Journal articles: 'Anti-nuclear activists'

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Haines, Monamie Bhadra. "Contested credibility economies of nuclear power in India." Social Studies of Science 49, no. 1 (February 2019): 29–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306312719827114.

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STS scholars studying anti-nuclear activism in the context of nations in the Global North have observed the critical role of science to mediate relations of domination and resistance. Through a historical examination of anti-nuclear activism in India, this article investigates the instrumentalization of science as a liberal democratic rationality. In doing so, the article shows how elite Indian activists – many of whom are scientists, engineers, journalists and academic professionals – will never be seen as scientifically knowledgeable in nuclear matters, because of their non-state educational pedigrees. If activists cannot hold the state accountable through science, they have attempted to anticipate what other kinds of arguments and modes of contention may gain traction. As such, they have deployed more ‘guerilla’ tactics grounded in bureaucratic rationalities in the hopes of installing themselves as alternate sources of expertise in India’s nuclear landscape.

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Peterson, Christian Philip. "Changing the World from “Below”: U.S. Peace Activists and the Transnational Struggle for Peace and Détente in the 1980s." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 3 (August 2020): 180–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00926.

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Much more so than previous works in the field of U.S. foreign relations, this article explores the relationship between the Helsinki Accords and peace activism in the United States. The article explains how well-known groups such as U.S. Helsinki Watch and lesser-known ones such as Campaign for Peace and Democracy West/East used the Helsinki Final Act when they challenged U.S. peace activists to defend the rights of imprisoned anti-nuclear activists in the Soviet bloc and to link the causes of peace and human rights. The article also demonstrates how the exchanges between U.S. human rights and anti-nuclear activists fit into transnational debates about linkages between the issues of human rights, peace, détente, and the “Helsinki process.”

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van Troost, Dunya, Bert Klandermans, and Jacquelien van Stekelenburg. "Friends in High Places." Humanity & Society 42, no. 4 (October 7, 2018): 455–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597618802537.

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Scholars working from the political opportunity approach have upheld the notion that the political context sets the grievances around which activist mobilizes. Inspired by Tarrow and colleagues plea to explain political activism by analyzing how activists are mobilized, this article focuses on the individual protester. The research question in this article reads how are activist’s protest emotions shaped by characteristics of the political context, specifically by their political alliances? We focus on the emotional constellation evoked by environmental issues (e.g., climate change and nuclear energy) with Green Parties as movement allies and anti-austerity issues with Social Democratic parties as movement allies. Specifically, the parliamentary position of these allies is linked to the relative stake anger and frustration have within the emotional constellation of demonstrators. Results are based on survey data collected among 6,598 demonstrators, and their emotions dispersed over 28 demonstrations in seven European countries. We conclude that having a politically well-connected friend seems to matter more to demonstrators’ emotional constellation than the ideological support provided by that friend.

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Laucht, Christoph. "‘Treatment Not Trident’: Medical Activism, Health Inequality and Anti-Militarism in 1980s Britain." Social History of Medicine 32, no. 4 (April 19, 2018): 843–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/shm/hky027.

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Summary In 1985, Britain’s chief group of medical anti-nuclear weapons activists, the Medical Campaign Against Nuclear Weapons (MCANW), launched its ‘Treatment, Not Trident’ (TNT) campaign. TNT called on the Thatcher Government to cancel the acquisition of the Trident nuclear weapon system and divert those funds to the National Health Service and foreign aid instead. Using TNT, this article makes some more general observations about key aspects of the history, nature and ideologies of medical activism in relation to anti-militarism and health inequality. Alongside a conceptualisation of ‘medical activism’, it offers an examination of chief ways in which the strategic mobilisation of health and welfare priorities, and a growing interest in developing nations enabled MCANW to reach a larger audience. Moreover, higher levels of professionalisation, politicisation and inclusivity contributed to TNT’s success, making it a crucial moment in the development of both MCANW and medical activism in general.

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Teimouri, Amirhossein. "Google Plus as a Contentious Field of Revolutionary Identity." Comparative Sociology 20, no. 3 (August 4, 2021): 402–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10036.

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Abstract Social media platforms have been increasingly reinvigorating extreme movements, especially rightist movements. Utilizing unique Google Plus data, the author shows the rise and fall of the 2015 rightist anti-Nuclear Deal movement in Iran. He argues that the Google Plus platform in 2015 provided the new generation of revolutionary Islamist rightist activists with a contentious space of mobilization, enabling them to develop a new revolutionary rightist identity. This revolutionary identity and its corresponding language and discourse did not fully unfold in Iranian mainstream rightist media, even though rightist groups, compared to liberal groups, are not censored and repressed. The new generation of rightist activists perceived the Nuclear Deal as an existential threat to revolutionary principles of the country, and thus played out their outrage and identity anxieties on Google Plus. The author contends that this online outrage, due to the activists’ identity bond with the regime and the 1979 Iranian Revolution, however, did not translate into any massive offline mobilization against the Nuclear Deal. He also discusses the methodological implications of using social media data, especially the discontinuation of Google Plus.

