Academic literature on the topic 'Anti-Violence Project'

Kids Win was funded by SAMHSA (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration) for Cabell, Mason and Wayne Counties in West Virginia. The goal of the project was to develop anti-violence coalitions in the three counties and to develop a strategic plan for a pilot program combating youth violence. The pilot program was designed to use the Second Step and Hazelden Anti-Bullying curricula at the three middle schools. Evaluation methods included a survey of teachers, a survey of students, and a comparison of results of a state mandated school discipline report. All three data sources support the conclusion that violence was reduced significantly because of the Kids Win Program. Kids Win has demonstrated what can be accomplished by teaching students the behavioral skills needed to resolve problems without escalating violence. This program merits replication and expansion and can serve as a model for other programs.

As ally movements become an increasingly prevalent element of social justice efforts, research is needed that illuminates effective strategies to initially engage members of privileged social groups in anti-oppression work. This study presents descriptive findings regarding ally engagement strategies and barriers from a qualitative study of a particular ally movement – male anti-violence against women activism. Twenty-seven men who recently initiated involvement in an organization or event dedicated to ending sexual or domestic violence were interviewed regarding their perceptions of effective approaches to reaching and engaging other men in anti-violence work. Participants viewed tailored engagement strategies that tap into existing social networks, that allow men to see themselves reflected in anti-violence movements, and that help men make personal, emotional connections to the issue of violence as most effective. Implications for engaging men in the project of ending violence against women, and for ally movements more generally are discussed.

This article examines the racial politics of Mad Studies in Canada through a metaphor of spatiality, underscoring the urgency of an antiracist Mad Studies paradigm. Drawing on critical race scholarship which situates “madness” as reliant on and informed by white supremacist and colonial logics of rationality and reason (Bruce 2017), I foreground claims made by critical race scholars of racialized madness as contingent on and informed by histories of slavery, genocide, and everyday realities of racism and racial violence which an anti-racist Mad Studies project must contend with. By locating the racialization of Mad Studies within a metaphor of spatiality, I heuristically problematize the “space” available for racialized subjects to re/claim madness within contemporary Mad Studies paradigms. I conclude that in failing to rigorously unpack the relations of race which undergird understandings of madness, and to challenge the presence of white supremacy in the Mad Studies discipline, scholars potentially perpetuate a colonial project of “othering” and consequentially maintain the systems of psychiatric violence they seek to undo. Centralizing race in Mad Studies exposes the workings of white supremacy in logics of violence against Mad people more broadly and is thus necessary to an anti-racist and anti- oppressive Mad Studies project.

This article introduces an evolving project of visual mapping initiated by Israeli photographers Miki Kratsman and Shabtai Pinchevsky under the title of Anti-Mapping. Placing this critical project in the context of the Israel/Palestine conflict, the article examines how Kratsman and Pinchevsky develop complex, strategic and critically sophisticated approaches to visualizing the conditions that produce victims of violence and that place Palestinian villages under threat of destruction. The article explores their strategic, technical and critical approaches to the difficulties of representing particular contested places in this geopolitical context.

An exploratory, community-based research project examined the paths of migration and mobility of Canadian Indigenous people who identify as Two-Spirit, lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and/or queer (LGBTQ). A total of 50 participants in Winnipeg, Manitoba and Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada were interviewed, many of them telling stories about the multiple layers of domestic violence, violence in communities, state and structural violence that they experienced. In order to better respond to relationship violence experienced by Indigenous Two-Spirit/LGBTQ people it is necessary to understand the specific and historical context of colonization in which relationship violence occurs. We further need to align our efforts to end relationship violence with broader anti-violence struggles.

This article argues that similarities between jihadism and far-right radicalism are increasing, particularly with regard to the spectacularisation of violence. Spectacularisation means representing and performing violence in the form of a show, for instance through live-streaming, with a renewed emphasis on captivating symbols and much less attention paid to the ideological foundations on which the radical project is supposed to rely. After the March 2019 shooting in Christchurch, New Zealand, the spectacularisation of racist, anti-Islamic and anti-Semitic violence increased, thus consolidating that event as a turning point in the evolution of the contemporary far right and the history of jihadism—which has far-right affinities. Lured by the performance of violence, the number of contemporary far-right sympathisers is steadily growing in a virtual environment that closely resembles that of jihadists, where patterns and mechanisms of online recruitment and grooming are proliferating.

