Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Anti-Soviet'

This thesis examines the impact of Soviet anti-religious policies on the Muslims of Central Asia from 1917 to 1938. The long struggle of the Bolsheviks to come to the power, their attempts to perpetuate the Russian hegemony in Central Asia, and the reactions of the Central Asian people towards the new regime will all form part of this thesis. Having successfully brought about the revolution, the Bolsheviks faced many challenges. One the famous slogans of the revolution, recognition of each nationality's right of self determination, boomeranged on the Bolsheviks, with the European proletariat deserting from the path of the revolution and proclaiming their own independence. In this situation, the Bolsheviks endeavored to gain the support of the Muslims. The government made many promises to the Muslims but, at the same time, dissolved the Kokand government established by the Muslims, causing Muslium revolts throughout the Central Asian region. The Muslim threat was met with measures of appeasement. The government's promises succeeded in attracting the modernist Muslims to cooperate with the regime. A strategy of "divide and rule" and of indirect attacks on Islam was employed, aiming at the annihilation of Islam. Conservative Muslims continued to vehemently oppose the Soviet regime and its policies. But, given the success of the regime in the civil war, and the lack of unity and the strength among Muslims, the Soviet anti-religious policies in Central Asia succeeded at the institutional level, to do great damage to Islam. However, these policies proved ineffectual in destroying the influence of Islamic teachings on the Muslims of Central Asia.

Bibliography: p. 247-263.
In this dissertation I demonstrate that in many Western and Soviet texts the work of so called formalist leftists and figurative artists are viewed as diametrically opposed to one another. I argue against the perpetuation of this polemic and the assumptions that inform this view. These assumptions are that the leftists produced self-referential works indicative of an anti-realist philosophy and that figurative artists produced social commentaries informed by a philosophy of realism which led 'inevitably' to Socialist Realism. Although a few recent texts warn against oversimplifying this debate, none go far enough in deconstructing the view that there were two groupings diametrically opposed to one another. In fact, many simply repeat the argument as it was articulated in the twenties and thirties, which is to ignore the possibility of a critical analysis of the theoretical principles and constraints informing the debates current at that time. Categorising leftists as anti-realist and figurative artists as realist is not satisfactory firstly because neither the leftists nor the figurative artists existed as homogenous groupings and secondly because many figurative artists (the so-called realists) in fact challenged the idea of a coherent world order existing external to the art work. Nevertheless there are artists from both these categories who asserted the importance of an objective world that was external to and a primary determinant of the art work. In this dissertation I demonstrate that these figurative artists often shared the same ideological goals with leftists. Instead of working with the idea of viewing artists of the twenties and thirties as realist or anti-realist, figurative or so-called formalist, I discuss their philosophical and stylistic choices in relation to the political and economic project of the period, namely the empowerment of the proletariat and the attempt to foster a proletarian culture.

This thesis investigates Stalin’s post-WW2 anti-cosmopolitan campaign by comparing the lives of two Soviet-Jewish artists. Zinovii Tolkachev was a Ukrainian artist and Pavel Antokol’skii a Moscow poetry professor. Tolkachev drew both Jewish and Socialist themes, while Antokol’skii created no Jewish motifs until his son was killed in combat and he encountered Nazi concentration camps; Tolkachev was at the liberation of Majdanek and Auschwitz. Both men were excoriated during the “anti-cosmopolitan” campaign. Using primary sources, I examine their art and the balance between Judaic and Soviet references, the accusations made and the connections between the attacks, the Holocaust, and Soviet paranoias of that era. While anti-Semitism played a role, I highlight the authorities’ reaction to their style and content. This moment in cultural policy was part of a continuum of reactions to World War II and included themes that went beyond the native anti-Semitism of the period.

The use of arguments containing increasingly technical materials has grown significantly in the recent years. Specifically, arguments that are used to justify military expenditures or to allege violations of international agreements are becoming more sophisticated. This study examines the dissemination and use of technical argument in claims made by the United States government that the Soviet Union violated chemical and biological treaties in Southeast Asia and Afghanistan. This study employs the Jowett-O'Donnell method for analyzing propaganda to determine the extent and effectiveness of the government's claims. The study concludes that propaganda was used extensively by the government in order to justify new weapons programs and that the propaganda campaign was effective because of the technological orientation of its claims.