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HO, Ming-Sho. "The Politics of Anti-Nuclear Protest in Taiwan: A Case of Party-Dependent Movement (1980–2000)." Modern Asian Studies 37, no. 3 (June 25, 2003): 683–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03003068.

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This essay tries to understand a particular pattern of the relation between social movement and political party. By analyzing the development of the anti-nuclear protest in Taiwan, the author puts forth the concept of party-dependent movement. This term denotes an awkward situation where the fate of a social movement is bound to the electoral performance of a certain political party. In Taiwan, the rise of anti-nuclear voice is closely related to the democratic opening. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) adopted an unequivocal anti-nuclear stand ever since its founding in 1986, thus helped to collect the increasing support from the broad movement constituents. But the growing DPP has other political priorities, which means the anti-nuclear goal is often shelved to the disappointment of movement activists. As a consequence of the early convergence, the movement has not been able to re-assert its autonomy.

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Branagan, Marty. "The Australian Movement against Uranium Mining: Its Rationale and Evolution." International Journal of Rural Law and Policy, no. 1 (September 9, 2014): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ijrlp.i1.2014.3852.

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This paper begins with a brief historical overview of the Australian movement against uranium mining, before focussing on two major campaigns: Roxby and Jabiluka. It describes the reasons the activists gave at the time for their blockades of the Roxby Downs uranium mine in South Australia in 1983 and 1984. These reasons – such as perceptions that the industry is unsafe - have changed little over time and were the basis for the campaign against the proposed Jabiluka mine in the Northern Territory in 1998. They continue to be cited by environmental groups and Aboriginal Traditional Owners to this day as new situations arise, such as the 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident.The paper then describes how the movement evolved between the Roxby and Jabiluka blockades, with changes to the movement’s philosophy, strategy, tactics and internal dynamics. This analysis includes a comparison between two anti-nuclear bike rides, one a year after the 1984 Roxby blockade and involving some of the same activists, and another at the time of the Jabiluka blockade. This author was present at all these events, and provides an emic (insider) perspective within a longitudinal participant-observation methodology. Although this perspective obviously has a subjective element, the paper fills a gap in that there is little written history of these blockades (particularly Roxby) and more generally of Australian resistance to uranium mining, let alone the aspects of nonviolence and movement evolution. It is an introductory history of these campaigns, examining the direct action components, the practicalities of nonviolent campaigning, and the evolution of Australian anti-uranium activism.

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SINGER, ERIC S. "Civil defence in the city: federal policy meets local resistance in Baltimore, 1957–1964." Urban History 42, no. 4 (September 23, 2015): 547–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926815000553.

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ABSTRACT:Between 1950 and 1964, as a result of slight federal policy shifts, Cold War civil defence went from a pro-urban policy dedicated to the preservation of communities to an anti-urban policy focused on social control in the wake of an attack. Civil defence volunteers in Baltimore along with some of the city's civil defence paid staff, who had bought the federal message that they could protect themselves and their communities for nuclear war, allied with anti-nuclear activists against an increasingly militarized programme – one that by 1961 prioritized post-attack policing and de-emphasized the imperative to preserve urban neighbourhoods.

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Brown, Antje. "The Dynamics of Frame-bridging: Exploring the Nuclear Discourse in Scotland." Scottish Affairs 26, no. 2 (May 2017): 194–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2017.0178.

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Simple indicative factors such as political populism and resource abundance cannot fully explain the Scottish Government's anti-nuclear energy policy. To grasp the current policy stance, it is necessary to pay attention to the wider contextualisation of policy framing and specifically the dynamic of story-telling and frame-bridging that ultimately feeds into governmental policy. The Scottish Government's decisive ‘no’ to a new nuclear fleet can be better understood by considering the underlying (and deliberate) bridging of policy frames that is noticeable between environmental, pacifist, and Scottish independence actors. This bridging not only affects the individual sets of story-telling but also develops a dynamic that reinforces individual stories and transcends well beyond the groups' original remit and objectives. With the help of policy framing analysis, research interviews and documentary analysis, the article explores the dynamic connections between anti-nuclear and independence activists and their causes in Scotland. The article highlights their triangular bridges in terms of personnel, language and story-telling and argues that these are instrumental in shaping the Scottish Government's anti-nuclear energy policy.

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Moore, Clive. "Greg Weir." Queensland Review 14, no. 2 (July 2007): 56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600006620.

