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1
Lubrano Lavadera, Anna, Ludovica Iesu, and Anna Lisa Micci. "La rilevazione della IPV in diversi contesti clinici." MALTRATTAMENTO E ABUSO ALL'INFANZIA, no. 1 (May 2009): 43–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/mal2009-001003.
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- The studies, conducted on the phenomenon of the Intimate Partner Violence (IPV), report the necessity to use a multidimensional approach which foresees the analysis of the risk and protection factors implicated. The present study is focused on the analysis of the formalities in which the phenomenon of the violence is investigated in different clinical contexts (social services, orders of family leaving, expert legal consultation, Department Alcoholics of the Policlinico Umberto I°, spanish anti-violence centre). For the data collection has been used a Scheme of analysis of histories of violent couples, built ad hoc. The results underline notable discrepancies in the typology of gathered information in the cases of IPV in the different clinical contexts, probably associated to a different formation of the operators and to specific protocols to the objectives of the service. Such discrepancy has solicited the necessity to structure protocols of work that allow a complete and uniform collection of information in different contexts, with the purpose to deepen the understanding of the phenomenon of the IPV. Key words: intimate partner violence; multidimensional approach; protection and risk factors; clinical context.
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Kloos, David. "Dis/connection: Violence, Religion, and Geographic Imaginings in Aceh and Colonial Indonesia, 1890s–1920s." Itinerario 45, no. 3 (November 23, 2021): 389–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115321000255.
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This article draws attention to the case of Aceh to analyse the mechanisms through which ideologically driven geographic imaginings obscured the role of place and class in colonial and anti-colonial violence in Indonesia. Its main perspective is the region's West Coast. In the course of the long and brutal Dutch-Acehnese war (1873–1942), the West Coast of Sumatra was transformed from a dynamic centre of trade, commerce, and religious renewal into a colonial frontier. Violent resistance persisted in this area as the Dutch involved themselves in and exacerbated local contestations for authority and resources. Colonial discourse worked to conceal these complexities, foregrounding an image of the West Coast as a remote, backwards, and inherently dangerous place, prone to a violent Muslim millenarianism.
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Deawuo, Leticia Ama, and Michael Classens. "Confronting Anti-Black, Anti-Indigenous, and Anti-Asian Racisms in Food Systems in Canada." Canadian Food Studies / La Revue canadienne des études sur l'alimentation 10, no. 1 (March 13, 2023): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.15353/cfs-rcea.v10i1.631.
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The impetus for this themed section came out of the broader reckoning that touched off in the summer of 2020 in the wake of the murder of Geroge Floyd. The Canadian Association for Food Studies board, like so many organizations struggling to respond to such brazen violence, released a statement on racialized police violence and systemic racism. In the statement the CAFS board commits to more deliberately centering the work of anti-racism in our association̶ —and this included two shorter-term projects. Curating and publishing an open access resource list on food and racism in so-called Canada, and publishing a themed section on racism in the food system. The CFP for the special issue was released the following May, 2021, and read in part “As we reckon with the ways white supremacy, capitalism, patriarchy and colonization has shaped food systems, we must also reflect on and redress dominant modes of thought and approaches that reproduce inequity within the academy (e.g., research and teaching) and society at large. As such, we welcome submissions that centre diverse ways of knowing and methods of knowledge production.” Over the past nearly two years, we (the special issue guest editor, Ama, and collaboration assistant, Michael) have met virtually many times to discuss the CFP, the process, the articles, and the broader backdrop of white supremacy, colonialism, and capitalism. And as we reflected on how we wanted to write this editorial, it occurred to us that our own approach to collaboration on this project has been relational, conversational. So, rather than writing a conventional editorial, we once again met virtually to reflect on some key themes that (re)emerged over the past couple of years. What follows is part of that conversation, edited for clarity and brevity. We hope this special issue contributes to keeping the conversations (and action) focused on structural change going.
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Magogodi, Kgafela Oa. "Refiguring the Body: Performance of Identity in Mapantsula and Fools." Theatre Research International 27, no. 3 (October 2002): 243–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883302000329.
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Two South African films, Oliver Schmitz's 1988 Mapantsula and Ramadan Suleman's 1997 Fools, drawing from the revolutionary fervour of Third Cinema, developed a radical consciousness against a backdrop of Anglo-Afrikaner cinema in South Africa. Set in Soweto during the 1980s, both films, in their representation of blackness, address issues of the body, identity and agency. With their anti-heroes at the centre, they explore questions of African identity by imaging the black body differently, and free it from the grip of the apartheid imaginary. Meanwhile, the white body in the films is ‘shot’ as a homogenized symbol of apartheid violence and oppression, thus ‘fixing’ white identity as a strategy for political truth claiming.
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Ahmed, Zahid Shahab. "National Identity Formation in Pakistan: Analysis of the Anti-Secular Narrative." Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, no. 1 (October 11, 2017): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jcgs-2017-0006.
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AbstractSoon after its declaration as an Islamic Republic in 1956, Islamists have experienced numerous ups and downs in Pakistan. Islamists not only try to maintain the status quo of the Islamic state but also endeavour to expand the scope ofsharia. Despite insignificant achievements in elections, Islamists have mostly been able to dictate civilian and military governments in matters of national identity. One of the greatest challenges for the promotion of pluralism is the Islamists’ anti-secular narrative, which holds significant backing from both the civil and the military elites. The goal of this paper is to analyse such narrative with reference to Pakistan’s continuous struggle for national identity. ‘The analyses propose that anti-secular voices are occupying centre stage in Pakistan, leaving little room for diverse opinions. Anti-secular groups use violence as a tool to silence any opposition against their ideology for Pakistan, which is evident by regular attacks on not only the religious minorities but also the moderate or liberal Muslim thinkers. The conflict over national identity between extremists and moderates is also one of the main causes of rising violent extremism in Pakistan.
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Taliani, Simona. "COERCION, FETISHES AND SUFFERING IN THE DAILY LIVES OF YOUNG NIGERIAN WOMEN IN ITALY." Africa 82, no. 4 (November 2012): 579–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972012000514.
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ABSTRACTIn the aftermath of social conflicts and urban violence between autochthons and migrants in Italy in recent years, the question of how to control the growing number of illegal immigrants is increasingly discussed in the language of zero-tolerance anti-crime campaigns. Traffic in women has been a ‘structural’ social reality in the Italian migration landscape over the last 15 years, and is a prominent aspect of illegal female migration. These women are qualified as ‘victims of human trafficking’ when they denounce their pimps. Most of their suffering – involving psychological or psychiatric symptoms and requiring psychosocial support – is expressed through an emic vocabulary that talks about fetishes, spirit possession, witchcraft, sacrifice, debts, and spiritual and moral deliverance. This study – based on extensive field research in Turin into an Ethno-Psychiatric Service (provided by the Frantz Fanon Centre) in which 50 Nigerian women participated – addresses the following anthropological issues: the relationship between emic vocabulary (so called ‘voodoo’ or ‘juju’), migration, and moral economies of violence; and the intersection between symbolic violence and coercion, as experienced through sexual abuse and/or ritual violence (occurring both in Nigeria and Italy, and also during the migration itself in different countries such as Benin, Mali and Libya). In the conclusion of this article, I underline the limits of psychiatric and psychological therapeutical methodsvis-à-visthe symptoms and traumatic experiences that ‘mark’ these female bodies; and I discuss in particular the emergence of new forms of post-colonial disorders affecting subjects who are at the mercy ofcompromiseddesires.
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Ahmed, Zahid Shahab. "National Identity Formation in Pakistan." Journal of Citizenship and Globalisation Studies 1, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/jcgs2017vol1no1art1066.
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Soon after its declaration as an Islamic Republic in 1956, Islamists have experienced numerous ups and downs in Pakistan. Islamists not only try to maintain the status quo of the Islamic state but also endeavour to expand the scope of sharia. Despite insignificant achievements in elections, Islamists have mostly been able to dictate civilian and military governments in matters of national identity. One of the greatest challenges for the promotion of pluralism is the Islamists’ anti-secular narrative, which holds significant backing from both the civil and the military elites. The goal of this paper is to analyse such narrative with reference to Pakistan’s continuous struggle for national identity. ‘The analyses propose that anti-secular voices are occupying centre stage in Pakistan, leaving little room for diverse opinions. Anti-secular groups use violence as a tool to silence any opposition against their ideology for Pakistan, which is evident by regular attacks on not only the religious minorities but also the moderate or liberal Muslim thinkers. The conflict over national identity between extremists and moderates is also one of the main causes of rising violent extremism in Pakistan.
