic shutdown.
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Pugliese, Erica, Angelo Maria Saliani, Oriana Mosca, Fridanna Maricchiolo, and Francesco Mancini. "When the War Is in Your Room: A Cognitive Model of Pathological Affective Dependence (PAD) and Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)." Sustainability 15, no. 2 (January 13, 2023): 1624. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15021624.
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In the last decade, Pathological Affective Dependence (PAD)—as a risk factor for Intimate Partner Violence (IPV)—has undergone considerable attention among clinical and social psychologists. However, the psychological nature of PAD has been described in discordant terms throughout the literature. We try to give a clear definition of the construct (1), theorize a first cognitive model of PAD (2), and describe the prototypical characteristics of a pathological affective dependent (in terms of goals, anti-goals, and dysfunctional self-other beliefs) based on goal-oriented theories (3). We finally present (4) the resulting specific TADs (typical affective dependent) profiles (Saver, Unworthy, Traumatic, and Mixed). We believe that our manuscript on the PAD makes a significant contribution to achieve the fifth UN Sustainable Development Goal aimed at eliminating “all forms of violence against all women”: in fact, understanding the psychological risk factors of IPV as PAD is an essential protective factor for designing effective prevention social strategies against IPV. Moreover, this work contributes to achieving one of the “outcome targets” of the sixteenth UN Sustainable Development Goal. It is dedicated to the promotion of “peaceful and inclusive societies”, through the reduction of all forms of violence and the protection of children from abuse. Indeed, IPV strongly affects (physical and mental) health and social sustainability of well-being. However, empirical studies on this topic are limited and there is a lack of a theoretical model of PAD. This work represents a theoretical starting point for a broader project aimed at building a cognitive-behavioral protocol and social interventions for the reduction of negative consequences on IPV victims.
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Klapprodt, Hannah. "Summer Camps and Civil War." Cornell Internation Affairs Review 12, no. 2 (May 1, 2019): 44–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.37513/ciar.v12i2.514.
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This project investigates the rise of the Yemeni insurgent group, AnsarAllah (commonly known as the Huthis), from its conception in the summer camps of the Zaidi Believing Youth movement to its successful rebellion against the internationally-backed Yemeni government in September 2014. The Huthi movement gained a large following by protesting government corruption, injustice, and Saudi and American activity in Yemen. A constructivist analysis of these grievances reveals flaws in the Yemeni nation-state building process as nationalist narratives were created in opposition to Zaidism—the second most practiced branch of Islam in Yemen and a defining element of Huthi identity. Under the guise of “transitional democracy,” the Yemeni state developed as a pluralist authoritarian regime that marginalized Zaidi communities. Anti-Zaidi discourse created exclusionary categories of Yemeni identity, which were intensified by a series of hostile interactions between the state and Huthi leaders. In 2004, the state rationalized violence against the Huthis by framing them as a “national security threat” and an Iranian proxy. These discourses mobilized additional domestic and international actors against the Huthis and catalyzed a series of complex conflicts that eventually culminated in the current civil war. Overall, the Huthis’ journey from summer camps to militancy was driven by marginalization in the new Yemeni nation-state, perceived threats from Saudi Arabia and the United States, and the explosion of state violence against their dissidence.
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Sweet, Paige L. "Who Knows? Reflexivity in Feminist Standpoint Theory and Bourdieu." Gender & Society 34, no. 6 (November 11, 2020): 922–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0891243220966600.
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Though the invocation to be “reflexive” is widespread in feminist sociology, many questions remain about what it means to “turn back” and resituate our work—about how to engage with research subjects’ visions of the world and with our own theoretical models. Rather than a superficial rehearsal of researcher and interlocutor standpoints, I argue that “reflexivity” should help researchers theorize the social world in relational ways. To make this claim, I draw together the insights of feminist standpoint theory and Bourdieu’s reflexive sociology to lay the foundation for a renewed reflexive project that centers epistemic privilege, the idea that positions of structural exclusion provide the best resources for theorizing social power. Reflexive sociology should consider interlocutors’ experiences of exclusion and contradiction, engaging with sites of alternative knowledge and incorporating them into the object of study. This type of reflexivity provides improved resources for relational theory building. I offer support for these theoretical arguments with a historical analysis of knowledge production in the feminist anti-violence movement.