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How do political activists begin? What is their motivation? For quiet Greg Weir, just graduated as a trainee school teacher from Kelvin Grove College of Advanced Education in 1976, it was being refused employment by the Queensland government because he was a spokesperson for a gay student support group. Minister for Education Val Bird said in Parliament that ‘student teachers who participated in homosexual and lesbian groups should not assume they would be employed by the Education Department on graduation’. With his future as a teacher destroyed, Greg became one of Queensland's best-known political activists. His cause was taken up by the Australian Union of Students and he became a catalyst in developing awareness of gay and lesbian issues all over Australia. Greg was then employed as a staff member in the office of Senator George Georges and later Senator Bryant Burns, and became a Labor Party activist, influential in the peace, anti-nuclear, education and civil liberties movements in the 1970s and 1980s. He also helped set up HIV/AIDS awareness groups in the 1980s, and went on to become one of the central organisers of the campaign for gay law reform in 1989–90, which culminated in the decriminalisation of male homosexuality in 1990. In 1991 Greg was involved in campaigns to include homosexuality as a category in new antidiscrimination legislation.

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Neff, Stephen C. "I. International Law and Nuclear Weapons in Scottish Courts." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 51, no. 1 (January 2002): 171–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/51.1.171.

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Britain's Trident nuclear missile programme has long been politically controversial. In 1999, the controversy entered the judicial arena in Scotland, in two cases involving ‘direct action’ against Trident installations by anti-nuclear activists. In both cases, the actions were intended not as protests against Britain's nuclear-weapons policy, but rather as actual operations to disable the weapons themselves. The acts were, in other words, in the nature of acts of sabotage. Both incidents led to criminal prosecutions. In both cases, the accused parties sought to use international law as a defence. In both cases, the Appeal Court of the High Court of Justiciary—the highest court for criminal cases in Scotland—rejected the defence. In the process, however, the Appeal Court had occasion to expound upon some controversial points regarding nuclear weapons. Each of these cases will be discussed in turn.

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Eschle, Catherine. "Nuclear (in)security in the everyday: Peace campers as everyday security practitioners." Security Dialogue 49, no. 4 (May 2, 2018): 289–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010618762595.

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This article extends the emergent focus on ‘the everyday’ in critical security studies to the topic of nuclear (in)security, through an empirical study of anti-nuclear peace activists understood as ‘everyday security practitioners’. In the first part of the article, I elaborate on the notion of everyday security practitioners, drawing particularly on feminist scholarship, while in the second I apply this framework to a case study of Faslane Peace Camp in Scotland. I show that campers emphasize the everyday insecurities of people living close to the state’s nuclear weapons, the blurred boundaries between ‘us’ and ‘them’, and the inevitability of insecurity in daily life. Moreover, campers’ security practices confront the everyday reproduction of nuclear weapons and prefigure alternative modes of everyday life. In so doing, I argue, they offer a distinctive challenge to dominant deterrence discourse, one that is not only politically significant, but also expands understanding of the everyday in critical security studies.

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Frohlig, Florence pascale astrid. "Fessenheim—Nuclear Power Plant for Peace." Culture Unbound 12, no. 3 (February 2, 2021): 569–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.v12i3.1057.

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This paper explores the construction of a nuclear power facility at Fessenheim, Alsace, and its role in the remaking of French-German post-war relations and the consolidation of the post-war peacebuilding process. The siting and materiality of nuclear energy technology, I argue, was a key component of the top-down peace-building strategy that guided reconciliation processes at the national and regional levels. This study analyses archival documents, newspapers articles, interviews with Alsatian antinuclear activists and amateur films in order to reconstruct how the site for a joint nuclear power plant at Fessenheim was chosen and how it affected cross-border interactions. Although the planning of a French-German nuclear facility at Fessenheim embodied the appeasement that characterised post-war relations at a governmental level between the two nations, its construction had limited impact on the regional reconciliation processes. However, the site of the nuclear plant became central for reconciliation in ways that industry planners did not foresee: opposition to the nuclearization of the Upper Rhine Valley became the driving force for the cross-border reconciliation process. This grassroots mobilisation against the presence of nuclear technology formed the nexus for transcending the legacy of World War II through cooperation toward a common, anti-nuclear future.

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HANSHEW, KARRIN. "‘Sympathy for the Devil?’ The West German Left and the Challenge of Terrorism." Contemporary European History 21, no. 4 (September 20, 2012): 511–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777312000355.

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AbstractIn the 1970s, the West German extra-parliamentary Left struggled to respond effectively to left-wing terrorism and the state powers mobilised against it. This article argues that a shared conception of counter-violence as legitimate resistance helps explain the Left's ambivalent relationship to political violence and its solidarity with militants. The mounting strain on the projects and protest networks of student rebels, older leftists, anti-nuclear demonstrators and feminist activists, however, provoked debate and, eventually, change. Caught between terrorism and counter-terrorism, leftists revised assumptions upon which their commitment to resistance had rested – and reconceived resistance itself as part of everyday, mainstream politics.

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Kovner, Sarah. "The Soundproofed Superpower: American Bases and Japanese Communities, 1945–1972." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181500159x.