In this paper I will critically reflect upon an intercultural experience connected with appearance, dress, and the different mutual perceptions of 'others' in public space in current Moscow and Vienna. I will construe this experience as fundamentally different attitudes towards informal behaviour, appearance and gender ambivalence. One of the main causes of this situation I have located in the 1960s, a period of anti-authoritarian subcultural upheaval in the Soviet Union as well as 'the West'. The very different social, economic and political contexts of their emergence and their further ('socialist' vs. capitalist) trajectories are, as I will argue, at the root of the perceptions and connotations of casual wear and behaviour in the public spaces of present-day Moscow and Vienna.(author´s abstract)
Series: WU Online Papers in International Business Communication / Series One: Intercultural Communication and Language Learning

An examination of the compositional style illustrative of the anti-collectivist ideology as found in Edison Denisov's Quatre Pièces pour flûte et piano. Includes a short history of Denisov's formal training, history of the Soviet musical environment, an overview of his creative output, and discussion of the anti-collectivist characteristics in his works. Defines the anti-collectivist doctrine as individual reaction to the totalitarian collective of the Soviet communist state of the twentieth century. Identification of eclectic compositional techniques, and how they represent individual expression under a totalitarian regime. Listing of Denisov's works with the flute in a primary role, interviews with Aurèle Nicolet and Ekaterina Denisov, correspondence from Denisov to Nicolet, and the manuscript score to Quatre Pièces pour flûte et piano follow as appendices.

The following study traces the history of fundamental political resistance to Communism in the Soviet Occupied Zone/German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955. The two most tangible manifestations of this form of resistance are dealt with: actions of members of the non-Marxist parties before being co-opted into the Communist system, and the popular uprising on 17 June 1953. In both manifestations, the state's abuse of basic rights of its citizens---such as freedom of speech and personal legal security---played a dominant role in motivation to resist.
This study argues that the 17 June uprising was an act of fundamental resistance which aimed to remove the existing political structures in the German Democratic Republic. By examining the Soviet Occupied Zone and German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1955, it becomes clear that there existed in the population a basic rejection of the Communist system which was entwined with the regime's disregard for basic rights. Protestors on 17 June 1953 demonstrated for the release of political prisoners, and voiced political demands similar to those which had been raised by oppositional members of the non-Marxist parties in the German Democratic Republic prior to their being forced into line. The organized political resistance in the non-Marxist parties represented "Resistance with the People" (Widerstand mit Volk).

碩士
國立臺灣師範大學
臺灣史研究所
105
This research aims to examine the origin of the construction of the Armed Forces, the content of the activities held in it, and the reason for its demolition. In the early post-war period, the government of the Republic of China retreated to Taiwan. Along with the coming of the military to Taiwan came basketball as well. Due to the popularity of basketball in the armed forces, the military gradually promoted basketball to the public, and basketball eventually became one of the most popular sports in Taiwan. The Armed Forces Stadium was built against such a backdrop and became the biggest stadium in East Asia. In view of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the Republic of China now settled in Taiwan endeavored to make its voice heard internationally to prove that it was the true representative of “Free China.” In addition to hosting basketball matches, the stadium also became an important place where the government held the Jie-Shou Cup to win over overseas Chinese and garner international recognition. As the then biggest indoor stadium in the country, the Armed Forces Stadium was also rented out for other types of events. Yet, since it was under the jurisdiction of the military, the purpose of any activity held there must align with the national policy of “anti-communism and anti-Soviet Union”. Further since the rental income and the ticket revenue were to be used to pay for activities to entertain the army, the stadium partook of much military coloration. Ten years after its establishment, in 1960, the stadium was demolished because “its term of use had expired.”” Although queries about its funding remained, the Armed Forces Stadium did not only manifest the particular historical significance of the post-war Taiwan, but also projected a competitive field through sports tournaments.

Humor as a Mirror of Political Reality: Anti-Communist humor in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in comparative perspective Author: Arevik Zadoyan Supervisor: Janusz Salamon, Ph.D. Academic Year: 2019/2020 Abstract Humor is an important part of our daily lives though sometimes it is overlooked by historians and those studying politics. This thesis explores anti-communist jokes in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia in order to answer the question of whether or not humor is able to accurately mirror the political reality of a given country. After an extensive research, this thesis supports the argument that political humor in the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia provided an accurate description of the regime, meaning jokes were not only meant to humor the audience but they were also informative and touched upon questions such as foreign policies, domestic life, ethnic and religious issues, personality cults of their leaders, propaganda and censorship, and much more. But even though both countries had anti-communist jokes, some characteristics (e.g., context, form, length) varied. Furthermore, since jokes are time specific, the pattern of differentiation is also present chronologically.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1999.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-66).