In order to understand and resolve internal armed conflicts one must comprehend why and how people revolt, and under what conditions they brutalise i.e. increasingly resort to terrorism, banditry, brigandry, “gangsterism” and other forms of violence that violate contemporary local and/or present‑day international norms that I believe are, in the final analysis, all based on the principles of conscience, empathy and honour. Contemporary “global” or regional norms distinct from those of the rebelling community, and the norms of the regime community and/or colonial power, are also considered. My pessimistically formulated and thereby quite testable brutalisation theory combines theorising elements of disciplines ranging from cultural anthropology to military psychology, so as to better explain rebellions or any armed conflicts and their morally corrosive effects. The theory’s main variables are: violence‑values (my composite term) on proper and improper violence; conflict‑inducing motivations, in particular grievances, avarices, interests and ideologies, that bring about i.e. cause or trigger the conflict; combat‑stresses like fear, fatigue and rage resulting from or leading to traumas (and hypothetically to brutalities as well); and conflict‑induced motivations, in particular grievances, avarices, interest and ideologies, that happen by, through and during the conflict. The present paper is an exploratory introduction to an ambitious research project, succinctly titled “Brutalisation in Anti‑Imperial Revolts”, with advice and support from Professor Tomasz Polanski. The paper addresses the project’s relevance and its epistemological and methodological challenges. The project seeks to explain rebellion, banditry and other forms of violence that may or may not be inherently brutal. It seeks to ascertain the causes and degrees of any brutalisations i.e. increasing violations of norms during rebellions by peripheral, marginalised ethnic (indigenous) communities against their overlords in classical, medieval and “modern” (industrial) times. It introduces seven selected cases of “peripheral‑ethnic revolts” by indigenous communities – as (semi‑) state actors, non‑state actors or both (yet possessing at least residual ruling capabilities) – against Imperial powers across the ages, with a special focus on banditry, “brigandry” (brigandage), guerrilla and other forms of irregular warfare. The first stage of the research will analyse and compare the causes i.e. motivations and involved norms, sorts of violence and degrees of brutalisation in these seven cases.

This historical analysis research project traces the early history of the anti-rape movement within the US by examining one university’s development of a sexual violence resource center and the role of student activism. The time period between the 1970s through the 1990s was selected for this analysis due to the significant development of legislation, research, and activism surrounding sexual violence on college campuses. In order to conduct this historical analysis, primary sources from the university’s Archives Collection were studied that included administrative documents, memos, financial documents, program reports, newspaper clippings, and training and workshop materials. Secondary sources were included to provide context to the topic of sexual violence, research, feminism, and campus culture during this time period. Amidst the university’s varied response and debates that surrounded sexual violence, the students’ persistent advocacy had led to conflict resolution.

Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning (LGBTQ) persons experience partner and other violence at high levels requiring culturally competent interventions. Virginia Anti-Violence Project (VAVP)—a 501(c)(3) organization in Virginia (organized in 2006 and incorporated since 2008)—has a mission focusing on LGBTQ experiences of violence, and has collaborative bonds with organizations involved with sexual and partner violence, promoting LGBTQ community health and safety, and concerned with social inclusion and legal protection of LGBTQ individuals, families, and communities. VAVP’s programs have increased provider and community competency and capacity toward improving LGBTQ safety, health, and well-being. Findings from a statewide assessment of transgender Virginians, and other local research informs its programs, including advocacy, training, direct services, and its consulting platform, VAVP’s research, organizational development, and contextual issues may inform other programs in other jurisdictions, identification of critical research questions, and implementation of rigorous program evaluation models toward a shared purpose of preventing LGBTQ partner violence.