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American military bases and the protests they have elicited have had a major impact on Japanese political culture. But after the end of the formal Occupation, and outside the territory immediately affected, the cultural consequences of the U.S. military presence are much less clear. This article offers a synthetic analysis that integrates diplomatic and social history and relates the strategies of U.S. policymakers to those of anti-base activists. It shows how much the base system has changed over time and how protests have long focused on the same issues, especially sex work and sexual violence, territorial disputes, and nuclear weapons. In each case, Washington and Tokyo worked together to insulate Japanese society, which made it easier for Japanese men and women to tolerate the bases and easier for U.S. servicemen to live within them.

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Belisario, Katia Maria, and Kaitlynn Menders. "Critical analysis of the discourse on Judith Butler´s visit to the country in the most popular online news portals." MEDIACIONES 15, no. 23 (March 12, 2020): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.26620/uniminuto.mediaciones.15.23.2019.91-106.

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In November 2017, feminist theorist Judith Butler travelled to Brazil to participate in an international conference. During the event, protesters gathered, carrying signs, chanting slogans, and burning an effigy of her while shouting, “Burn the witch!” According to media reports, these protesters wanted to preserve notions of the traditional nuclear family within Brazil and protect children against Butler’s “diabolical gender ideology”, which includes her theory that gender is a social construct and a cultural interpretation that overlaps with biological determinism. The protest attracted mainstream media attention. This article aims to identify the key discourses used by anti- and pro-Butler activists commenting in the most popular news portals in the country, UOL and G1. The questions guiding this study are: 1) How is feminism represented in Brazil? 2) How do protesters and counter-protesters understand and argue about “gender ideology”? The methodology used is the critical discourse analysis of online comments of readers of both portals.

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Feigenbaum, Anna. "From cyborg feminism to drone feminism: Remembering women’s anti-nuclear activisms." Feminist Theory 16, no. 3 (December 2015): 265–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700115604132.

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Zimakov, A. V. "Opposition to Nuclear Power as a Driver of Austrian State Policy." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 6 (December 30, 2019): 203–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-6-10.

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The article deals with the impact of opposition to nuclear power on Austria’s foreign and economic policy as well as the evolution of this political driver. Beyond rejecting the use of nuclear power domestically Austria conducts active anti-nuclear foreign policy primarily towards neighboring countries running NPPs, ultimately aiming at nuclear phase out of the whole EU. As a part of this anti-nuclear policy Austria refuses to procure electricity produced by NPPs in other countries. Moreover, the opposition to nuclear power determined the clean energy transition model for Austria. The country has reached a high level of renewables share in electricity production and strives for a non-carbon energy system by 2030. The article shows that Austria has made a long way to its anti-nuclear stance, driven by social movements. Its turning point was the referendum on the use of nuclear power held in 1978, when diverse activist groups managed to overcome the pro-nuclear government supported lobby. The anti-nuclear movement continued to exert influence on the political agenda of the federal government via local communities and states authorities. With the time, their efforts have led to common acceptance of the anti-nuclear stance as an important driver of the Austrian policy.

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Sharma, Dhirendra. "The anti‐nuclear campaign on the Ganges: Report from an activist." Science as Culture 2, no. 3 (January 1991): 426–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09505439109526317.

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Irving, Nick. "Answering the “International Call”: Contextualising Sydney Anti-Nuclear and Anti-War Activism in the 1960s." Journal of Australian Studies 40, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 291–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2016.1199583.

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Colbourn, Susan. "‘Cruising toward nuclear danger’: Canadian anti-nuclear activism, Pierre Trudeau’s peace mission, and the transatlantic partnership." Cold War History 18, no. 1 (November 20, 2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2017.1370456.

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Wills, John. "Kyle Harvey, American Anti-Nuclear Activism, 1975–1990: The Challenge of Peace." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 2 (April 2017): 484–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416688182t.

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Anggitta, Mutti. "Understanding Strategies of Anti-Nuclear Movement: A Study of ICAN [Memahami Strategi Gerakan Anti-Nuklir:Sebuah Studi Tentang ICAN." Jurnal Politica Dinamika Masalah Politik Dalam Negeri dan Hubungan Internasional 12, no. 1 (May 31, 2021): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.22212/jp.v12i1.1924.