8
Fukushima, Annie. "Witnessing in a Time of Homeland Futurities." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 14 (April 27, 2020): 67–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.201220145.
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Current US rhetorical strategies of imagining a future of the homeland have led to the creation and utilisation of new technologies to contain and manage the border. These responses to the US border and immigration impact anti-trafficking efforts, sustaining a ‘homeland futurity’. Homeland futurity draws on and extends discourses of emergency that solidify borders as dangerous and risky. This article traces how homeland futurities emerged in US anti-trafficking efforts. Drawing upon interviews and focus group discussions with service providers and survivors of violence in San Francisco, the article demonstrates how migrant labourers are impacted by a discourse of threat and containment of the border. However, migrant labourers and their allies are innovating to secure a life that mitigates risk through migrant labourers’ use of technology. This article illustrates through the example of Contratados.org how technology may facilitate opportunities of future visioning by migrant labourers beyond a homeland futurity, to enact practices that bring to the centre migrants and their experiences through social networking and information sharing on job prospects.
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Jasen, Patricia. "Breast Cancer and the Politics of Abortion in the United States." Medical History 49, no. 4 (October 1, 2005): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025727300009145.
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Epidemiology, like any branch of medical science, functions within a social and historical context. That context influences what questions are asked, how they are investigated, and how their conclusions are interpreted, both by researchers and by the public. The international debate over whether abortion increases breast cancer risk, which has been the subject of many studies and much heated controversy in recent decades, became so intensely politicized in the United States that it serves as a particularly stark illustration of how elusive the quest for scientific certainty can be. Although a growing interest in reproductive factors and breast cancer risk developed after the Second World War, it was not until the early 1980s, after induced abortion had been legalized in many countries, that studies began to focus on this specific factor. In the US these were the years following Roe v Wade, when anti-abortionists mounted their counterattack and pro-choice forces were on the defensive. As a result, epidemiologists found themselves at the centre of a debate which had come to symbolize a deepening divide in American culture. This paper traces the history of the scientific investigation of the alleged abortion-breast cancer link, against the backdrop of what was increasingly termed an “epidemic” of breast cancer in the US. That history, in turn, is closely intertwined with the anti-abortion movement's efforts, following the violence of the early 1990s, to regain respectability through changing its tactics and rhetoric, which included the adoption of the “ABC link” as part of its new “women-centred” strategy.
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Junaid Ghauri, Muhammad. "‘Political Parallelism’ and the Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Australian Press: A Critical Discourse Analysis." International Journal of Crisis Communication 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2018.02.02.01.
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Recent studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ phenomenon in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims. The findings showed that The Australian, which is a ‘rightist/conservative’ newspaper, toed the line of ‘right-wing’ political parties and politicians such as Ms. Pauline and Mr. Turnbull, portrayed Islam and Muslims in an overwhelmingly negative way, appreciated anti-immigration policies, criticized those who support accepting refugees, highlighted violence in Muslims countries, and collectivized Muslims while commenting on terrorist attacks in the West. On the other hand, The Age, which is a ‘leftist’/‘centre-left’ newspaper, criticized the ‘far-rights’ for appreciating and supporting the ‘rightist/conservative’ policies against Muslims, advocated the ‘leftist/progressive/liberal’ stance, portrayed Islam and Muslims in a positive, supportive and balanced way, and advocated ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’ in Australia. Keywords: Political parallelism, Representation, Islam, Muslims, Critical discourse analysis, ideological square, lexicalization.
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Shroff, Sara. "Bold Women, Bad Assets: Honour, Property and Techno-Promiscuities." Feminist Review 128, no. 1 (July 2021): 62–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/01417789211016438.
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In June 2016, Qandeel Baloch, a 26-year-old Pakistani social media star, was murdered. Her death sparked both public outrage and a policy debate around ‘honour killing’, digital rights and sex-positive sexuality across Pakistan and its diasporas. Qandeel challenged what constitutes a proper Pakistani woman, an authentic Baloch and a respectable digital citizen. As a national sex symbol, she failed at the gendered workings of respectable heterosexuality, and during her short lifetime she optimised this failure and public fetish as a technologically mediated social currency (clicks, hashtags, comments, likes, reposts) to build a transnational celebrity brand. I centre Qandeel Baloch’s life and afterlives to think through the economic entanglements of honour, racialised ethnicity, coloniality, sexual violence and social media at the intersections of globalised anti-Blackness and honourable brownness as a matter of global capital. Within these complex registers of coloniality, Qandeel’s life and brutal murder necessitate a rethinking of categories of racialised ethnicity (Baloch), sexual labour (racial capital) and social media (digitality) as vectors of value for capitalism and nationalism. By centring Qandeel, I define honour as a form of racialised property relations. This rereading of honour, as an economic metric of heteropatriarchy, shifts my lens of honour killing from a crime of culture to a crime of property. Women’s honour functions as a necrocapitalist technology that constructs female and feminine bodies as the debris of heterosexual empire through racialised, gendered and sexualised property relations. These relations and registers of honour get further complicated by social media currency and discussions around digital rights, privacy and freedom of expression. Honour is, therefore, the economic management of sexual morality produced through race, religion and imperialism.
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Okonkwo, Eloamaka Carol. "ASSESSING THE IMPACTS OF SPILLS AND OIL-RELATED POLLUTION IN NIGERIA." International Oil Spill Conference Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (May 1, 2017): 2017177. http://dx.doi.org/10.7901/2169-3358-2017.1.000177.
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Pollution associated with oil and gas exploration causes huge environmental damage. It is mainly caused by oil spills, gas flaring, effluent discharge and human error and these impacts on health, environment, and culture, economic and social activities of people. Recently, spills appear to be the main cause of oil-related pollution because many countries have worked hard to reduce flaring which is also a major source of pollution in the industry. In Nigeria, pollution from exploration activities is mainly caused by oil spills and gas flaring[1]which had led to many problems including health complications such as serious respiratory problems cancer, kidney and liver problems or even deaths, destruction of farmlands, fishing industry, tourism facilities and cultural areas. It has also led to community conflicts, violence and frustration, militancy, reduction in tourism and hospitality industries, and loss of biodiversity and destruction of habitats. This paper holistically looked at these impacts and examined them in the context of the Niger Delta situation. It generally raises and seeks to provide answers to some important questions: why are these problems grave in Nigeria and the role the negative impacts had played in anti-social behaviour, crises and criminality in the Niger Delta? In answering the questions, the paper examines actions taken by stakeholders to ameliorate the impacts while making few references to other jurisdictions where appropriate. It concluded that the impacts of spills and oil-related pollution are one of the main reasons why militancy and other societal ills have taken the centre stage in the Niger Delta. It recommends a more tailored solution in dealing with oil pollution and problems caused by it.
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Avelãs Nunes, João Paulo, António Rafael Amaro, Nuno Coelho, and Joana Ricarte. "Interview with Avner Gvaryahu and Avihai Stollar, directors of Breaking the Silence." Revista Estudos do Século XX, no. 21 (December 28, 2021): 173–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1647-8622_21_12.