Although resistance to the incorporation of ‘gender’ in human rights law and policies is not new, since 2013 anti-gender campaigns have articulated as movements and increased their visibility. More recently, the transnational dimension of the anti-gender offensive has become visible as a challenge to human rights standards, including the anti-violence against women project, and a process of democratic erosion. In this column, I make a short overview of this social and political phenomenon and describe how these anti-gender campaigns have entered the human rights systems and their discourse has shifted from religious justifications towards legal ones. I conclude with general suggestions to strengthen the resilience of the human rights systems to these processes.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
A presente tese foi desenvolvida junto ao Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação da Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia, Universidade Estadual Paulista, encontra-se vinculada à linha de pesquisa “Processos Formativos, Diferenças e Valores” e contou com financiamento da Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado de São Paulo - FAPESP e da Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES com bolsa de "Doutorado Sanduíche no Exterior – PSDE". Teve como objetos de análise as ações de prevenção e contenção do bullying propostas por pesquisadores e pelas instâncias governamentais, no Brasil e na Espanha. Os objetivos do trabalho foram, além de investigar as propostas de prevenção e contenção para o bullying encontradas nesses países, analisá-las e investigar as proximidades e distanciamentos entre elas. Procurou-se refletir, também, sobre as possibilidades de adequação das proposições antibullying da Espanha ao Brasil. Constitui-se num estudo descritivo e exploratório de caráter qualitativo e teve como procedimentos metodológicos a pesquisa bibliográfica e a análise documental. A literatura analisada consistiu-se de teses, dissertações e artigos nos dois países (do Brasil: três teses, 17 dissertações e seis artigos; da Espanha: 21 artigos) e nela descrevemos e analisamos o desenvolvimento de estratégias antibullying de vários tipos e alcances. As sugestões da literatura brasileira são mais relacionadas à promoção de ações de informação, sensibilização e conscientização que incidem nas relações interpessoais de modo mais amplo, como fomentar a vida democrática, a cooperação, as relações de amizade e o apoio no ambiente escolar. Também se referem à criação de regras e à capacitação profissional. A ênfase da literatura espanhola se apresentou no desenvolvimento de ações que promovam aspectos como: a melhora das relações interpessoais, enfatizando os sistemas de apoio entre os alunos; o desenvolvimento emocional e a autoestima; o ensino de valores sociomorais, via desenvolvimento de habilidades sociais e desenvolvimento moral; a capacitação docente e das famílias. As estratégias governamentais brasileiras identificadas foram relacionadas à legislação antibullying aprovada em 19 estados e nenhuma em âmbito nacional e às ações desenvolvidas pelas Secretarias Estaduais de Educação, sendo que duas destas possuíam projeto antibullying específico, quatro tinham projeto de prevenção à violência escolar que incluía o bullying e em 17 destas encontramos ações isoladas; nenhuma ação do Ministério da Educação. As estratégias governamentais espanholas identificadas foram relacionadas às normativas que faziam menção à prevenção ou à contenção ao bullying aprovadas nas 17 Comunidades Autônomas e em nível estatal; iniciativas do Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; ações de prevenção e contenção ao bullying das Consejerías de Educación das 17 Comunidades Autônomas. Nos dois países, realizamos visitas em escolas (5 na Espanha e 2 no Brasil) que desenvolviam projetos antibullying. Consideramos que a Espanha tem percorrido um caminho maior que o Brasil, em termos de atenção ao bullying pelas políticas educacionais, promovendo o desenvolvimento de ações antibullying dentro de uma perspectiva de melhora da convivência, por meio de planos de atuação institucionalizados, apostando nos sistemas de apoio, como a ajuda e a mediação entre iguais. São poucas administrações educativas brasileiras - secretarias de educação - que têm projetos e que se baseiam na literatura científica para dar sugestões de ações para as escolas. Evidenciamos que as políticas públicas brasileiras precisam investir na formação inicial e continuada dos professores, além da institucionalização de espaços e tempos nas escolas para o planejamento, avaliação, execução e acompanhamento das ações antibullying.
This thesis was developed within the Post Graduation Program in Education of the Science and Technology College, Universidade Estadual Paulista, and it is connected to "Formative Processes, Differences and Values" research group. It was funding by the Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa no Estado de São Paulo - FAPESP and Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES with "Doutorado Sanduíche no Exterior – PSDE scholarship". The research analysis objects were the actions of prevention and containment of bullying in schools proposed by researchers and governmental agencies in Brazil and Spain. The objectives of this study were to investigate proposals for prevention and containment of bullying in those countries, and to analyze such proposals investigating proximities and distances between them. He tried also to think over the possibilities of adapting anti-bullying propositions from Spain to Brazil. This research constitutes a descriptive and exploratory qualitative study based on literature and document analysis as methodological procedures. The literature analyzed consisted of thesis, dissertations and articles in both countries (from Brazil: three thesis, seventeen dissertations and six articles; from Spain: twenty-two articles). Besides, it described and analyzed the development of anti-bullying strategies of various types and ranges. Brazilian literature suggestions are more related to the promotion of informative actions, awareness that focus on interpersonal relations such as promoting democratic life, cooperation, friendship and suport in the school environment. They also refer to the creation of rules and to professional training. The emphasis of Spanish literature is the development of actions that promote aspects such as: the improvement of interpersonal relationships, emphasizing suport systems among students; emotional development and self-esteem; teaching social and moral value through development of social skills and moral development; teachers and families training. The Brazilian governmental strategies were related to anti-bullying legislation aproved in 19 states, none in the national level, and the actions undertaken by the State Education Departments: two of them had a specific anti-bullying project, four of them had projects for prevention of school violence that included bullying and in seventeen Departments there were isolated actions; there were no action by the Ministry of Education. The Spanish governmental strategies identified referred to state regulations that mentioned prevention or containment actions for bullying, which were aproved in 17 Autonomus Communities and in State level; initiatives from Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte; prevention and containment actions for bullying of Consejerías de Educación of the 17 Autonomous Communities. In the two countries, we conducted visits in schools (five in Spain and two in Brazil) who developed anti-bullying projects. We consider that Spain has come a longer way that Brazil, in terms of attention to bullying by educational policies, promoting the development of anti-bullying actions within a perspective of improvement of living through institutionalized action plans, investing on suport systems, such as help and mediation among equals. Few Brazilian educational administrations – Education Departments - have projects that ground on the scientific literature to give suggestions of actions for schools. We showed that Brazilian public policies need to invest in initial and continuing teacher training, as well as in institutionalization of space and time in schools for planning, evaluation, implementation and monitoring of anti-bullying actions.
FAPESP: 2012/01533-0
CAPES: 9020/13-6