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This article argues that the most unique characteristic of the ICAN’s activism is its transnational scope, which was made possible by the use of eight strategies by the organization including geostrategic headquarters, internet and technology, government relations, NGOs connection, celebrity spotlight, perfect timing, creativity, and responsiveness. In evaluating the argument, this article provides evidence by employing process-tracing methods and conducting archival analysis to closely examine the historical timeline of important events or moments surrounding the ICAN’s activism since its inception in 2007 to the adoption of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in 2017. This article first provides a literature review on social movements against nuclear weapons to provide some background. It then describes how the eight strategies are employed by the ICAN as they are reflected in its transnationalactivism. It finally notes the five key milestones that are achieved by the organization.AbstrakArtikel ini berargumen bahwa karakteristik paling unik dari aktivisme ICAN adalah jangkauannya yang bersifat transnasional, yang dicapai berkat penggunaan delapan strategi mencakup letak kantor pusat yang strategis, internet dan teknologi, hubungan dengan pemerintah, jejaring LSM, sorotan selebriti, pemilihan waktu yang tepat, kreativitas, dan kemampuan merespon. Dalam mengevaluasi argumen tersebut, artikel ini memaparkan data dengan menggunakan metode process tracing dan melakukan analisis arsip untuk memeriksa secara detail peristiwa-peristiwa penting seputar aktivisme ICAN sejak didirikan pada 2007 hingga diadopsinya Perjanjian Pelarangan Senjata Nuklir pada 2017. Artikel ini menyediakan tinjauan pustaka tentang gerakan sosial melawan senjata nuklir untuk menjelaskan latar belakang isu ini. Kemudian artikel ini menjelaskan bagaimana delapan strategi tersebut digunakan oleh ICAN, sebagaimana tercermin dalam aktivisme transnasionalnya. Di akhir, artikel ini mengidentifikasi lima pencapaian utama yang diraih oleh ICAN.

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LÜTHI, LORENZ M. "How Udo Wanted to Save the World in ‘Erich's Lamp Shop’: Lindenberg's Concert in Honecker's East Berlin, the NATO Double-Track Decision and Communist Economic Woes." Contemporary European History 24, no. 1 (January 19, 2015): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000435.

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AbstractThe concert given by the West German rock star Udo Lindenberg in East Berlin on 25 October 1983 links cultural, political, diplomatic and economic history. The East German regime had banned performances by the anti-nuclear peace activist and musician since the 1970s, but eventually allowed a concert, hoping to prevent the deployment of American nuclear missiles in West Germany. In allowing this event, however, East Germany neither prevented the implementation of the NATO double-track decision of 1979 nor succeeded in controlling the political messages of the impertinent musician. Desperate for economic aid from the West, East Germany decided to cancel a promised Lindenberg tour in 1984, causing widespread disillusionment among his fans in the country.

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Kuzio, Taras, and Jane I. Dawson. "Eco-Nationalism, Anti-Nuclear Activism and National Identity in Russia, Lithuania and Ukraine." Slavic and East European Journal 42, no. 1 (1998): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/310091.

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Leeming, Mark. "The Creation of Radicalism: Anti-Nuclear Activism in Nova Scotia, c. 1972–1979." Canadian Historical Review 95, no. 2 (June 2014): 217–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr.1945.

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Gruhn, Isebill V., and Jane I. Dawson. "Eco-Nationalism: Anti-Nuclear Activism and National Identity in Russia, Lithuania, and Ukraine." Environmental History 3, no. 1 (January 1998): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3985443.

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Fazzi, Dario. "American Anti-Nuclear Activism, 1975–1990: The Challenge of Peace. By Kyle Harvey." Journal of Social History 49, no. 3 (August 13, 2015): 742–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shv052.

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Carson, Lisa. "Why youth and feminist activism matters: insights from anti-nuclear campaigns in practice." Global Change, Peace & Security 30, no. 2 (April 27, 2018): 261–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14781158.2018.1467395.

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Dawson, Jane I. "Anti‐nuclear activism in the USSR and its successor states: A surrogate for nationalism?" Environmental Politics 4, no. 3 (September 1995): 441–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09644019508414215.

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Das, Runa. "Broadening the security paradigm: Indian women, anti-nuclear activism, and visions of a sustainable future." Women's Studies International Forum 30, no. 1 (January 2007): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2006.12.001.

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Park, Christian Joon. "Nuclear Disaster and Culture : Cultural Framing of the Fukushima Nuclear Power Plant Accident in Japan by South Korean Anti-nukes Activism." Comparative Japanese Studies 42 (June 30, 2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31634/cjs.2018.42.001.

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Rubinson, Paul. "Kyle Harvey. American Anti-Nuclear Activism, 1975-1990: The Challenge of Peace. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014." Peace & Change 42, no. 2 (March 16, 2017): 304–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/pech.12241.

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Danielson, Leilah. "“It Is a Day of Judgment”: The Peacemakers, Religion, and Radicalism in Cold War America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 18, no. 2 (2008): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2008.18.2.215.

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AbstractThis article argues that Christian beliefs and concerns shaped the political culture of anti-nuclear activism in the early years of the Cold War. It focuses in particular on the origins of the Peacemakers, a group founded in 1948 by a mostly Protestant group of radical pacifists to oppose conscription and nuclear proliferation. Like others who came of age in the interwar years, the Peacemakers questioned the Enlightenment tradition, with its emphasis on reason and optimism about human progress, and believed that liberal Protestantism had accommodated itself too easily to the values of modern, secular society. But rather than adopt the “realist” framework of their contemporaries, who gave the United States critical support in its Cold War with the Soviet Union, radicals developed a politics of resistance rooted in a Christian framework in which repentance for dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was the first step toward personal and national redemption. Although they had scant influence on American policymakers or the public in the early years of the Cold War, widespread opposition to nuclear testing and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1950s and 1960s launched them into leadership roles in campaigns for nuclear disarmament and peace.