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Keiling, Tobias. "Heidegger’s Black Notebooks and the Logic of a History of Being." Research in Phenomenology 47, no. 3 (September 6, 2017): 406–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341377.
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Abstract Interpretations of the so-called Black Notebooks have emphasized the interaction between Heidegger’s philosophy, particularly his notion of a “history of being” (Seinsgeschichte), on the one hand, and his affiliation with National Socialism and his anti-Semitic views on the other. The paper proposes to understand this interaction as in part determined by the inherent logic of Heidegger’s ontological reasoning: Heidegger takes power (Macht), violence (Gewalt) and brutality (Brutalität) as the key for understanding his present day and turns to these phenomena as confirmation of the ontology he envisages at the time. But the notes published so far, ranging from 1931 to 1948 (Gesamtausgabe vols. 94–97), document Heidegger’s incapacity to assign to the events of these years a plausible position in his ontology. This failure deepens a trauma both personal and philosophical. Rather than reject the notion of a history of being altogether, I propose an alternative understanding of its logic motivated by Heidegger’s failure to bring his ontological project to the anticipated completion.
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Dibaranjan Mondal. "Re-reading Tagore’s The Home and the World: A Study of Contesting Modernities." Creative Launcher 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2021): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2021.6.3.07.
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The present paper attempts to focus the model of contesting modernities dealing with conceptual problems rather than the importance of logic and science. The Home and the World (1916), written by Rabindanath Tagore, a fictional autobiographical novel can be read as the model of contesting modernities. In the research article, it is an attempt to explore the textual responses to contesting forms of modernity in abstract ideas about the issues of nation and gender in the context of Swadeshi Bengal in the early decades of twentieth century. After re-reading the text, it can be applied to the larger question of formation of nation and true nationalist and liberty of women. The novel grows out of the anti-partition Swadeshi movement, the issues of the home and the world, the tradition and the modern approach of life. The novel focuses the battle of ideas between western culture and revolution against the western culture in colonial period. Two protagonists of the novel such as Nikhilesh and Sandip in the novel represents two kinds of ideas in the light of the spirit of the Modern age as revealed in Sabuj Patra. From their ideas reveal two types of nationalists’ project. Nationalism always can be viewed as a process of cultural invention. Nikhilesh is a logical man and supports for non-violence. He likes true mental freedom that can be achieved by the projects of nationalism full of humanism. At the other hand, Sandip prefers to aggressive political freedom and power after grabbing over other nations and national resources. Bimala, third protagonist, is ultimately disillusioned to the nationalist project of Sandip about the emancipation of gender. So Modernity, the recreated form of culture can be viewed with humanistic features such as love, co-operation, sympathy, sacrifice etc.
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DeMarco, Jeffrey, Yael llan-Clarke, Amanda Bunn, Tom Isaac, John Criddle, Gillian Holdsworth, and Antonia Bifulco. "Improving mental health and lifestyle outcomes in a hospital emergency department based youth violence intervention." Journal of Public Mental Health 15, no. 3 (September 19, 2016): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpmh-07-2015-0031.
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Purpose Current government policy aims to tackle youth anti-social behaviour and its psychological and social impacts. Given an increased likelihood that young victims of crime are also likely to engage in aggressive or deviant behaviour and to have psychological and social difficulties, interventions are needed which access vulnerable youth with adverse lifestyles to increase well-being and reduce offending. The current project utilised a hospital emergency department (ED) as an appropriate location to identify and interact with youth victims of violent crime; to support key lifestyle risk and mental health difficulties; and build resilience. The purpose of this paper is to use a youth work paradigm, to target vulnerable youth in a health setting at a crisis point where intervention may have a higher chance of uptake. Design/methodology/approach The study applied a quasi-experimental, longitudinal design. Using the strengths and difficulties questionnaire and the “What Do You Think” component of the ASSET risk assessment, data were collected from 120 youth aged 12-20, at baseline with 66 youth who successfully completed the programme with assessments at baseline and follow-up, at an average of 14 weeks. Findings There was significant reduction in both psychological problems and lifestyle risk at follow-up. Research limitations/implications These findings support the government initiative to intervene in youth violence in healthcare settings. Challenges revolve around increasing participation and greater formalisation of the intervention. Originality/value The youth work led violence intervention in the ED is successfully tackling psychological problems and lifestyle risk following injury.