The apparent dominance of liberal-democratic ideas in the 1920s was replaced in the following decade by explicitly anti-liberal and anti-democratic political trends. Nevertheless, liberalism retained some of its intellectual potential: “national liberalism” continued the pre-1918 projects of national emancipation and modernization incorporating also the feminist agenda; “bourgeois liberalism” focused on the defense of the political, social, and economic position of the bourgeoisie; and “economic liberalism” centered on the issue of free markets, while criticizing state involvement. Cultural modernism emerged as an influential intellectual current, and in the 1930s the subculture of “progressivist modernism” also represented liberal values, even though it was ill-disposed toward economic liberalism. The period also saw the reconfiguration of feminism. Lastly, East Central European critiques of totalitarianism developed under the pressure of the proximity of Soviet Russia, fascist Italy, and Nazi Germany. They singled out the dark aspects of the “total state,” dehumanization, and the cult of violence, often in a comparative way.

Abstract From Law and Literature to Legality and Affect represents a sustained argument for the continued vitality of Law and Literature. It argues that the traditional methods of Law and Literature can be combined with work in critical media studies, affect theory, and cultural narratology to address topics such as ethnonationalism, anti-immigration sentiments, and systemic racism in nations like Germany and the United States. Taking stock of the pluralization and diversification of the field at 50 years from a comparative standpoint, the book understands Law and Literature as a political project. This has a precedence in inaugural Law and Literature texts like Jacob Grimm’s Von der Poesie im Recht (On the Poetry in Law) from 1815/16, which imagines an alternative legal order grounded in the unity of law, poetic language, and feeling. The political thrust of Law and Literature continues up into the present with the arts of BlackLivesMatter documenting and resisting police violence against Black people. Law and Literature offers keys for understanding how legal identities are constructed, for analyzing how legal texts are formally constructed, and for comprehending how cultural-legal issues are mediated using affective means. Using cultural, medial, affect theoretical and narrative analyses of law, a revitalized Law and Literature offers a set of methods and theories with which to address the most pressing current issues.

In Racist Love Leslie Bow traces the ways in which Asian Americans become objects of anxiety and desire. Conceptualizing these feelings as “racist love,” she explores how race is abstracted and then projected onto Asianized objects. Bow shows how anthropomorphic objects and images such as cartoon animals in children’s books, home décor and cute tchotchkes, contemporary visual art, and artificially intelligent robots function as repositories of seemingly positive feelings and attachment to Asianness. At the same time, Bow demonstrates that these Asianized proxies reveal how fetishistic attraction and pleasure serve as a source of anti-Asian bias and violence. By outlining how attraction to popular representations of Asianness cloaks racial resentment and fears of globalization, Bow provides a new means of understanding the ambivalence surrounding Asians in the United States while offering a theory of the psychological, affective, and symbolic dynamics of racist love in contemporary America.