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Milder, Stephen. "Harnessing the Energy of the Anti-Nuclear Activist: How Young European Federalists Built on Rhine Valley Protest, 1974-77." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 9, no. 1-2 (2010): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156914910x487951.

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Rumiel, Lisa. "Getting to the Heart of Science: Rosalie Bertell’s Eco-Feminist Approach to Science and Anti-Nuclear Activism." Journal of Women's History 26, no. 2 (2014): 135–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2014.0027.

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Kokoli, Alexandra M. "Pre-Emptive Mourning Against the Bomb: Exploded Domesticities in Art Informed by Feminism and Anti-Nuclear Activism." Oxford Art Journal 40, no. 1 (March 2017): 153–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxartj/kcx004.

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Rihoux, Benoït. "Ecolo et les "nouveaux mouvements sociaux" en Belgique francophone : frères de sang ou lointains cousins ?" Res Publica 37, no. 3-4 (December 31, 1995): 443–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v37i3-4.18675.

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This article deals with the nature and the evolution of the relationships between the Belgian French-speaking Green party Ecolo and the new social movements in Wallonia and Brussels, from the larger identified sectors of these movements (environment, third-world, peace, anti-nuclear, women) to various other movements. To start with, the status of these movements in the emergence of the Greenparty is scrutinised. Then, on the basis of a survey conducted amongst members of the party elite (elected representatives and cadres), different modalities of the party/movements links are analysed: joint activism, selective communication channels between the elites, structural links. The bottom line is that, altogether, the links are tighter than one might expect, but that the Green party new social movements linkage remains ambiguous in many respects.

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LEE, Seok-Won. "Shimizu Ikutarō and the Precarious Coexistence of Progressivism and Conservatism." Social Science Japan Journal 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ssjj/jyab021.

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Abstract Shimizu Ikutarō (1907–1988) is one of the most controversial postwar Japanese intellectuals. His transition from the icon of the Anpo protests to an advocate of a nuclear Japan has been considered an intellectual conversion (tenkō). Instead of revisiting the notion of conversion, this study shows that his wartime thoughts—bottom-up nationalism in particular—continued to influence Shimizu’s postwar writings and activism on both conservative and liberal sides. Shimizu delineated his historical concept of how ordinary people in Meiji and Taisho Japan had contributed to the development of a modern society and called for the construction of a new system. Endorsing Japan’s wartime efforts, Shimizu strove to center nationalist energies by ordinary Japanese on his concept of a new Japan. However, Shimizu’s adherence to bottom-up movements in wartime and postwar Japan reflects his problematic interpretation of Japanese history. Neglecting Japan’s nationalistic path to colonial violence, his writings on the society and culture of wartime and postwar Japan affirm grass-root nationalism as Japan’s key to modern development. This line of thinking was later associated with anti-American nationalist movements in the 1950s. His notion of civil society movements soon encountered a highly nationalistic project of a nuclear Japan in the 1970s.

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Takahashi, Shinnosuke. "Memories of Struggles: Translocal Lives in Okinawan Anti-Base Activism." PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies 16, no. 1-2 (November 13, 2019): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/pjmis.v16i1-2.6520.

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One of the key characteristics of recent Japanese grassroots civic activism is the number of individual citizens who began to go out on the streets to participate in public demonstrations. In many places around Japan, people who used to be seen as ‘apolitical,’ such as youth, office workers (so-called salary-men and salary-women) and other individuals, now join and lead public demonstrations that address a range of pressing social issues and problems, including nuclear energy, workplace harassment and constitutional change. Today the ‘progressiveness’ of activism is born from, and reinforced by, participants’ own everyday concerns. By associating larger social injustices with personalized forms of concern, today’s progressive movements enable what perhaps used to be overlooked as private issues to become inspiration for collective actions. Therefore, these civic movements encompass a mixture of different personal and social narratives, symbols, styles and objectives; they are not homogenous about ‘who we are’ and ‘what we want.’ By highlighting two case studies that shed light on the Okinawan decolonization movement, I argue that the translocal participation of different social actors in creating a particular sense of ‘locality,’ or place-based identity, is essential in understanding the complexity of collective representation. The Okinawan decolonization movement, primarily represented in the form of the Okinawan anti-US base struggle, is particularly important because it demonstrates how place-based identity maintains rootedness and boundedness of locality while maintaining inclusivity to extra-locality. Okinawa’s case can be an important contribution to the field that enables us to extend our geo-social imagination over the new forms of contentious politics and collectivity in today’s world.

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Schock, K. "Geography and Social Movements: Comparing Anti-Nuclear Activism in the Boston Area. By Byron A. Miller. University of Minnesota Press, 2000. 215 pp. Paper, $21.95." Social Forces 80, no. 3 (March 1, 2002): 1127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sof.2002.0017.