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Lavaert, Sonja. "Adriaan Koerbagh, “An Excellent Mathematician but a Wicked Fellow”." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 2-3 (September 3, 2020): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-10002006.
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Abstract In the spirit of the new naturalism, Adriaan Koerbagh defends in Een Ligt schijnende in duystere plaatsen (1668) the freedom to philosophize with a fundamental critique of religion and metaphysics. He links this criticism to the politically radical, anti-hierarchical idea of universal equality and freedom. Moreover, by writing in Dutch, he addresses a broad audience with this explosive mixture of ideas. At the very center of his naturalism is the idea of an indifferent God or nature. He criticizes, unmasks, and translates improper language that is aimed at deception and oppression, and leads to violence. His loanword dictionary Een Bloemhof van allerley lieflijkheyd sonder verdriet (1668) can be seen as the preparatory handwork to this critical project. Koerbagh thereby places himself in the line of the clandestine freethinkers such as Vanini, the anonymous authors of Theophrastus redivivus and De jure ecclesiasticorum, Spinoza, and the clandestine text written ‘in the spirit of Spinoza,’ Traité des trois imposteurs. I will illustrate this genealogical line and thus illuminate the significance of this (politically) subversive thinker for the radical Enlightenment.
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Kalmanovitz, Pablo. "From Reprisals to Criminal Accountability: State Bias and the Prospects of Limiting War Through Law." European Review of International Studies 7, no. 2-3 (December 17, 2020): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21967415-bja10026.
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Abstract Over the past 25 years, criminal prosecutions for war crimes have become a central element in the long-standing project of governing hostilities in international law. According to many, the threat of criminal prosecutions can be a general deterrent against violations of the laws of war, and can contribute more broadly to the diffusion and domestic appropriation of humanitarian norms. This article discusses some unintended effects of this “anti-impunity turn” in the laws of war in the context of non-international armed conflicts. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the fact that states typically have a monopoly over the means of legitimate criminal investigation for alleged crimes committed in their territory. Far from operating on a level playing field, criminal investigations in war contexts must be undertaken under institutional conditions that tend to favor state agents over non-state opposition groups. The article spells out some implications of this form of state bias and argues that it can contribute to exacerbate conflict and prolong violence in war.
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Thomas, Deborah A. "Can Black Lives Matter in a Black Country?" Social Text 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01642472-9771035.
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Abstract This essay probes the project of security (defined as the protection of whiteness, class hierarchy, and heteropatriarchy) in relation to the desire for safety (glossed as “having somebody”). In probing this relation within a context in which police violence and extrajudicial killing are not typically seen as part of the global phenomenon of anti-Black racism, it seeks to contribute to a conversation in which raciality is not tethered to physicality, but instead is grounded in both historical-ideological and onto-epistemological phenomena that produce whiteness as the apex of humanity in the modern West. The essay explores the relation between security and safety through the rubric of diaspora in two senses—first as a phenomenon of Western modernity via plantation-based New World slavery, which catalyzed the development of enduring categories of (non)personhood and their elaboration into hierarchies of humanity; and second as a phenomenon of migration and the constitution of transnational sociocultural spheres. Diaspora, thus, generates forms of pan-Africanism and Black consciousness as much as it produces agendas related to transnational governance and global security infrastructures. The essay argues that to more complexly understand security from the South, these two notions of diaspora must be held in productive tension. In this way, security is revealed as a racializing project grounded in coloniality, even within majority Black spaces. The essay concludes by illuminating other terrains on which to build accountability and safety.