This chapter talks about Paul Brass, who has argued against the academic inclination to seek the “causes” of riots in his book The Production of Hindu-Muslim Violence in Contemporary India from 2003. It discusses the causal explanations of riots that are always overly simplistic and do not take into account the fact that all kinds of violent actions take place under the cover of the discourse of communalism. It also suggests that analysts should focus instead on the forms of violence and on the specific question of who is served by communal conflict. The chapter identifies the groups that benefited from the riots in Kandhamal which supported the Sangh Parivar's project of religious homogenization. It outlines the significant effects of riots on the religious landscape of Kandhamal.

Feminist anti-violence activism can never be understood as a singular emancipatory project. Activists face multiple, often conflicting, accountabilities between victims, communities, funders, and institutions. At the same time, activists are compelled to give an account of their politics within the movement. This chapter (re)tells the stories of six members of the collective with an emphasis on how they thought about themselves as feminists (or not) and as activists (or not) and how these accounts were fundamental to anti-violence work. These accounts are situated within the ever-shifting context of the community sector and the multiple lines of identity which shape our sense of self. Together, these stories create a rich tapestry of the experience of anti-violence work and the threads of power which shape our sense of self.

This concluding chapter summarizes the central arguments developed throughout this book. American Muslim efforts against domestic violence (DV) demonstrate powerfully that Muslim communities in the United States are indeed American, both in their affirmation of American values and in their resistance against oppressive and exclusionary laws and practices. In other words, critiques of anti-Muslim hostility, racism, and marginalization through cultural and religious domination are as much an expression of Americanness as the necessary engagement with American structures, institutions, and levels of government. Thus, one conclusion from this project is that Muslim advocates against domestic violence are no more than a specific example for American advocacy against DV. However, they are also set apart by their reference to their Muslim identity—and construction of Islam—as a powerful resource for this struggle to end DV in Muslim communities and American society. The chapter then describes an event at which the Muslim anti-DV movement was analyzed by its Muslim participants while pointing to larger frameworks of gender-based violence, anti-Muslim hostility, and racism.

In this chapter, Theresa Hunt explores the trajectory of the anti–sexual harassment campaigns in Egypt as one example of women’s prerevolution and antiregime protest. She examines the extensive campaigns of the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights, El Nadim Center for the Management and Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence, and the new, technology-fueled project HarassMap. By strategically gaining national and even international attention, these campaigns engaged in critique of the state’s failure to address the alarming level of sexual harassment on Cairo’s streets and pressured the state to develop appropriate policy. As these organizations combined consciousness raising with subversion of state obstacles and mobilization of the public, their work reflects aspects of the 2011 revolution that mainstream media narratives find compelling but rarely attribute to women’s activism.

Prior to Foucault’s articulation of anti-fascism as the Deleuzo-Guattarian ethical project, Deleuze described his work as a contestation of the “dogmatic” or “moral” image of thought. For this contestation, Deleuze turned in Difference and Repetition to a Kantian notion of critique as the examination of the limits and powers of the faculties. Deleuze’s theory of faculties is a theory of how the subject is produced as an identity through active syntheses that are themselves the produce of passive syntheses. The critical analysis Deleuze undertakes in Difference and Repetition builds on the analysis of habit formation in the process of subjectivation insofar as it offers a method of analysis that is itself disruptive of habits and identities. Deleuze’s “immanent critique” describes in facultative passive synthesis not only the genesis of experience from sensibility, but the breakdown of experience in the violence of encounter. Critique reveals that the movement from the empirical to the transcendental or “heautonomous” forms of the faculties, which happens via an internalization of the violence of encounters that rupture ordinary experience, can be cultivated toward the ends of moving beyond the constraints of rule-governed, limited ways of thinking through the practice of critique itself.