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Gardiner, Michael. "Nuclear Deficit: Why Nuclear Weapons Are Natural, but Scotland Doesn’t Need Nature." Humanities 8, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h8030147.

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This article argues that millennial Scottish culture has been animated in large part by a push to overcome a historiographical compulsion built into the modern British state’s understanding of nature. This understanding of nature became the foundational principle of government during the Financial Revolution and British unification in the 1690s–1710, then was made the subject of a universal history by the Scottish Enlightenment of the later eighteenth century, and has remained in place to be extended by neoliberalism. The article argues more specifically that the British association of progress with dominion over the world as nature demands a temporal abstraction, or automation, reducing the determinability of the present, and that correspondingly this idea of nature ‘softens’ conflict in a way that points to weapons carrying perfectly abstracted violence. Nuclear weapons become an inevitable corollary of the nature of British authority. Against this, twenty-first century Scottish cultures, particularly a growing mainstream surrounding independence or stressing national specificity, have noticeably turned against both nuclear weapons and the understanding of nature these weapons protect. These cultures draw from a 1980s moment in which anti-nuclear action came both to be understood as ‘national’, and to stand in relief to the British liberal firmament. These cultures are ‘activist’ in the literal sense that they tend to interrupt an assumption of the eternal that stands behind both nuclear terror and its capture of nature as dominion over the world. A dual interruption, nuclear and counter-natural, can be read in pro-independence cultural projects including online projects like Bella Caledonia and National Collective, which might be described as undertaking a thorough ‘denaturing’. But if the question of nature as resources for dominion has been a topic for debate in the environmental humanities, little attention has been paid to this specifically British ‘worlding’ of nature, or to how later constitutional pressures on the UK also mean pressures on this worlding. Andreas Malm’s Fossil Capital (2016), for example, a powerful account of the automation of production in the British industrial revolution, might be related to the automation of ideas of progress pressed during the Scottish Enlightenment, and entrenching a dualism of owning subject and nature as object-world that would drive extraction in empire. Finally, this article suggests that this dualism, and the nature holding it in place, have also been a major target of the ‘wilderness encounters’ that form a large sub-genre in twenty-first century Scottish writing. Such ‘denaturing’ encounters can be read in writers like Alec Finlay, Linda Cracknell, Thomas A. Clark, and Gerry Loose, often disrupting the subject standing over nature, and sometimes explicitly linking this to a disruption of nuclear realism.

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Wittner, Lawrence S. "Kyle Harvey. American Anti-Nuclear Activism, 1975–1990. The Challenge of Peace. [Palgrave Studies in the History of Social Movements.] Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke2014. xii, 221 pp. Ill. £60.00; € 91.95." International Review of Social History 60, no. 3 (December 2015): 512–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859015000619.

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Marples, David R. "Book ReviewsEco‐Nationalism: Anti‐Nuclear Activism and National Identity in Russia, Lithuania, and Ukraine. By Jane I. Dawson. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1996. Pp Xiii+222.$49.95 (cloth); $16.95 (paper)." American Journal of Sociology 104, no. 1 (July 1998): 235–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/210010.

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Pryde, Philip R. "Eco-Nationalism: Anti-Nuclear Activism and National Identity in Russia, Lithuania, and Ukraine. By Jane I. Dawson. Durham: Duke University Press, 1996. xii, 221 pp. Notes. Bibliography. Index. Map. $49.95, hard bound. $16.95, paper." Slavic Review 56, no. 3 (1997): 577–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2500953.

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Tauger, Mark B. "Jane I. Dawson, Eco-nationalism: Anti-nuclear Activism and National Identity in Russia, Lithuania, and Ukraine. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996, xii, 221 pp. ISBN 0-8223-1831-8 (hbk) U.S.$49.95; 0-8223-1837-7 (pbk) U.S.$16.95." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 4 (December 2000): 754–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200042744.

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Brown, Alexander. "Transnational Memory and the Fukushima Disaster: Memories of Japan in Australian Anti-nuclear Activism." PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies 17, no. 1-2 (January 28, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/pjmis.v17i1-2.7094.

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This paper argues for the importance of transnational memories in framing Australian anti-nuclear activism after the Fukushima disaster. Japan has loomed large in the transnational nuclear imaginary in Australia. Commemorating Hiroshima as the site of the first wartime use of nuclear weapons has been a long-standing practice in the Australian anti-nuclear movement and the day has been linked to a variety of issues including weapons and uranium mining. As Australia began exporting uranium to Japan in the 1970s, Australia-Japan relations took on a new meaning for the Indigenous traditional owners from whose land uranium was extracted. After Fukushima, these complex transnational memories formed the basis for an orientation towards Japan by Indigenous land rights activists and for the anti-nuclear movement as a whole. This paper argues that despite the tenuousness of direct organisational links between the two countries, transnational memories drove Australian anti-nuclear activists to seek connections with Japan after the Fukushima disaster. The mobilisation of these collective memories helps us to understand how transnational social movements evolve and how they construct globalisation from below in the Asia-Pacific region.