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Following a roundtable discussion at the University of Coimbra on the situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel regarding the perspectives and activity of the organisation Breaking the Silence, the journal Estudos do Século XX [20th Century Studies], published periodically by the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of the University of Coimbra, deemed this interview worthy of inclusion. This first conversation aims therefore to allow the two ex-soldiers and directors of Breaking the Silence to respond to questions posed by four researches from Group 1 – History, Memory, and Public Policy, of the Centre for Interdisciplinary Studies of the University of Coimbra. Unlike sections such as the “Thematic File”, ‘Interdisciplinary Dialogue” and “Critical Reviews”, which are aimed at publishing humanistic, artistic, scientific or technological texts, the “Interviews” section proposes to share civic-minded or memorialistic responses to questions regarding current but relevant issues in broader intellectual and social terms. Such is the intention, whether by bringing more civilian narratives into an academic journal, or simply noting correlations between humanistic, artistic, scientific or technological knowledge and civic intervention. This interview was documented, on the one hand, due to the ethical and geostrategic importance of the ongoing situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territories and Israel; and, on the other hand, to highlight the main features and discursive strategy of Breaking the Silence. It is important to remember that this organisation is made up solely of Israeli citizens who have carried out mandatory military service in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; and that their discursive strategy prioritises characterising and contextualising/comparing specific situations in order to explain value judgements and suggestions for how to bring about drastic change. We value the existence of such an organisation within Israeli society that, in view of the grave problems in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, explicitly assumes the status of an association of ex-perpetrators. From this standpoint, Breaking the Silence defends: a) that Israeli soldiers describing in their own words what is really happening is one way of contributing to ending the ongoing systematic violation of human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories; b) that victims and ex-perpetrators are entitled to support, should they so wish, in their efforts to overcome the effects of the mass violence that has occurred. Avner Gvaryahu and Avihai Stollar’s answers are especially poignant. Whether consciously or not, their respective intellectual rigour and ethical self-expectations seem to correlate somehow with the likes of Benedict de Spinosa and Hannah Arendt. The options set forth are also important owing to both the complexity and lengthy duration of the Israeli-Arab and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts, and from the contradictions experienced in Israel, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, and in neighbouring countries such as Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt and Syria. Also considered were the verifiable connections with the overall mindset of the Cold War and the Post-Cold-War period, as well as phenomena such as the Jewish diaspora, anti-Judaism, anti-Semitism and the Holocaust. As researchers, we try above all to recreate and analyse, to contextualise and compare how communities handle and manage situations in which human rights are violated systematically, even when those responsible for such processes of mass violence are countries under liberal-democratic or democratic regimes. As citizens, we also recognise how important it is to highlight the individual (or small group) behaviour of those notable for their profound intellectual rigour and heightened self-expectations. As has sometimes happened in the past, we hope that, both now and in the future, the example set by the fairer minority will be followed by the majority; a majority composed of perpetrators and those who are indifferent to such events.
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CASIS. "The Anti-Women Movement." Journal of Intelligence, Conflict, and Warfare 2, no. 2 (November 21, 2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.21810/jicw.v2i2.1057.
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Individuals identifying as “incels” can be linked to previous acts of violence, circa 1989 until the present. Moreover, the historical frequency of incel related incidents has arguably increased. Incels are men who are self described as being “involuntary celibates” who believe they have a privileged entitlement to sex from women, possibly based on tenets from the “Male Supremacy” ideology (Male supremacy as defined by the Southern Poverty Law Centre, is a hateful ideology advocating for the subjugation of women (n.d.)).
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Tootoosis, Jade, Gina Starblanket, Tasha Hubbard, Lianne Charlie, and Dallas Hunt. "“That’s Where the Medicine Comes From”: Aesthetics of Anti-colonialism in Canada." Journal of Canadian Studies 56, no. 2 (August 1, 2022): 193–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jcs-56.2.010.
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In the context of Indigenous-settler relations in Canada, this roundtable conversation confronts dominant modes, methods and frames of colonial violence from Indigenous academic, activist, and artistic perspectives. The authors are all engaged in projects and analyses informed by the desire to advocate for justice following the killing of Colten Boushie and, to a wider degree, other Indigenous victims of violence. With reference to our respective works, we describe and analyze the ways that settler mythologies misrepresent the social and political landscapes of lands claimed by Canada. We reveal the foundational nature of settler claims that lie at the centre of contemporary conflicts between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples, including Indigenous movements for justice. Collectively, we describe a wide array of methodologies, including film, narrative, storying, and processes of artistic production, to offer insights into Indigenous challenges to the various shapes and scales of colonial violence and to the mythologies that sustain it. In so doing, we re-centre our histories, present, and futures in ways that open up possibilities for diverse Indigenous persons to use their gifts within more just Indigenous-settler relationships.
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Pretto, Albertina. "Coronavirus and domestic violence: Practices for dealing with a double emergency." Qualitative Social Work 20, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 494–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325020981091.
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This short essay aims to reflect on an unexpected effect of the Coronavirus in Italy: the increase of domestic violence. Through some data and qualitative interviews gathered with social workers of anti-violence centres, the essay presents the ways in which this emergency has been faced during the Coronavirus outbreak and the importance of spreading and maintaining new practices in this area for the future.
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Janicka, Elżbieta. "Latający Cyrk im. Kazimierza Wielkiego przedstawia: „Najwęższy dom świata – wydarzenie na skalę globu”. Rekonstrukcja historyczna w 70. rocznicę Akcji Reinhardt." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 2 (June 30, 2014): 76–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2013.005.
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Casimir the Great’s Flying Circus presents: ‘The narrowest house in the world – an event on a global scale’. Historical re-enactment on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the Aktion ReinhardtThe article provides a multifaceted analysis of the Keret House as an artistic installation and a cultural event. The construction is placed in the analytical context of Jeremy Bentham’s panopticon, Le Corbusier’s machine for living, Krzysztof Wodiczko’s Pojazd dla bezdomnych (Vehicle for the Homeless), Big Brother and XTube. Other interpretative contexts are: the history of the Warsaw ghetto, the Aktion Reinhardt as well as the ensemble of issues connected with the third phase of the Holocaust (i.e. “the margins of the Holocaust”): the history of Jewish hideouts, the hunt for the Jews (Judenjagd), the plunder of Jewish mobile and immobile property, the Polish part of the biography of Etgar Keret’s parents. From such a perspective, the Keret House takes the form of a macabre historical re-enactment. The analytical framework comprises Erving Goffman’s stigma theory as well as the history of the attitude of the Polish majority towards the Jewish minority. With increasing frequency, anti-Semitic symbolic violence assumes the form of philosemitic symbolic violence. The poetics of gift and the category of “a Jewish writer with a sense of humour” function as an instrument of blackmail that place the individual subjected to it in a situation with no way-out. In Polish majority culture, the image of Jews as guests, which corresponds to the representation of Poland as home and Poles as hospitable hosts, heirs of the myth of King Casimir the Great, plays the same role. The Keret House proves to be a machine for the reproduction of the Polish majority narrative about the majority attitude of Poles towards Jews, also during the Holocaust. What is at stake within this narrative is the image of Poland and the Poles.[The project was prepared with a financial support of the National Science Centre; decision no DEC-2011/03/B/HS2/05594] Latający Cyrk im. Kazimierza Wielkiego przedstawia: „Najwęższy dom świata – wydarzenie na skalę globu”. Rekonstrukcja historyczna w 70. rocznicę Akcji ReinhardtArtykuł zawiera wieloaspektową analizę Keret House jako instalacji artystycznej i wydarzenia kulturalnego. Obiekt sytuowany jest w kontekście idei panoptikonu Jeremy’ego Benthama, maszyny do mieszkania Le Corbusiera, Pojazdu dla bezdomnych Krzysztofa Wodiczki, Big Brothera czy XTube. Kolejne konteksty interpretacyjne to historia warszawskiego getta, Akcja Reinhardt i zespół problemów związanych z trzecią fazą Zagłady (the margins of the Holocaust): historia żydowskich kryjówek, polowanie na Żydów (Judenjagd), rabunek żydowskich ruchomości i nieruchomości, polska biografia rodziców Etgara Kereta. W tej perspektywie Keret House przybiera postać makabrycznej rekonstrukcji historycznej. Ramy analizy wyznacza teoria piętna Ervinga Goffmana oraz historia stosunku polskiej większości do żydowskiej mniejszości. Antysemicka przemoc symboliczna coraz częściej przybiera postać symbolicznej przemocy filosemickiej. Poetyka daru i kategoria „żydowskiego pisarza z poczuciem humoru” pełnią funkcję narzędzia szantażu, stawiając poddaną mu jednostkę w sytuacji bez wyjścia. Taką samą rolę odgrywa dominujące w polskiej kulturze większościowej wyobrażenie Żydów jako gości, któremu odpowiada obraz Polski jako domu i Polaków jako gościnnych gospodarzy, spadkobierców mitu króla Kazimierza Wielkiego. Keret House okazuje się maszyną do reprodukcji większościowej polskiej opowieści o stosunku Polaków do Żydów, także w okresie Zagłady. Stawką tej opowieści jest wizerunek Polski i Polaków.[Projekt został sfinansowany ze środków Narodowego Centrum Nauki przyznanych na podstawie decyzji numer DEC-2011/03/B/HS2/05594]
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Pomicino, Laura, Lucia Beltramini, and Patrizia Romito. "Freeing Oneself From Intimate Partner Violence: A Follow-Up of Women Who Contacted an Anti-violence Center in Italy." Violence Against Women 25, no. 8 (October 12, 2018): 925–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077801218802641.