This chapter situates Eastern Europe within a global history of empires and their demise, exploring the region’s status as both part of an imperial Europe and, at times, its defying anti-imperialist periphery. It examines how states that had emerged from the wreckage of the Ottoman, German, Habsburg, and Russian Empires navigated a world dominated by powerful, yet declining, Western European empires. The Soviet Union, influenced by a diverse range of anti-colonial activists, founded the Comintern, and became the first major state to provide support for anti-colonial struggles. By the 1930s, however, the Soviets had retreated, and in the wake of the Second World War reverted to great power politics. Smaller non-Communist Eastern European states fought to survive in an international environment in which their sovereignty was still in question. Some elites struggled to consolidate their fragile new polities in the white imperial world of the interwar period. Both identifying with the continent’s expansionism, and highlighting their experiences of living under empires within Europe, some of these same elites viewed themselves as ‘superior colonizers’ who could redeem an imperial project degraded by violence. Such a ‘civilizing mission’ would be brought not only to the ‘backward’ peripheries of their new states, but also to territories in Africa and Latin America, the acquisition of which would, they hoped, ensure their recognition as fully sovereign European polities. Yet with the growing threat of Nazi imperialism, others developed solidarities beyond Europe. Thus the empathetic affinities between Eastern Europe and the anti-imperial movements beyond Europe were established well before the institutionalization of socialist internationalism under postwar Communist regimes.

A lens on the people’s struggle around Kudankulam enables a focus on changes in Indian people’s movements over the last four decades in response to the continuing popularity of non-violence, growing environmental awareness and a culture of entitlement for project-affected people in what are called ‘right-to-lives’ movements. The movement against the plant in Kudankulam began in the late 1980s with fishing communities, activists and environmentalists who shared ideas and practices shared from earlier anti-nuclear campaigns in the neighbouring state of Kerala. Due to threats to water supplies and growing disillusion, the movement expanded to include farming and other communities by the 2000s. Whereas in the 1980s, those in the establishment might have taken nuclear concerns seriously and even be converted by them as happened over plans for a nuclear plant in Kerala, by the turn of the century, these anxieties were dismissed out of hand as matters of policy where consumptive rights took precedence over constitutional rights, and where electricity became a herald for the country’s development over and above other concerns.

This chapter details how Burma/Myanmar has been the site of large-scale civil conflict and state repression since its independence in 1948. The period of British rule fostered a new Burman (also called Bamar) nationalism that set itself in opposition to both colonialism and to ethnic minorities that were seen as collaborators with these forces. This project took on a visceral and violent reality during the bloody years of World War II, when Burmese nationalists backed by Japan fought with ethnic minorities supported by the British and Americans. This process built a carrier movement known as the Anti-Fascist People Freedom League (AFPFL) with a strongly anticolonial, majoritarian nationalist political project. While articulating a broader Burmese nationalism, this project favored the Bamar ethnicity and Buddhist religion as the top of a hierarchy of priority, laying the basis for ongoing political conflict. The chapter then discusses what happened when the British departed and large-scale civil war erupted. Because war and independence occurred at the same time, it weaves together the armed orders with the broader politics, identifying the key shifts over time and their implications for armed politics.

In its depictions of Guantánamo Bay detainees, the state’s agenda is obvious. But the state is not the only entity that mediates detainees’ voices: so, too, do the individuals and organizations that work on their behalf. Reading the history of anti-Guantánamo activism, the chapter demonstrates that it often relies on an erasure of detainee political subjectivity and a refusal of the possibility of detainee anger. Three case studies bear this out. First, a set of city-council resolutions from Massachusetts and California that extended hypothetical welcomes to select detainees on their hypothetical release; the chapter queries the politics of this deeply conditional hospitality and the presumptions of American exceptionalism underpinning it. American exceptionalism is central to the analysis of the next object, the Witness to Guantánamo documentary project, which collects testimonies from former detainees. W2G does crucial documentary work, but its structure also compels the detainees to offer forgiveness and recuperative visions of American goodness. Next, the chapter explores the politics of detainee creative production, with a particular attention to practices of circulation and consumption, and the fictive experiences of intimacy that they promise their audiences. The chapter ends with a critique of a fanciful renarration of Guantánamo’s past and future.

This chapter discusses the multifaceted projects of Muslim advocates to educate Muslim communities about domestic violence (DV) and offer Islam as a resource for ending abuse. Such awareness work forms one point of a triangle in Muslim DV efforts, combined with offering services and resources as the second point, and educating mainstream providers and the larger public about Muslim needs and perspectives as the third. For many American Muslims, domestic violence awareness competes with other issues, among them increasing anti-Muslim public sentiment and hate crimes, foreign policy issues, and government surveillance as part of the “War on Terror,” not to mention concerns about practicing their religion, living life, and just generally being human. The chapter then presents moments of profound insight and analysis from domestic violence awareness events held in Muslim community settings. It also considers several examples of how male Muslim scholars and leaders have developed religious arguments against domestic violence in public speeches and online lectures.