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Lombaard, Andries Lodewikus, and Ewert P. J. Kleynhans. "The feasibility of a nuclear renaissance: A cost-benefit analysis of nuclear energy as a source of electricity." Acta Commercii 16, no. 1 (March 9, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ac.v16i1.373.

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Purpose: This article evaluates a possible global nuclear renaissance in the provision of electrical energy.Problem investigated: Several countries, such as South Africa, are experiencing problems in the provision of electricity and the maintenance of the infrastructure to answer growing demand. This article investigates an alternative, which was popular in the 1970s and provides clean energy.Methodology: The study firstly evaluates the main arguments set by anti-nuclear activists critically. It concerns negative public sentiment, human life and environmental endangerment, alternative energy, cost effectiveness and waste disposal concerns. The study focuses on the cost of nuclear power, as the benefits of electricity are assumed homogeneous. The second part of the article reports on an empirical cost-benefit analysis conducted by the authors to estimate the value and likeliness of a nuclear renaissance.Findings and implications: The empirical analysis indicated that nuclear energy is mostly cost-efficient. The research shows that there might be a slight increase in the use of nuclear power-producing technologies in future.Originality and value of the research: This study makes a positive contribution to the electrical power and nuclear energy debate. It assesses the possibility of a nuclear renaissance objectively. The environment, global energy shortage and different cost structures of various modes of energy production were considered.Conclusion: The study concluded that a nuclear renaissance is possible, but that despite the advantages to costs and the environment, this would not yet be statistically significant enough to cause a nuclear renaissance.

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"Document: The Manila Declaration. Statement of the Asia—Pacific People's Conference on Peace and Development." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 14, no. 3 (July 1989): 371–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548901400308.

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Over 200 peace and nuclear disarmament activists from 18 countries assembled in Manila, Philippines from January 10–14, 1989 to participate in the Asia-Pacific Peoples Conference for Peace and Development. Sponsored by the Australian Anti-Bases Coalition campaign and the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific-Philippine Forum, in conjunction with grassroots multi-sectoral and issue-oriented groups in the Philippines, the conference seeks to promote a regional approach to nuclear disarmament, demilitarization, the elimination of foreign military bases, peace and development in the Asia-Pacific region. As a result of this conference, the Asia-Pacific People's Forum on Peace and Development, a transnational coalition of organizations and individuals committed to a“nuclear free and independent Asia and Pacific region,” was organized. As a truly broad people's movement, the Forum has declared its support, among others, of the“total dismantling of all nuclear arms and foreign military and intelligence bases in our region,” the“full support for the inherent rights of indigenous peoples to their ancestral domains, and to their self-determination and preservation of their cultural heritage,” the“elimination of all discrimination based on race, gender, class, and religion,” the“full implementation of all international conventions on human rights, disarmament, peace, and development, throughout the region,” and“ending the use of foreign debt as the major vehicle of economic intervention and domination in the region, and repudiating “Third World’ debt. Demanding a new, just, and equitable economic order.” In light of the journal's commitment to peace, economic well being, social justice and ecological balance, we are publishing these documents for our readership's information and reflection. Additional information about the Forum may be obtained from Asia-Pacific People's Forum on Peace and Development, 5 Road 13th, Quezon City, Philippines, or 1314 14th Street, #5, N. W., Washington, DC 20005, USA.

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Aguiar, Julia. "Raising a Pacific Anti-Nuclear Consciousness in Canada." Inquiry@Queen's Undergraduate Research Conference Proceedings, April 15, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/iqurcp.14020.

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The capability to enact devastation that defied borders of the nation-state begged larger ethical and existential questions of nuclear power. Iterations of these moral questions found a place at the epicentre of the anti-nuclear movement in Canada from the 1950s-1990s. The South Pacific People’s Foundation (SPPF) was established in 1975 in Victoria, British Columbia in response to the growing presence of nuclear violence in the Pacific world. It propagated tenets of Indigenous sovereignty, solidarity, anti-colonialism, and peace within the Pacific. While anti-nuclear activism was already well established in Canada, it was limited in its focus on the potential threat that nuclear power posed to Canadians and neglected to confront Canadian participation in nuclear testing throughout the world. In 1982, the SPPF began publishing the journal Tok Blong (talk belongs). This paper argues that the SPPF brought an acutely Pacific perspective to the anti-nuclear movement in Canada as demonstrated through their work in Tok Blong. Particular attention is given to the SPPF’s coverage of Canadian shelling of the sacred Hawaiian island, Kaho’olawe, and representations of the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement. The paper is situated within post-colonial scholarship on Kaho’olawe as well as secondary literature on the anti-nuclear movement within Canada drawing particular parallels with the movement to make Canada a Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone. The paper will disrupt the associations of youth, whiteness, and Canadian passivity that often get assigned to anti-nuclear activism in Canada and counterculture more broadly.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Anti-nuclear activists'

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