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This study examines the situation of women ( N = 124) who had presented themselves to an anti-violence center in Italy in the previous 3-5 years. At follow-up, 37.3% had no contact with the perpetrator, 22.7% had stayed with him, and 39.8% had “forced” contact. Almost half of the sample was still subjected to intimate partner violence (IPV). Compared to women with “no contact,” the risk of IPV was 5.9 times higher for women who stayed with the perpetrator, and 10.5 times higher for women with “forced” contact. These results confirm that ending IPV does not depend exclusively on women’s choices.
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Mason, Corinne Lysandra, and Shoshana Magnet. "Surveillance Studies and Violence Against Women." Surveillance & Society 10, no. 2 (September 4, 2012): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v10i2.4094.
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Surveillance, privacy and security are of paramount concern to technology users. One of the implications of these new forms of technologized surveillance that has received little attention is their implications for women fleeing violent situations. This article seeks to place questions of surveillance technologies into a theoretical framework that foregrounds the challenges that new surveillance technologies pose to anti-violence movements. Specifically we address the impact of surveillance technologies in the practice of violence and some proposed solutions, and consider the ways that surveillance technologies are used disproportionately in the criminalization marginalized groups. By placing violence against women at the center of our analysis we aim to complicate concerns related to surveillance technologies.
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Driessen, Molly C. "Campus sexual assault and student activism, 1970–1990." Qualitative Social Work 19, no. 4 (April 1, 2019): 564–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473325019828805.
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This historical analysis research project traces the early history of the anti-rape movement within the US by examining one university’s development of a sexual violence resource center and the role of student activism. The time period between the 1970s through the 1990s was selected for this analysis due to the significant development of legislation, research, and activism surrounding sexual violence on college campuses. In order to conduct this historical analysis, primary sources from the university’s Archives Collection were studied that included administrative documents, memos, financial documents, program reports, newspaper clippings, and training and workshop materials. Secondary sources were included to provide context to the topic of sexual violence, research, feminism, and campus culture during this time period. Amidst the university’s varied response and debates that surrounded sexual violence, the students’ persistent advocacy had led to conflict resolution.
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Kopciowski, Adam. "Zajścia antyżydowskie na Lubelszczyźnie w pierwszych latach po drugiej wojnie światowej." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 3 (December 1, 2007): 178–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.228.
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In the early years following World War II, the Lublin region was one of the most important centres of Jewish life. At the same time, during 19441946 it was the scene of anti-Jewish incidents: from anti-Semitic propaganda, accusation of ritual murder, economic boycott, to cases of individual or collective murder. The wave of anti-Jewish that lasted until autumn of 1946 resulted in a lengthy and, no doubt incomplete, list of 118 murdered Jews. Escalating anti-Jewish violence in the immediate post-war years was one of the main factors, albeit not the only one, to affect the demography (mass emigration) and the socio-political condition of the Jewish population in the Lublin region
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Bednarczuk, Monika. "Modernity and the Jewish Stigma. Julian Tuwim, Alfred Döblin and Kurt Tucholsky: Biographies and Work." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Polonica 36, no. 6 (May 30, 2017): 69–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9057.36.06.
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The paper deals with biographical, ideological and artistic links between Julian Tuwim, Alfred Döblin and Kurt Tucholsky. On the one hand, the basis of comparison are biographical similarities, the Jewish origin of those three writers, their family dramas, the experience of politically opressive school, the trauma of revolution or war, and the exile to name just a few. On the other hand, the article demonstrates the ways the modernity has influenced the attitudes and texts of Döblin, Tucholsky and Tuwim. While talking about modernity, the author focuses on such phenomena as secularisation and urbanisation processes, mass political movements, and new cultural challenges.Tuwim, Döblin and Tucholsky were born into assimilated Jewish families. Their perspective on the stereotypical Jews (the orthodox Jews as well as Jewish bankers or manufacturers) is marked with antipathy, or even contempt. The writers’ ambivalence towards the diapora and towards their own origin illustrate “Jewish self-hatred”; however, all three authors change their opinion on Jewry in the face of the growing anti-Semitic and Nazi danger, and especially the Holocaust. Döblin is proud of being Jewish after his visit to Poland in 1924, Tucholsky warns German Jews against the consequences of their passivitivy, and Tuwim publishes in 1944 his agitating manifesto We, Polish Jews. Last but not least, the three authors go into exile because of their Jewish ancestry and sociocultural activities. Therefore, it is no coincidence thatone cannot help having associations with Heinrich Heine: his biography can be interpreted as a prefiguration of a Jewish artist’s biography.Furthermore, Tuwim, Döblin and Tucholsky are notably sensitive to social questions, and their sensitivity to such issues results to some extent from their difficult childhood and youth. Especially significant seem in that respect family conflicts and the moving from city to city, since such experiences increase the feeling of loneliness and the vulnerability to depression. Nevertheless, Döblin, Tucholsky and Tuwim come with impetus into the cultural life of Germany and Poland and work in the areas of literature, cabaret (satire) as well as journalism. They share sympathy for the political left and fears of the orthodox communism. They are simultaneously advocates and ardent critics of great cities. They pay attention to new phenomena (the popularity of cars, the role of the press, the new morality) and react to them. Their aim is creating a culture which appeals to the masses and educates them in a non-intrusive way. However, the awareness of their own intellectual superiority imposes distance towards lower social groups. The distance stems, firstly, from the universal ambivalence artists feel towards the masses, and secondly, from the ideological moderation characteristic of petit bourgoisie and of the political centre. In general, Döblin, Tucholsky and Tuwim are idealists who hope for a humanitarian world which is impossible in the era of extrem political violence leading to the Holocaust.
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Mannarini, Stefania, Federica Taccini, and Alessandro Alberto Rossi. "Women and Violence: Alexithymia, Relational Competence and Styles, and Satisfaction with Life: A Comparative Profile Analysis." Behavioral Sciences 11, no. 11 (October 26, 2021): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/bs11110147.
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Background: This research investigates the two sides of violence by profiling female interpersonal violence offenders (IVO) and female interpersonal violence victims (IVV). These groups of women have been compared on three key variables within the context of violence: satisfaction with life (SWL), alexithymia, and relational styles—defined according to the Relational Competence Theory (RCT). Regarding the latter, the experience of functional or dysfunctional relational styles in childhood and adult relationships has been evaluated and compared with both groups of women. Methods: This study involved 131 women: IVO (n = 41; enrolled in a penitentiary), IVV (n = 41; enrolled in an anti-violence center), and a control group (CG; n = 49; enrolled from the general population). Profile analysis was performed. Results: Female IVO showed low SWL, high levels of alexithymia, and a pattern of mixed relational styles with both parents and the current partner. Female IVV revealed low SWL, low levels of alexithymia and dysfunctional relational styles with both parents and current partner. Women from the CG showed high SWL, absence of alexithymia and functional relational styles with both parents and current partner. Conclusions: The profiles outlined in this study are extremely informative regarding alexithymia, relational styles, and SWL in both female IVV and IVO. Clinical interventions for both groups of women should be developed relying on these results.
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Ebin, Chelsea. "Threats to Women/Women as Threats: Male Supremacy and the Anti-Statist Right." Laws 10, no. 2 (May 20, 2021): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws10020041.
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Throughout the Trump administration, media coverage of extremist factions of the American right grew considerably, as did the actual membership and numbers of those factions. Included among these factions, and operating on a spectrum that ranges from the center-to-fringe right, are white supremacist, Christian nationalist, and militia/patriot/sovereign citizen (broadly termed constitutionalist) movements. While the American right is heterogeneous, most of these groups are composed of white men, and male supremacism is often a common ideological denominator. Based on historical trends, recent activity, and ongoing movement mobilizations, we should anticipate increased recruitment and activism on the part of anti-statist right-wing groups during the Biden administration. While much has been written about the threat of terroristic violence these groups pose and their varying levels of engagement with white supremacist beliefs, examinations of gender have largely focused on masculinity. This note takes up the relationship between anti-statist right-wing movements and women by sketching three key areas that warrant further examination: (1) how collective interpretations of the law leave women vulnerable by refusing the legitimacy of federal legislation; (2) the threat of militia violence against women, particularly those who hold elected office; (3) how racial and gender exclusions preclude women from having their claims to membership in anti-statist right-wing movements be fully recognized. As we take stock of the growing threat posed by these movements, it is incumbent on us to critically examine the threats to women’s rights posed by the anti-statist right.