According to Józef Piłsudski’s supporters, the Promethean concept, as the main Polish program of the interwar period aimed at dismemberment of the Soviet Union into individual countries, was one of the ways to neutralize Russian imperialism and to strengthen Poland’s role in the region. The Promethean concept was based on collaboration with the emigration elite of the nations conquered by the Soviets in 1918-1921. As assumed by Piłsudski’s circles, Turkey fitted the Promethean policy well not only due to the fact that a lot of anti-Soviet emigrants took refuge in Constantinople (Istanbul) but also because both Poland and Turkey had a mutual geopolitical interest in weakening Russia. The purpose of my research is to establish the role of Turkey as a state (Ottoman Empire and the Republic of Turkey) as well as a geographical area in the Polish Promethean activity in 1918-1932. The purpose of this research also aims at investigating the specifics of the relationship between Warsaw and anti-Soviet emigration, and the situation within the Promethean movement as a whole, and each separate national emigrant movement (Azerbaijani, Georgian, North Caucasian, Crimean Tatar, Ukrainian, Turkestan and Idel-Ural) presented in Turkey. The research is mostly based on the archive materials from Warsaw, Moscow and Ankara as well as published documents of the anti-Soviet emigrants, Polish, Soviet, Turkish, British, French authorities and intelligence services. The thesis consists of five chapters. The first chapter presents overview of the historiography and sources that are presented in the research. The second chapter shows that due to the rapprochement between Ankara and Moscow in 1919 and Allies intervention in Turkey, neither Poles nor political elite of the proclaimed states within the former Russian Empire could expect any support from Turkey in terms of anti- Soviet action in 1918-1921. The third chapter shows that due to the Treaty of Riga (1921) and Western Powers’ reluctance to intervene into Russian affairs, Eastern Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the General Staff, a strong base of Józef Piłsudski’s supporters, had to continue their anti-Soviet activity strictly unofficially. The chapter describes the first contacts between the Poles and the anti-Soviet emigration in Turkey and Europe. The fourth part illustrates general activation of the Polish Promethean policy in Turkey and Europe impacted by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). On the other hand, Polish activity coincided with a much stronger interest of national emigrations in Turkey towards establishing contacts with other foreign states interested in any anti-Soviet activities. The chapter underlines the importance of the 1924 anti- Soviet Georgian revolt for deliberation of the Polish concept aimed at dividing Soviet Union. The fifth part depicts activation of the Polish Prometheans following Józef Piłsudski’s return to power in 1926 after outside of politics for 3 years. The chapter describes Warsaw’s attempts to consolidate political refugees from Caucasus in Caucasian Independence Committee and all anti- Soviet emigrants in overall Promethean movement. It was very difficult to achieve these goals because of internal disputes and political demoralization within the emigration, Polish economic problems as well as Soviet pressure on Turkey to ban any anti-Soviet activity in the country. Due to the lack of confidence in Western Powers and Moscow, the main idea of the Turkish policy was to use friendship with the Soviet Union against the West and use the possibility of breaking this friendship against the Soviet Union. In order to conduct such a policy Turkey could not have strong ties with both sides. The two-track policy of Ankara was also clearly reflected in its stand towards the anti-Soviet emigration. On the one hand, Ankara allowed them to stay, form organizations on a certain scale and used them for counterintelligence tasks on the Soviet- Turkish border. On the other hand, Turks used emigrants as a bargaining chip in relations with the Soviets. Given its inability to get any concrete guarantees of safety and financial support on the larger international arena, Ankara signed a treaty of friendship and neutrality with Moscow in 1925, which was further confirmed through the conclusion of many agreements of both economic and political nature. Turkish-Soviet political and financial rapprochement and Polish- Soviet Non-Aggression Pact in 1932 influenced not only on restriction of emigrants’ activity in Turkey but also its transfer to Warsaw, Berlin, and Paris.