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Katsouraki, Eve. "Violating Failures: Rosa Luxemburg'sSpartacusManifesto and Dada Berlin Anti-manifestation." Somatechnics 3, no. 1 (March 2013): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2013.0078.
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Some of the greatest Marxist historical accounts of revolutionary events are the accounts of great failures. One needs only mention the German Peasants' War, the Jacobins in the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, the October Revolution, the Chinese Cultural Revolution while numerous others lurk behind many of the battles of the proletariat throughout the twentieth century. In the most radical political engagement, such as the Cultural Revolution for Badiou, or the Nazi Revolution for Heidegger, failure also signals the end of the traditional mode of political engagement as such. But what is failure precisely? And what our confrontation with such failures really means for revolutionary politics and anarchist artistic movements of the early twentieth century such as Dada Berlin? The aim of this articleis thus toexamine failure's capacity to act as a mode of (political) resistance firmly rooted in revolutionary politics and radical anarchist cultural projects. As I argue, failure's radical properties are found in acts of ‘determinate negation'which exhibit a profound anti-conformist ideology that aims to shatter conventional standards of hegemonic value and seek to reshape and loosen the boundaries that determine lived experience in a socio-political and artistic level. To follow through this hypothesis, I explore the embodied activity of the ‘agonal’ embedded in the manifesto in relation to the failed revolution of SpartacusUprise in Berlin of 1919 and the aesthetic attitude of ‘anti-manifestation'exhibited by the deeply politicised, andintimately aliened to the Spartacus agitational project, cultural movement of Dada Berlin. In this context, failure, I argue, is appropriated into a function of doing of the ‘negative’ –anegative poiesis, whose violent tension,already embedded in the performativity of the genre of the manifesto that seeks to subject to the real the foundational force of a future to come,marks artistic praxis onto the political moment with such a creative vigour as if in violently seeking the arrival of the new world and its making.And by looking at Badiou's theories on the four modes of subjectivities, Zizek's reflections on the formation of Badiou's Event, in relation of Heidegger's ontological violence found in the essencing ability of language and of Luxemburg's political philosophy, failure reveals a truly ‘miraculous’ proposition that is other than acceptance of defeat but the call for fidelity, ‘the work of love,’ which resides at the heart of every such violating failure.
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Boer, Roland, and Ibrahim Abraham. "The antinomies of Christian Zionism." Sociologija 49, no. 3 (2007): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc0703193b.
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Defining Christian Zionism as conservative Christian support for the state of Israel, and an influential political force, especially in the United States, this article outlines four antinomies of such a position. Firstly, although Christian Zionism argues that it is purely theological, that it follows God?s will irrespective of any politics, and although mainstream Zionism is resolutely political, we argue that such a separation is impossible. Indeed, mainstream Zionism cannot avoid being influenced by Christian Zionism?s political agenda. Secondly, despite the efforts by mainstream Zionism to use Christian Zionism in order to influence US foreign policy in the Middle East, mainstream Zionism is playing with fire, since Christian Zionists wish to convert or annihilate all Jews. Thirdly, Christian Zionism is the ultimate version of anti-Semitism, for it wishes to get rid of Arabs (as hindrances to the Zionist project) and then dispense with Jews. (Both Arabs and Jews are by definition Semites.) Finally, since Christian Zionists are fundamentalist Christians, they must take the Old and New Testaments at their word. However, this position is impossible to hold, and in order to resolve the tension they must resort to the violence of the final conflict, Armageddon.
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Burlingham, Kate. "Praying for Justice: The World Council of Churches and the Program to Combat Racism." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 66–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00856.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, individuals around the world, particularly those in newly decolonized African countries, called on churches, both Protestant and Catholic, to rethink their mission and the role of Christianity in the world. This article explores these years and how they played out in Angola. A main forum for global discussion was the World Council of Churches (WCC), an ecumenical society founded alongside the United Nations after World War II. In 1968 the WCC devised a Program to Combat Racism (PCR), with a particular focus on southern Africa. The PCR's approach to combating racism proved controversial. The WCC began supporting anti-colonial organizations against white minority regimes, even though many of these organizations relied on violence. Far from disavowing violent groups, the PCR's architects explicitly argued that, at times, violent action was justified. Much of the PCR funding went to Angolan revolutionary groups and to individuals who had been educated in U.S. and Canadian foreign missions. The article situates global conversations within local debates between missionaries and Angolans about the role of the missions in the colonial project and the future of the church in Africa.