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Fernandes, Jane K., Hollyce "Sherry" Giles, Barbara J. Lawrence, James E. Hinson, and Wesley Morris. ""Taking Away the Occasion for Violence": The Quaker Peace Testimony and Law Enforcement in the Justice and Policy Studies Department at Guilford College." JCSCORE 2, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 102–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2642-2387.2016.2.2.102-133.
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The mid-sized southern city of Greensboro, North Carolina has not been spared from the crisis in policing gripping the United States. The city has a history of racial conflict and violence involving the police, most notably the 1979 Massacre where five anti-Klan protestors were killed by Neo-Nazi and Klan members. It is also the site of renowned movements for social justice; in 1961, four North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University freshmen sparked the Sit-In movement, and in 2005, the first Truth and Reconciliation Commission in the United States, which addressed the Massacre, took place in Greensboro. Through partnerships with activists, police, and other community members, the Justice and Policy Studies Department (JPS) at Guilford College works to strengthen police-community relations in Greensboro. The Quaker peace testimony, which calls for “taking away the occasion for violence,” inspires and guides these efforts. This article explores the ways that JPS and its community partners prepare students to take away the occasion for violence in policing and the criminal justice system. Guilford’s president, two JPS professors, a Deputy Chief of the Greensboro Police Department and a community organizer with the Beloved Community Center share their insights regarding this critical topic.
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Houdek, Matthew, and Lisa A. Flores. "Revisioning Rhetorical Violence in the Afterlife." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 25, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/rhetpublaffa.25.3.0025.
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Abstract In this essay, we attend to the rhetorical and spatio-temporal contours of how the urgency to recognize Black life and aid in struggle is detached from a recognition of the deep structural and ontological nature of antiblackness. We center on two seemingly disparate case studies to unpack these phenomena. First, we look at the state lynching of Breonna Taylor and the multiracial coalition that emerged around #sayhername, and second, we turn to the politics and rhetorics of DEI initiatives on college campuses. Guided by scholars writing on Black life, our project asks how we imagine the physicality of violence in this moment in ways that interrupt common frames of both the physical and the moment. We write at the intersection of two larger rhetorical conversations on racialized violence: stoppage and suffocation, and their respective interests in theories of racialized time. We argue that the variants of anti-Black stoppage and suffocation operate on multiple temporal registers of recognition that perform recognition even as they profit from antiblackness. For rhetorical scholars invested in studies of racial violence, the urgency of the moment should serve as a reminder that possibility lies in the inventional, an inventional that requires a disciplined, intentional, and persistent practice and commitment.
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Stefansen, Kari, Ingrid Smette, and Jane Dullum. "The ‘psychological turn’ in self-help services for sexual abuse victims: Drivers and dilemmas." International Review of Victimology 27, no. 1 (April 20, 2020): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758020918797.
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This article describes an ongoing process of transformation in sexual abuse counselling centres in Norway that involves a new classification of groups of victims. These centres have traditionally operated at the grassroots level and outside the statutory system of services for victims and with an open-door policy for all victims. Drawing on field visits and interviews with staff, we explore how the centres are now working to secure their place within the expanding organisational field of services engaged in victim support and anti-violence work – and the dilemmas this produces related to some victims. Theoretically, our analysis departs from a Bourdieusian approach to organisational fields as well as Abbott’s concept of professional regression. We find that the centres have adopted ways of thinking and working that stem from the discipline of psychology and the powerful trauma-discourse that has permeated the organisational field they are part of. This ‘psychological turn’ manifests in different ways in the centres, including an increasing problematisation and marginalisation of the centres’ original user group – women who are severely affected by childhood sexual abuse – who no longer are seen as benefitting from the services offered. Hence, it involves a regression from what used to be the centres’ purpose and niche, to care for the most vulnerable and marginalised victims.
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Berkowitz, Holly. "“This Could Go On Forever”: Rethinking the End in Suzan-Lori Parks’s Apocalyptic Dramas." Modern Drama 65, no. 3 (October 1, 2022): 406–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/md.65-3-1181.
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This article argues that Suzan-Lori Parks’s dramatic work should be considered in terms of its presentation of apocalyptic scenes that are unique in their rejection of endings. I examine Parks’s The America Play and Death of the Last Black Man in the Entire World as examples of apocalypse-in-process, representations of apocalypse that refuse a teleological context and instead focus on the unending nature of historical and global catastrophe. I build upon scholarship on Parks’s treatment of African American history and memory, particularly that which centres her preoccupation with the material and psychical remnants of slavery and oppression, to examine how apocalyptic themes undergird her writing. Parks’s reorientation of apocalyptic writing away from easily resolvable endings speaks directly to our present moment, in which anti-Black violence borne out of chattel slavery continues to reverberate in the face of the insidious violence of microaggressions and police brutality. In presenting sites of ostensible death as unlikely spaces for insurgent life, Parks’s plays rethink what narratives of death and trauma can look like.
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Berens, Sarah, and Mirko Dallendörfer. "Apathy or Anger? How Crime Experience Affects Individual Vote Intention in Latin America and the Caribbean." Political Studies 67, no. 4 (February 20, 2019): 1010–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718819106.
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Does the experience of crime lead to individual disenchantment from politics or can it even stir political activism? We study how crime victimization affects the intention to vote with survey data from Latin America and the Caribbean. Research on non-electoral political behavior reveals that crime victims become politically more engaged. In contrast, findings from psychological research suggest that victimization increases apathy due to loss of self-esteem and social cohesion. Building a cognitive foundation of political activism, we propose that it is the level of distress which increases—in the case of non-violent crime—or decreases—in the case of violent crime experience—the likelihood of voting. The results support the hypothesis on victims of non-violent crime. The probability of turnout does, however, not change for victims of criminal violence. We subsequently test for a possible anti-right-wing incumbent effect, to explain the mobilization of victims of non-violent crime, but only find evidence for an anti-center incumbent tendency.
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Hirji, Faiza, Yasmin Jiwani, and Kirsten Emiko McAllister. "On the Margins of the Margins: #CommunicationSoWhite—Canadian Style." Communication, Culture and Critique 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 168–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcaa019.
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Abstract Canada is defined by its commitment to multicultural diversity, tolerance and liberalism that belie the dominant whiteness of our institutions, including academia. Canadian Communication Studies, despite its history of attending to the power dynamics of the center and the margins, is no exception to this rule. Studies of racism and colonialism are confined to the corners of the discipline, reflecting the lack of representation in communication departments, the canon, and in the field’s flagship journal. This sharply contrasts the prevalence of contemporary issues concerning race, religion, nationalism, nationwide Indigenous movements and anti-racist campaigns, as well as mobilizations against police violence, Islamophobia, and pipelines. Colonialism, race and racialization are central to the framing of these issues and demand urgent attention.
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Bakshi, Shinjini. "Peer Support as a Tool for Community Care: “Nothing About Us, Without Us”." Columbia Social Work Review 19, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 20–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.52214/cswr.v19i1.7602.
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In the face of socio-political marginalization, frontline communities reclaim power by harnessing peer wisdom and resilience. The year 2020 marked the confluence of a global pandemic and widespread resistance against anti-Black racism and police violence, highlighting the value of peer voices and community perspectives. To dismantle and transcend carceral approaches to community care, the field of social work is invited to join a larger anti-carceral mental health movement that honors lived experience and works alongside peers to build identity-affirming structures of mental health care. This article examines the ways in which frontline communities benefit from expanded access to anti-carceral formal and informal peer support as a mental health safety net that interrupts harm and prioritizes agency, consent, and self-determination. This paper broadens social work’s conceptualization of peer support through theoretical frameworks of anti-carceral social work, abolition, and intersectionality. Social work and its adjacent fields are called to urgently center Black liberation, collective healing, and community care by advocating for the integration of formal and informal peer support into mental health policy and practice. This paper strategically leans into a lineage of critical peer thought scholarship by utilizing footnotes and citations to model the ethical acknowledgment of peer labor within human rights movements. This intentional structure promotes radical solidarity that resists the exploitation of people with lived experience.