Zgodnie z poglądami prezentowanymi przez obóz, na którego czele stał Józef Piłsudski, jedną z możliwości neutralizacji rosyjskiego imperializmu i zarazem sposobem wzmocnienia roli Polski w regionie była realizacja koncepcji prometejskiej. Był to główny polski program w okresie międzywojennym ukierunkowany na rozsadzenie Związku Radzieckiego. Koncepcja prometejska gruntowała się na współprace Polski z elitą powstałych na terenie byłego Imperium Rosyjskiego narodów, która to elita po podboju jej krajów przez Sowietów w latach 1918-1921 schroniła się na emigracji. Turcja uwzględniana była we wszystkich kalkulacjach prometejskich nie tylko ze względu na jej przekształcenie się w jedno z głównych skupisk emigracji antyradzieckiej. Podstawą programu było założenie, że państwo to, tak jak Polska graniczące z radziecką Rosją, posiadało zasadniczo wspólne z Polską interesy w osłabieniu Rosji. Rozprawa ma na celu ustalenie roli Turcji jako państwa (Imperium Ottomańskiego i Republiki Tureckiej) oraz terenu geograficznego w polskich posunięciach prometejskich w latach 1918-1932. Celem rozprawy jest również przedstawienie specyfiki relacji pomiędzy Warszawą a emigracją antyradziecką w Turcji. Oprócz tego przedmiotem zainteresowania jest przedstawienie wewnętrznych dziejów ruchu prometejskiego, spojrzenie na sytuację na odcinkach emigracji narodowościowej (azerbejdżańskiej, gruzińskiej, północnokaukaskiej, ukraińskiej, Tatarów Krymskich i Nadwołżańskich, turkiestańskiej) w Turcji oraz na współpracę emigrantów w ramach ruchu prometejskiego. Podstawą rozprawy jest materiał z archiwów w Warszawie, Moskwie i Ankarze, a także opublikowane dokumenty emigracji antyradzieckiej, władz i wywiadów Polski, Związku Radzieckiego, Turcji, Wielkiej Brytanii, Francji. Rozprawa składa się z 5 rozdziałów. Rozdział pierwszy zawiera analizę historiografii i bazy źródłowej wykorzystanych w rozprawie. Rozdział drugi demonstruje, iż w warunkach zbliżenia Ankary i Moskwy w 1919 r. oraz interwencji aliantów w Turcję, Polacy i elita polityczna powstałych na terenie byłego Imperium Rosyjskiego narodów nie mogli oczekiwać na jakąkolwiek pomoc ze strony Turcji w akcji antyradzieckiej w latach 1918-1921. Rozdział trzeci demonstuje, że z chwilą zawarcia traktatu pokojowego w Rydze oraz niezainteresowaniu mocarstw zachodnich w dalszej interwencji w kwestię rosyjską, Wydział Wschodni MSZ Polski i Sztab Generalny (Główny) Wojska Polskiego, główne ośrodki stronnictwa piłsudczyków, musiały kontynuować działalność antyradziecką nieoficjalnie. Rozdział zawiera analizę nawiązania pierwszych kontaktów pomiędzy stroną polską a emigracją antyradziecką w Turcji i Europie. W rozdziale czwartym zwrócono uwagę na ogólne uaktywnienie polskiej działalności prometejskiej w Turcji i Europie spowodowane podpisaniem traktatu w Lozannie w 1923 r. Z drugiej strony, uaktywnienie Polaków zbiegło się w czasie z coraz bardziej większym zainteresowaniem emigracji co do nawiązania tej współpracy w kwestii antyradzieckiej. Podkreślono ważność wpływu nieudanego antyradzieckiego powstania w Gruzji w 1924 r. dla ewolucji polskiej koncepcji prometejskiej. Rozdział piąty dotyczy uaktywnienia polskich prometeistów po powrocie Józefa Piłsudskiego do władzy w 1926 r. Przyjrzano się bacznie próbom zjednoczenia przez Polaków przedstawicieli emigracji kaukaskiej w ramach stworzonego w Turcji Komitetu Niepodległości Kaukazu oraz powołania ogólnego ruchu prometejskiego pod egidą Polski. Osiągnięcie tego celu było dość skomplikowanym z powodu konfliktów wewnętrznych i demoralizacji politycznej wśród emigrantów, problemów finansowych Polski oraz presji Sowietów na Turcję w kierunku zakazania działalności antyradzieckiej na jej terenie. Z powodu podejrzeń Turków odnośnie zamierzeń Zachodu i Moskwy, główna idea tureckiej polityki polegała na wykorzystywaniu przyjaźni z Moskwą przeciwko agresywnym zapędom Zachodu, a z drugiej strony możliwościach zerwania tej przyjaźni przeciwko ZSRR. Prowadzenie przez Ankarę dwutorowej polityki na arenie międzynarodowej odzwierciedliło się na jej stosunku do emigracji antyradzieckiej. Z jednej strony, Ankara zgodziła się na pozostawanie emigrantów w Turcji, prowadzenie przez nich działalności konspiracyjnej, a także wykorzystywała ich w celach kontrwywiadowczych na granice ze ZSRR. Z drugiej strony, Turcy traktowali emigrantów jako kartę przetargową w stosunkach z Sowietami. Brak poważnych osiągnięć w próbach uzyskania przez Ankarę gwarancji bezpieczeństwa i pomocy finansowej w pertraktacjach z Zachodem zmuszał władze tureckie do coraz większego zacieśnienia sojuszu z Moskwą. Wyrazem tego było podpisanie radziecko-tureckiego traktatu o przyjaźni i neutralności (1925 r.), który później został potwierdzony przez zawarcie licznych umow o charakterze politycznym i gospodarczym. Coraz mocniejszy związek polityczny Ankary z Moskwą oraz zawarcie polsko-radzieckiego paktu o nieagresji w 1932 r. doprowadziły do ograniczenia działalności emigrantów w Turcji i przeniesienia ich posunięć z Turcji do Warszawy, Paryża i Berlina.