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Bražiūnas, Mantas. "The Darkest Page in the History of Lithuanian Journalism: anti-Semitism in Legal Press During the Second Half of 1941." Žurnalistikos Tyrimai 10 (May 22, 2017): 110–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/zt/jr.2016.10.10699.
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There is a saying of warfare: inter arma silent musae – when arms speak, muses are silent. And yet some Lithuanian journalists had found their inspiration even in 1941 – when Lithuania was at the epicenter of war and the Holocaust. Later on, this period will be defined as the darkest page in the history of Lithuanian journalism,1 because the genocide of the Jews had been accompanied by an outbreak (on a scale previously unseen) of anti-Semitism in Lithuanian press. It is a well-known but little-studied case. Moreover, usually anti-Semitism within the press was interpreted only as an integral part of the Nazi propaganda in Lithuania. It is not surprising, since this already mythical concept appears as a “phantom,” most often when someone wishes to employ easily understandable arguments for justification or explanation. Political activists sought to restore the independence of Lithuania in the summer of 1941. It was the main reason why they also rebuilt press organizations in the country. Initially, it was certainly not a Nazi propaganda project. Therefore, the same Lithuanian activists could be held responsible for the escalation of hate aimed at Jews as much as the Germans. On the other hand, Lithuanian anti-Semitism can be seen in many ways: as a form of revenge, a collaboration strategy or an uncritical adoption of totalitarian Nazi rhetoric, finally, as an integral part of Lithuanian nationalism or National Socialism – a pragmatic ideology used to achieve political goals. So, this essay revolves around two main questions: who and why published the anti-Semitic writings within Lithuanian press in 1941? Study findings are based on a combination of primary sources and secondary literature. This study was also supplemented by an analysis of hundreds of anti- Semitic articles (their headlines and content) published June 24-December 31, 1941. The purpose of this analysis is to characterize the discourse of anti-Semitism in Lithuanian press. Our study seeks to identify the authors of these publications and their sources, determine the most common topics and genres, as well as to see whether there was a proposition (direct or indirect) to prosecute and use physical violence or even murder Jewish individuals.
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Gan-Krzywoszyńska, Katarzyna, and Piotr Leśniewski. "The Culture of Memory: The Approach of Reyes Mate." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 246–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2014.2.16.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is to present Reyes Mate’s project for a culture of memory. Western culture/tradition tends to erase and blur the traces of crimes (even genocides) in order to achieve/restore peace; however, at the same time, this leads to ignoring the victim’s suffering and, in consequence, helps the wrongdoer. Following Reyes Mate, we argue that a memory of past injustices must constitute an integral part of the present and is the only means to prevent the hermeneutic death of victims. Any project for justice must put victims at the center of reflection. Memory is the beginning of the process that leads to reconciliation, for it makes it possible to redress both the victim and society. Moreover, it enables us to reclaim both the victim and wrongdoer as members of society. A culture of memory would also be a response to the failure of knowledge. Cases of extreme violence elude and transcend cognition; they are not only unthought but also unthinkable. Therefore, memory is a consequence not of discovering but of revealing the past: it follows from the fact that unthought exists and the unthinkable happened, which proves that our knowledge is limited and that we are able [and eager] to “invisibilize” victims’ suffering and depriving injustices of meaning. This is why memory should be the starting point for reflection on a new philosophical program against lassitude and oblivion, as well as on idealistic/anti-realistic and Enlightenment ideas. Memory reveals hidden aspects/dimensions of our reality and becomes at the same time an epistemic imperative and fundamental philosophical category.
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LEE, Seok-Won. "Shimizu Ikutarō and the Precarious Coexistence of Progressivism and Conservatism." Social Science Japan Journal 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyab021.