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Robb-Jackson, Carley, and Sandra Campbell. "‘Healthy Relationships’ campaign: Preventing and addressing family and gender-based violence." Journal of Military, Veteran and Family Health 8, no. 1 (February 1, 2022): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/jmvfh-2021-0014.
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LAY SUMMARY Canadian military families face distinct challenges due to the military lifestyle, primarily due to relocation, absences and deployments, and risk of injury and death. Tied to these challenges is the intimate partner relationship and the ability of the family unit to thrive. To support families, Military Family Services (MFS) undertook a collaborative process to create a modernized campaign focused on healthy relationships for Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) members, Veterans, and their families. The “Healthy Relationships” campaign is a unique social media campaign centred on positive behaviour change, inspiration, and sharing of real military families’ stories. The campaign sought to shift the narrative from previous anti-family-violence messaging to promoting positive, healthy, and equitable relationships. The campaign was successful in its rollout across bases and wings in Canada, Europe, and the United States.
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Pass, Itzhak. "The Canaanites Following the Assassination Attempt on Minister of Transport David-Zvi Pinkas in 1952." IYUNIM Multidisciplinary Studies in Israeli and Modern Jewish Society 37 (July 15, 2022): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51854/bguy-37a132.
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The attempted assassination of David-Zvi Pinkas, Israel’s Orthodox cabinet Transport Minister, to protest his efforts to prohibit driving on Shabbat, was a prominent case of political violence in the early years of the State. Although both suspects in the attempt, former Lehi members Amos Kenan and Shaltiel Ben-Yair, were immediately apprehended, the criticism was aimed at the Canaanite group of which Kenan was a member. The Canaanites had returned to their pre-State activities which included the establishment of the newspaper Alef and the foundation of a semi-political movement called the ‘Center for Young Hebrews’, which promulgated radical anti-religious views. The assassination attempt was followed by heated public debate and a delegitimization campaign against them. For the Canaanites, the affair served as a catalyst for radicalization towards a positive view of political violence. The plans for their acts evince the radical stage they had reached, and conversely, their weakness and failure in the public arena. The Shin-Bet which had scrutinized them from the start, viewed them as an ‘underground’ movement and was cognizant of their plans. The assassination attempt and the radicalization of the movement and of those who opposed them impacted its activity and were a primary cause of its dissolution.
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North, Adrian C., Amanda E. Krause, Robert Kane, and Lorraine Sheridan. "United Kingdom “top 5” pop music lyrics." Psychology of Music 46, no. 5 (July 31, 2017): 638–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0305735617720161.
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The present research conducted a computerised analysis of the content of all lyrics from the United Kingdom’s weekly top 5 singles sales charts (Study 1, 1962–2011), and considered their macroeconomic correlates (Study 2, 1960–2011). Study 1 showed that coverage of interpersonal relationships consistently reflected a self-centred and unsophisticated approach; coverage of violence featured predominantly anti-authoritarian denial rather than overt depictions; and more recent lyrics were more stimulating. Study 2 showed no evidence that variations in lyrical optimism predicted future variations in economic optimism and subsequently Gross Domestic Product; but, consistent with the environmental security hypothesis, economic turbulence (defined as volatility in the closing price of the London Stock Exchange) was associated with the later popularity of lyrics concerning certainty and succour. These findings are discussed in terms of the advantages and limitations of computerised coding of lyrics.
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Lie, Siv B., and Ioanida Costache. "Staging Genocide: Theatrical Remembering of the Romani Holocaust." European History Quarterly 52, no. 4 (September 28, 2022): 677–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02656914221097602.
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This article explores performance-centred efforts to remediate the erasure of Romanies from public Holocaust narratives. First, the French play Samudaripen uses aesthetic strategies that emphasize themes of violence and rupture in order to evoke the brutality of Romani persecution under Nazi and Vichy regimes. With its performative elisions between Romani experiences in internment camps in France and concentration camps abroad, Samudaripen connects both historically-specific and fictionalized instances of Romani trauma to broader patterns of anti-Romani persecution past and present. Second, the Romanian-Romani language theatre piece Kali Traš (‘Black Fear’) relays the story of the Romani deportations to camps in Romania in the region of Transnistria under the rule of Romanian fascist dictator Ion Antonescu. Kali Traš pushes back against the silencing of the Romani genocide by reinvigorating the counter-history of the Romani Holocaust in both informative and affectively compelling ways. Each play proclaims Romani agency in commemorative contexts through its narrative and aesthetic strategies. This article shows how Romani artists have engaged in public-facing projects that criticize mainstream Holocaust historiographies and anti-Romani racism more broadly, assessing the extent to which such works constitute valuable additions to Romani struggles for recognition and reparations.
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I. A., Salami. "Developmental violent practices against children at home and in early childhood education centres in South West Nigeria." Journal of Educational Research and Reviews 8, no. 7 (September 11, 2020): 106–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.33495/jerr_v8i7.20.175.
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The curriculum content implemented, the practices surrounding the implementation and the child raising practices at home determine what an individual child becomes later in life. Education exposed to individuals that become teachers, medical doctors and the likes, is the same exposed to those who become terrorists, kidnappers and other anti-social professionals. What brings about the different outcomes is the level of developmental violence in the education and the practices. The developmental traits common to children who received Early Childhood Education (ECE) in Nigeria provide evidence that there are problems with either the content of ECE or the practices in the child’s immediate environment. The regurgitation of facts, development in intellectual domain only and the poor acquisition of language of the immediate environment are obvious in the children. This study, therefore, examines the ECE centres and homes of the children in terms of content delivered and the common practices adopted. A qualitative method of research with a desktop review of 35 studies was carried out. The findings revealed that adoptions of a foreign language, too much restriction from playing among others are some of developmental violent practices at homes and ECE centres. Creating awareness about hidden developmental violent practices and implementation and supervision of the language of instruction policy among others are recommended.
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Roberts, Marion. "Planning, urban design and the night-time city." Criminology & Criminal Justice 9, no. 4 (October 19, 2009): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895809343415.
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The planning system was constrained by a neo-liberalist insistence on land-use planning in the 1980s and early 1990s, thereby providing the institutional framework for deregulation of the numbers, capacities and types of licensed premises in town and city centres. This had a direct impact on levels of crime, violence and anti-social behaviour. Criminologists have criticized planners for their complicity in this process. The article argues that entertainment uses have been marginal to the social and ecological preoccupations of the planning profession. It suggests that the reintroduction of spatial planning by the New Labour government has allowed planners to reassert social and environmental objectives into their development plans and potentially to introduce a greater degree of regulatory control. The article examines the changes to the planning system and its complex relation to licensing. Finally, it questions whether this new opportunity for planners to intervene will be realized in the current economic downturn.
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Clare, Anthony W. "Ronald David Laing 1927–1989: an appreciation." Psychiatric Bulletin 14, no. 2 (February 1990): 87–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.14.2.87.
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It is unarguable that R. D. Laing was the best-known and, certainly outside mainstream psychiatry, the most influential psychiatrist of his time. His ideas have continued to exercise an astonishing appeal to writers, film directors, sociologists and philosophers. He epitomised for many the so-called anti-psychiatry movement and its portrayal of psychiatrists as agents of social control, psychiatric institutions as centres of degradation and psychiatric treatment as a process of invalidation. His rolling Glaswegian rhetoric summoned forth once again the compelling romantic concept of the psychotically ill as bearers of a potent insight into the fallibility, the malevolence and the violence at the heart of the human condition. He was, as his old teacher, and fellow-psychiatrist and Scot, Morris Carstairs, observed in a review in the Times Literary Supplement in 1976, “a guru of our time”. Now that he is no longer with us, how will time remember him?
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White, Svend W. "Third Annual Conference of the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy." American Journal of Islam and Society 19, no. 2 (April 1, 2002): 139–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v19i2.1953.