The diploma thesis is devoted to the analysis of anti-religious propaganda conducted by the Bolshevik government in the 1920s and 1930s on the example of materials published in the Bezbozhnik magazine. The work outlines the historical context of the Soviet anti-religious policy of the interwar period, and describes the activities of the main anti-religious organization, the League of Militant Atheists and its leader Yemelyan Yaroslavsky. Furthermore, the publishing activities of the League of Militant Atheists and the network of periodicals published by it are described. In its core the work focuses on the analysis of the main anti-religious periodical, which was the newspaper and later the magazine Bezbožnik. The basic methods of propaganda used by this periodical are described in connection with the propagandistic character of contemporary Soviet art. Special attention is paid to the illustrative material in the magazine, especially the anti-religious cartoon and its sources. The work is a contribution to understanding the functioning of communist totalitarian ideology and its influence in the media space.

The purpose of this study was to examine the peculiarities of framing of the United States in selected Belarusian newspapers during first six months of the Obama administration. The concepts of anti-Americanism, authoritarian model of mass media and framing were chosen as a theoretical framework. This study was focused on the two main questions: first, what is the difference in how Belarusian state-run and independent newspapers frame the U.S., and second, what is the mechanism of creating negative image of the U.S. in Belarusian newspapers. In order to provide comprehensive answers to both questions the multi-method approach (involving methods of content and framing analysis) was chosen. As this study demonstrated, the state-run and independent newspapers present a very different image of the U.S.: state-run newspapers present the U.S. within a scope of strong negative frames. However, the picture in the independent newspapers is the opposite: out of four general frames three were positive and one was neutral-positive. The results of the content analysis showed that negative images of the United States do not necessarily have to be promoted through direct judgmental statements, but could rather be initiated by means of selecting certain negative facts for publication, often from unidentified sources. By concentrating their attention on crime, natural catastrophes, manipulating statistical data, omitting sources of information and selecting foreign experts who are critically inclined against the U.S media create a negative image of the United States.

Ever since the fall of the Soviet Union, illicit drugs have begun flowing into the former Soviet states for local sale and consumption, as well as for further transit to Western European states. Though the former Soviet states claim to be dedicated to the global fight against drugs, their alleged connections to the criminal underworld and weak and underdeveloped state institutions raise doubts over the sincerity and capacity of their effort. In this diploma thesis the impact of illicit drugs and the depth of the state-crime nexus in the Former Soviet Union region is analyzed, also covering crime-terror nexus, crucial in understanding the crime-terror relationship for mutual profit. The study's results have shown that various FSU states have shown varying degrees of connection to the criminal world, posing an international security risk due to the criminal underworld's involvement with clandestine drug trade in connection with terrorist groups.

This study provides a Benjaminian reading of Soviet Yiddish cultural and intellectual history from the 1920s to the 1980s and retrieves the legacy of Soviet Yiddish antifascist thought and activism as a constitutive element throughout its existence. The interconnected ideas of antifascism, anti-capitalism, anti-racism, anti-imperialism and anti-colonialism are introduced as important reading keys for Soviet Yiddish culture, for its ideas of ‘Jewishness’ and for its varied responses to the Holocaust and its memory – as represented in works of literature, film, theater and monuments. In attempting to ‘decolonize’ this antifascism and Holocaust memory in dialogue with postcolonial studies and critical race theory, this study makes sense of the Soviet and Yiddish cultural ecosystems with the help of Homi Bhabha’s notion of ‘cultural hybridity’ and posits not persecution and antisemitism as the ‘engine’ of Soviet Yiddish history – but its very intellectual engagement with, and activism against, those two forces in ‘rhizomatic’ fashion. As such, it contributes to the renaissance in research into antifascism in the longue durée and its links to communist internationalism. Besides illuminating a counter-memory of the Holocaust, this story about Soviet Yiddish activism and brave memory-work also uncovers the Cold-War-generated stakes of our postwar conception of ‘Jewishness.’ These conceptions have both needed Soviet Yidishkayt as their ‘other,’ and simultaneously silenced and forgotten it. Ultimately, this study hopes to reopen this archive of thought and memory as a repository of tools to be used in the current moment of rising transnational fascism as well.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.

This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management.
Graduate
hilmyh@uvic.ca