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Abstract Shimizu Ikutarō (1907–1988) is one of the most controversial postwar Japanese intellectuals. His transition from the icon of the Anpo protests to an advocate of a nuclear Japan has been considered an intellectual conversion (tenkō). Instead of revisiting the notion of conversion, this study shows that his wartime thoughts—bottom-up nationalism in particular—continued to influence Shimizu’s postwar writings and activism on both conservative and liberal sides. Shimizu delineated his historical concept of how ordinary people in Meiji and Taisho Japan had contributed to the development of a modern society and called for the construction of a new system. Endorsing Japan’s wartime efforts, Shimizu strove to center nationalist energies by ordinary Japanese on his concept of a new Japan. However, Shimizu’s adherence to bottom-up movements in wartime and postwar Japan reflects his problematic interpretation of Japanese history. Neglecting Japan’s nationalistic path to colonial violence, his writings on the society and culture of wartime and postwar Japan affirm grass-root nationalism as Japan’s key to modern development. This line of thinking was later associated with anti-American nationalist movements in the 1950s. His notion of civil society movements soon encountered a highly nationalistic project of a nuclear Japan in the 1970s.
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Dhawan, Nikita. "Can Non‐Europeans Philosophize? Transnational Literacy and Planetary Ethics in a Global Age." Hypatia 32, no. 3 (2017): 488–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12333.
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Defenders of the Enlightenment highlight the long neglected anticolonial writings of thinkers like Immanuel Kant, which serve as a corrective to the misrepresentation of the Enlightenment's epistemological investment in imperialism. One of the most pervasive repercussions of the claim that the Enlightenment was always already anti‐imperial is that postcolonial critique is rendered redundant, and the project of decolonizing European philosophy becomes unnecessary. Contesting the exoneration of Enlightenment philosophers of racism and sexism, this article debunks the claim that Kantian cosmopolitanism was an antidote to colonialism. Addressing the ambivalent legacies of the European Enlightenment for the postcolonial world, with special focus on the “Syrian refugee crisis,” the article examines the enduring normative violence exerted by Enlightenment principles of cosmopolitanism and outlines the contested terrains that inflect current geopolitics of knowledge‐production. Given that the normative idea of philosophy, as defined during the Enlightenment, continues to delegitimize non‐European perspectives, the integration of previously marginalized knowledges into the philosophical canon is insufficient; rather, in order to desubalternize non‐Western epistemologies, it is imperative to undo the uneven distribution of epistemic agency globally. Drawing on Gayatri Spivak's ideas of transnational literacy and planetary ethics, the article concludes by underscoring the contribution of postcolonial‐feminist critique in imagining postimperial philosophy in a global age.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Conservative-Clerical Utopia in Mexico: the Synarquista Movement." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017600-9.
Full textAbstract:
The radical revolution 1910—1917 in Mexico, gave rise to a powerful conservative movement, supported by the masses in regions where revolutionary changes had conflicting results, contributing to the formation of a kind of Mexican “Vendée”. Such a region was the center of the country — Bajio, which became the scene of sharp clashes in the 1920s, which resulted in the civil war of the cristeros, who raised their arms after the adoption of anti-church legislation. After the defeat of the cristeros, the leadership in confronting the revolutionary government shifted to the Synarchist movement, which rejected violence as a form of political struggle. Synarchism in the 1930s — 1940s turned into the most influential and massive political force of the opposition, representing integralist Catholicism, hispanism, traditionalism in ideology and a combination of totalitarian practices with the rejection of the struggle for power. The movement declared itself a “crusade” against world Jewry, liberalism and communism, felt itself a messianic asceticism. It was able to mobilize, under millenarian slogans, the masses of the peasant and urban population of Mexico. The Synarchists embarked on their utopian social project for a truly Catholic society through the creation of the colony “María Auxiliadora” in Baja California. More than a thousand Synarchists took part in this venture. The collapse of this project and changes in the political situation in the country at the end of the 1940s led to the decline of the movement, and then its ban by the authorities. This work is devoted to the analysis of the ideology and political practice of Synarchismo, which occupied an important place in the history of the conservative popular movement in Latin America, and in Mexico in particular, in the 20th century.