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On April 6-7, 2002, the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy(CSID) held its Third Annual Conference on the theme "Democratizationand Political Violence in Muslim Societies" just outside Washington, DC,at the Sheraton Crystal City Hotel in Arlington, Virginia. The conferencewas cosponsored by the Institute for Global Cultural Studies, StateUniversity of New York, Binghamton, NY, and the International Institute ofIslamic Thought (IIIT), VA.The conference got off to a lively start on Saturday morning with PanelOne: "Islam and Political Participation: Ideals, Actors, and Processes"which was chaired by Charles Butterworth of the University of Maryland,College Park. Asma Afsaruddin of the University of Notre Dame, IN,explored links between early Islamic discourse of the Khulafa 'a/-Rashidunera and modern Islamic conceptions of leadership in "Medieval IslamicDiscourse on Legitimate Leadership and its Modern Implications."Wanda Kruse of the University of Guelph, Canada, discussed theunderestimated role played by non-governmental political actors in theMiddle East in "Civil Society in the Democratization Process: A CaseStudy on Cairo Islamic Women's Organizations." Imad-ad-Dean Ahmad ofthe Minaret of Freedom Institute, MD, focused on the cases where democraticdecision-making in government enhanced law and order in earlyIslamic history in "The Anti-Correlation between Democracy and PoliticalViolence in the Experience of the Khulafa' al-Rashidun." Moataz A. Fattahof Cairo University closed the panel with an overview of empirical evidenceabout Muslims' attitudes towards democracy in "The Compatibilty ofMuslims' Beliefs and Democracy: Survey Results."Panel Two which was chaired by Jamal Barzinji of the InternationalInstitute of Islamic Thought had as its theme "Western Democracies andAuthoritarian Muslim Regimes: Understanding the Relationship." AuwaluHamisu Yadudu of Bayero University in no, Nigeria, analyzed the Shari'a ...
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Lavaert, Sonja. "Adriaan Koerbagh, “An Excellent Mathematician but a Wicked Fellow”." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 2-3 (September 3, 2020): 255–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-10002006.
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Abstract In the spirit of the new naturalism, Adriaan Koerbagh defends in Een Ligt schijnende in duystere plaatsen (1668) the freedom to philosophize with a fundamental critique of religion and metaphysics. He links this criticism to the politically radical, anti-hierarchical idea of universal equality and freedom. Moreover, by writing in Dutch, he addresses a broad audience with this explosive mixture of ideas. At the very center of his naturalism is the idea of an indifferent God or nature. He criticizes, unmasks, and translates improper language that is aimed at deception and oppression, and leads to violence. His loanword dictionary Een Bloemhof van allerley lieflijkheyd sonder verdriet (1668) can be seen as the preparatory handwork to this critical project. Koerbagh thereby places himself in the line of the clandestine freethinkers such as Vanini, the anonymous authors of Theophrastus redivivus and De jure ecclesiasticorum, Spinoza, and the clandestine text written ‘in the spirit of Spinoza,’ Traité des trois imposteurs. I will illustrate this genealogical line and thus illuminate the significance of this (politically) subversive thinker for the radical Enlightenment.
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Bujalka, Eva. "KVLTER than KVLT: ‘True (Norwegian) black metal’ and the satanic politics of Bataillean ‘authenticity’." Popular Music 38, no. 03 (October 2019): 518–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143019000333.
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AbstractAlthough there has recently been significant work published on the relationship between twentieth-century French (anti-)philosopher Georges Bataille's theories of religion and violence, and the sound and politics of black metal, little has been done to address Bataille's and black metal's shared concern with the problem of ‘authenticity’. Their concern, determined by their complicity with ‘evil’, is centred on a critique of modernity. I will read, with a specific focus on the second wave of Norwegian black metal, black metal's connivance with evil through Bataille's notion of authentic literature. Although two very different mediums – literature and music – Bataille's concept is applicable to a reading of black metal because of his invocation of evil and the Luciferian in his interpretation of authenticity. Bataille argues that authentic literature is necessarily diabolical because of the Nietzschean form of sovereignty that the author momentarily attains at the conception of the modern world – that is, in the wake of the death of God. The authenticity that Bataille and black metal seek is therefore bound up both with godlessness and the satanic.
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Sanz Simón, Carlos. "Los enemigos de la patria. La representación del otro durante la Guerra Civil Española en los textos escolares del fascismo italiano (1936-1943)." Historia y Memoria de la Educación, no. 12 (May 27, 2020): 333. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.12.2020.25928.
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The Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) was a battlefield that, although it developed nationally, had a scope and participation that crossed the borders of Spain. The rebel side enjoyed the help of two foreign powers in challenging the Second Republic: Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. It would be precisely the latter that would invest a greater economic and logistical effort, due to how Mussolini saw in Spain a possible Mediterranean ally, one akin to his model of Italian fascism. The present investigation attempts to discover how the enemy – in this case the Republican side – was represented in the school textbooks of the last years of the Duce's dictatorship in Italy. The texts were consulted in the Centro di documentazione e ricerca sulla storia del libro scolastico e della letteratura per l’infanza - Museo Paolo e Ornella Ricca of the Università degli Studi di Macerata (Italy). The results show how the school manuals of the time, in subjects such as history, readings, geography or patriotic teachings, reflected an image of the republican side associated with tyranny, demonizing their intervention in the warlike conflict with narratives that exalt violence and anti-Catholicism and identifying them with Soviet communism and anarchy.
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Powers, Scott. "Human Violence and Eating Animals: Reading Gaétan Soucy through the lenses of Animal and Vegan Studies." La vengeance dans le roman francophone, no. 119 (February 16, 2022): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1086333ar.
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This essay examines vegetarianism and the treatment of animals in Gaétan Soucy’s L’Immaculée Conception and Music-Hall! as part of an innovative commentary on violence among humans. The novels’ unconventional use of zoomorphism and anthropomorphism in establishing animal sentience and agency places the animal at the center of moral inquiry in order to denounce violent anthropocentrism. By drawing from leading theorists of animal and vegan studies, this essay demonstrates that in Soucy’s works, animals and minority human groups are depicted as sharing a common aggressor: patriarchy and its numerous avatars. By highlighting a number of parallels in the narratives between animals and human victims of male aggression, this study brings to light the novels’ denunciation of the meat processing industry and the consumption of meat as perpetuating a divisive social order that victimizes not only animals, but also women, children, and the poor. In contrast, the narratives proffer respect for animals as the ultimate anti-violent gesture. By extension, vegetarianism presents as a critical, self-reflexive consciousness and a deep ethical awareness that breaks with patterns of violent behavior at the foundation of Western civilization.
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Harawa, Nina T., Katrina M. Schrode, Joseph Daniels, Marjan Javanbakht, Anna Hotton, Solomon Makgoeng, Amy Ragsdale, et al. "Factors predicting incarceration history and incidence among Black and Latino men who have sex with men (MSM) residing in a major urban center." PLOS ONE 17, no. 3 (March 8, 2022): e0265034. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0265034.
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We analyzed data from a cohort of Black and Latino men who have sex with men (MSM) in order to identify correlates of prevalent and incident incarceration, including potential predictors related to their status as sexual and gender minorities (SGMs). Baseline and follow-up self-administered survey data were examined from Los Angeles County participants’ ages 18–45 years at enrollment who were either HIV negative or living with HIV, but recruited to over represent men who used drugs and men with unsuppressed HIV infection. Multivariable logistic regression models were developed to identify predictors of baseline incarceration history and of incident incarceration over study follow-up among 440 and 338 participants, respectively. Older age, Black race, low socioeconomic status, homelessness, stimulant use, and depression symptoms were associated with baseline incarceration history. The only SGM-related factor associated with baseline incarceration history was having experienced violence based on sexual orientation identity. Just one statistically significant, independent positive predictor of incident incarceration was identified: prior incarceration, whereas having four or more friends that could lend money was a statistically significant protective factor against incident incarceration. Fundamental Cause Theory provides a useful framework to explain identified predictors of incarceration. Addressing poverty, housing instability, inadequate access to health care, and their root causes is critical to reducing incarceration rates in this population, as is expanded access to both diversion and anti-recidivism programs and to evidence-based treatment for stimulant use disorders.
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LEE, Seok-Won. "Shimizu Ikutarō and the Precarious Coexistence of Progressivism and Conservatism." Social Science Japan Journal 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyab021.
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Abstract Shimizu Ikutarō (1907–1988) is one of the most controversial postwar Japanese intellectuals. His transition from the icon of the Anpo protests to an advocate of a nuclear Japan has been considered an intellectual conversion (tenkō). Instead of revisiting the notion of conversion, this study shows that his wartime thoughts—bottom-up nationalism in particular—continued to influence Shimizu’s postwar writings and activism on both conservative and liberal sides. Shimizu delineated his historical concept of how ordinary people in Meiji and Taisho Japan had contributed to the development of a modern society and called for the construction of a new system. Endorsing Japan’s wartime efforts, Shimizu strove to center nationalist energies by ordinary Japanese on his concept of a new Japan. However, Shimizu’s adherence to bottom-up movements in wartime and postwar Japan reflects his problematic interpretation of Japanese history. Neglecting Japan’s nationalistic path to colonial violence, his writings on the society and culture of wartime and postwar Japan affirm grass-root nationalism as Japan’s key to modern development. This line of thinking was later associated with anti-American nationalist movements in the 1950s. His notion of civil society movements soon encountered a highly nationalistic project of a nuclear Japan in the 1970s.
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Clark, Meredith D. "Remaking the #Syllabus: Crowdsourcing Resistance Praxis as Critical Public Pedagogy." Communication, Culture and Critique 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2020): 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcaa017.
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Abstract Between 2014 and 2017, the creation of hashtag syllabi—bricolage iterations of reading lists created by or circulated among educators on Twitter—emerged as a direct response for teaching about three highly publicized incidents of racial violence in the United States. Educators used hashtags as a means of sharing resources with their networks to provide non-normative literatures from marginalized scholars for teaching to transgress in the wake of Mike Brown’s slaying in Ferguson, Missouri; the massacre of nine congregants at Emmanuel AME Church in Charleston, South Carolina; and the fatal car attack on anti-fascist protestors in Charlottesville, Virginia. Acting on Chakravartty et al.’s provocation to center scholars of color in course syllabi as a pedagogical strategy to disrupt the reification of white supremacy in communication and media studies, I consider the creation of three hashtag syllabi related to these events as a form of critical resistance praxis in the emerging framework of digital intersectionality theory. I present a brief textual analysis of the aforementioned syllabi, triangulated with data from online conversations linked to them via their hashtags and derivative works produced by their creators and users to map two social media assisted strategies for doing critical public pedagogy.
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Relly, Jeannine E., and Silvio Waisbord. "Why collective resilience in journalism matters: A call to action in global media development." Journal of Applied Journalism & Media Studies 11, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 163–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ajms_00089_1.
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The COVID-19 pandemic, global economic downturn, anti-press violence and worsening situation of labour precarity for journalists around the world have led to increased stress, trauma and burnout in the profession, which raises questions at the heart of media sustainability and approaches to media development in a global context. Our study builds on the conceptual framework of professional and collective resilience research to analyse the content of media development work on publicly facing websites of a census of implementing organizations represented on the Center for International Media Assistance website (N = 18). Our findings suggest that donors and other sponsors of media development work should consider making resilience a core component of global programmes in support of media democracy and journalism. Though programmatic agendas in global media development are crowded with multiple goals in response to complex problems, we believe that resilience should be prioritized. This work cannot be done without a nuanced analysis of local causes of emotional distress as well as local understandings of emotional labour and repair. Working with journalists’ support organizations and employers in conducting diagnoses, identifying suitable actions and promoting sustainable practices is imperative. Recommendations and actions need to be sensitive to local conditions, demands and opportunities. While immediate remediation actions are important, it is also important to keep attention on long-term structural matters that cause emotional distress.
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Snyder, Stephen. "Transvaluation and Aesthetic Displacement: Gezi Park and the Power of Art." Protest, Vol. 4, no. 2 (2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.47659/m7.026.art.
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The wave of demonstrations that developed out of the Gezi Park sit-ins manifested a form of aesthetic creativity that employed transvaluation and displacement in a way that set them apart from other protests in Turkey and the Arab world. Transvaluation and displacement were arguably among the primary forces that drove the protests following the forceful breakup of the Gezi Park sit-ins. The protests began when police forcefully removed sleeping demonstrators from Gezi Park. To most observers, the police use of violence to clear the park was deemed disproportionate, and the resistance countered the tear gas, truncheons, water cannons, and detentions with a level of aesthetic intensity that surprised detractors as well as supporters. The primary aim of the movement was to protect a park in the center of Istanbul, but the resistance represented a broad coalition of those who opposed what they perceived as the autocratic ruling style of then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. They ranged from anti-capitalist Muslims to students who simply opposed the Prime Minister’s Islamification of the Turkish public sphere. Examining the way in which transvalution and displacement were used as a response to the force employed by riot police at the direction of the Turkish government shows how political art was employed effectively in the Gezi Park protests. Keywords: aesthetics displacement, art and social power, Gezi Park, political, political art, politics and aesthetics, protest
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Gan-Krzywoszyńska, Katarzyna, and Piotr Leśniewski. "The Culture of Memory: The Approach of Reyes Mate." ETHICS IN PROGRESS 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2014): 246–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/eip.2014.2.16.
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The aim of the article is to present Reyes Mate’s project for a culture of memory. Western culture/tradition tends to erase and blur the traces of crimes (even genocides) in order to achieve/restore peace; however, at the same time, this leads to ignoring the victim’s suffering and, in consequence, helps the wrongdoer. Following Reyes Mate, we argue that a memory of past injustices must constitute an integral part of the present and is the only means to prevent the hermeneutic death of victims. Any project for justice must put victims at the center of reflection. Memory is the beginning of the process that leads to reconciliation, for it makes it possible to redress both the victim and society. Moreover, it enables us to reclaim both the victim and wrongdoer as members of society. A culture of memory would also be a response to the failure of knowledge. Cases of extreme violence elude and transcend cognition; they are not only unthought but also unthinkable. Therefore, memory is a consequence not of discovering but of revealing the past: it follows from the fact that unthought exists and the unthinkable happened, which proves that our knowledge is limited and that we are able [and eager] to “invisibilize” victims’ suffering and depriving injustices of meaning. This is why memory should be the starting point for reflection on a new philosophical program against lassitude and oblivion, as well as on idealistic/anti-realistic and Enlightenment ideas. Memory reveals hidden aspects/dimensions of our reality and becomes at the same time an epistemic imperative and fundamental philosophical category.
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Haque, Amber. "Unveiling Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2003): 213–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i3-4.1846.
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Many books have been written on Muslims and Islam since 9/1 I. Amajority of them have tried to show Islam's negative side in an attempt toprove that Islam teaches violence and that Muslims love to engage injihad to become martyrs. Such contentions are generally made by antiMusliminterest groups, certain religious organizations, and politiciansunder the influence of such extremists. These people stir up anti-Muslimsentiments to influence public opinion and bend government policies infavor of such groups. This book is a similar attempt to gain popularity forthe authors and arouse anti-Muslim sentiment at a time that is trying formost Americans. The authors, Ergun Caner and Emir Caner, are brothers.The senior author is professor of theology at Criswell College, Dallas,Texas, and the second author teaches at the Baptist Seminary in WakeForest, North Carolina.The book contains a preface and introduction, I 6 chapters on variousaspects of Islam, and four appendices, including an index to the Qur'anand a glossary of Arabic terms. The preface is a story of the clash ofculturesbetween the authors' Muslim (Turkish) father and Swedish mother,which resulted in a divorce when the Caner brothers were still veryyoung. The father had visitation rights and would take Ergun and Emir tothe Islamic Center in Columbus, Ohio, on weekends "to do the prayers,celebrate Ramadhan and read the Qur'an." This was the children's onlyexposure to Islam, until Ergun was I 5 and visited a church after his bestfriend invited him to do so. Ergun found the people at church warm and"didn't mock when he stumbled through the hymns." He joined thegospel ministry in 1982 and has since been preaching (against Islam) inorder "to bring salvation for 1.2 billion Muslims." Thus the title of thebook is itself deceiving, as it conveys that a practicing Muslim became aChristian, when, in fact, the authors actually became Christians in theirearly teens and had almost no education in Islam.It is appalling that the introductory chapter opens with a threat from"Shaikh" Osama bin Laden to the Americans and blessings for those whogave their lives to k.ill the 9/1 I victims. The authors portray bin Laden asa typical Muslim who is out to get all people who refuse to accept Islam ...