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1
Grisinger, Joanna L. "“South Africa is the Mississippi of the world”: Anti-Apartheid Activism through Domestic Civil Rights Law." Law and History Review 38, no. 4 (December 11, 2019): 843–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248019000397.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, a small group of antiapartheid activists, led by the American Committee on Africa and chair of the House Subcommittee on Africa Rep. Charles Diggs Jr., launched a campaign against South African Airways' new flights into the United States. Using the legal and political strategies of the American civil rights movement, and the fragmentation of power within the American political system, activists tried to turn South African apartheid into an American civil rights problem that American government institutions could address. The strategy was indebted to the political and legal strategies of the civil rights movement, but framing demands around existing civil rights law necessarily limited what activists could ask for and what domestic institutions could provide. In practice, the campaign's successes were limited and legalistic; where domestic civil rights law directly conflicted with apartheid law, airlines could comply with the former without really challenging the latter. And the foreign policy context meant more failures than successes, as domestic legal institutions were reluctant to involve themselves with foreign policy concerns. Their successes and failures nonetheless tell us much about legal mobilization and institutional behavior in a period of globalization where sovereignty and jurisdictional lines were overlapping and conflicting.
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Klotz, Audie. "Norms and sanctions: lessons from the socialization of South Africa." Review of International Studies 22, no. 2 (April 1, 1996): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500118364.
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In response to South Africa's increasingly institutionalized racial discrimination during the postwar years, transnational anti-apartheid activists advocated a vast array of global sanctions. With the formal abolition of apartheid in 1991, sanctions advocates celebrated the apparent success of the international community's efforts in promoting a global norm of racial equality in South Africa. Since similar sanctions are an increasingly popular policy in the post-Cold War world, the South African case offers a useful starting-point for re-evaluating the utility of sanctions as a non-military policy. However, despite the prominent role of a norm of racial equality in anti-apartheid sanctions, both advocates and critics of international sanctions still generally ignore norms analytically. Expanding our conceptual framework beyond the realist assumptions implicit in most sanctions analyses enables us o t understand better why international actors adopt sanctions and how these measures affect target states.
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Ellmann, Stephen. "Law in and Legitimacy South Africa." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 02 (1995): 407–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb01068.x.
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This mticle examines whether anti-apartheid lawyering might have legitimized the South Afncan legal system by asking what black South Ahcans actually thought of that system. Perhaps surprisingly, blrcks, and in particular African, appear to have accorded the legal system a measure of legitimacy despite the oppression they often suffered at its hands. Three paradigms of African opinion are offered to help us understand the complex African response to the legal system: the conservatives, forbearing, mutely concerned with such issues as order and security, and perhaps disposed to be deferential to institutions of white authority; the speakers, fueled by faith in the truth or power of their speech, and welcoming the opportunity to be heard that courts could povide; and the activists, adamantly detennined to bnng down apartheid, and judgrng institutions and people by their conhibution to that goal. For men and women thinking in these ways, anti-apartheid lawyering probably did contribute to legitimizing the legal system and that system's ideals. But this partial legitimation of the legal system is, in the end, no came for regret; instead, it may have helped the new South Africa begin building a nation governed by law.
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de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (February 1, 2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.
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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the African National Congress (ANC) shifted from non-violent action towards armed resistance in the wake of the Sharpeville bloodbath in 1960. Following David Featherstone’s conceptualization of solidarity as a ‘relationship’ that is not a static given, this research shows that solidarity was constantly being contested and redefined in debates between individual members of the CZA. Within the movement many feared that solidarity, once declared, was by definition unconditional. The CZA eventually defined its relationship of solidarity with the ANC as support for non-violent resistance only. Its successor, the Anti-ApartheidsBeweging Nederland (AABN), which like other international anti-apartheid movements in the early 1970s was led by younger and more ideological activists, defined solidarity as unconditional. This different understanding of solidarity made this second generation of anti-apartheid activists participants in the violent resistance against apartheid.
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Khan, Pervaiz. "South Africa: from apartheid to xenophobia." Race & Class 63, no. 1 (July 2021): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03063968211020889.
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How to explain the violent xenophobic attacks in South Africa in recent years? Two militant South African activists, Leonard Gentle and Noor Nieftagodien, interviewed here, analyse the race/class bases for the anti-foreigner violence in terms of the echoes/reverberations of apartheid and the rise of neoliberalism. They argue that remnants of apartheid have endured through the reproduction of racial and tribal categories, which has contributed to the entrenchment of exclusionary nationalist politics and the fragmentation of black unity. South Africa’s specific history of capitalist development, the African National Congress’s embraces of neoliberalism, on the one hand, and rainbowism, on the other, have produced the underlying conditions of precarity and desperation that resulted in the normalisation of xenophobia. The unions, too, have failed to recognise the new shape of the ‘working class’. Gentle and Nieftagodien outline the need to contend with the broader social conditions, the global economic crisis, neoliberalism and the deep inequalities it engenders in order to counteract the rising tide of xenophobia and build working-class unity.
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Mbali, Mandisa. "‘A Matter of Conscience’: The Moral Authority of the World Medical Association and the Readmission of the South Africans, 1976–1994." Medical History 58, no. 2 (April 2014): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.8.
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AbstractThis article describes the role of transnational anti-apartheid activism in South Africa, Britain and the United States in generating international moral outrage over the readmission of the Medical Association of South Africa (MASA) to the World Medical Association (WMA), which had taken place in 1981 after it had withdrawn from that body in 1976. It discusses an example of a controversy where an international health organisation (IHO) lost moral authority as a result of being accused of white supremacy and a pro-American engagement in Cold War politics. At the time of its readmission to the WMA, the MASA was controversial because of its failure to strike off its membership roll one of the doctors implicated the death in detention of Black Consciousness leader Steve Biko in 1977. It details how these activists viewed the American Medical Association as having campaigned for the MASA’s readmission. The WMA’s readmission of the MASA cost the former its relationships with the World Health Organisation (WHO) and the British Medical Association – a dispute which continued until South Africa’s democratic transition of 1994. With its focus on transnational activism in relation to the WMA and the effects of activists’ allegations of racism on its internal politics, this article contributes to the literature on the history of IHOs. Ultimately, this controversy shows the deficiency of international medical professional associations as ethical arbitrators of last resort.
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LEFFLER, ELLIOT. "Performing Protest and Protesting Performance: The International Circuits of Touring Political Theatre." Theatre Research International 46, no. 1 (March 2021): 53–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883320000589.
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From 1980 to 1981, the Baxter Theatre of Cape Town, South Africa, produced a multi-racial Waiting for Godot that garnered vastly different reactions in the various cities to which it toured. With a cast led by John Kani and Winston Ntshona, icons of anti-apartheid theatre, it was sometimes hailed as a scathing anti-apartheid polemic, sometimes admired for its ‘universality’, and in one case denounced and shut down by anti-apartheid activists as a piece of pro-apartheid propaganda. Based on both archival research and interviews, this essay investigates the artists’ intentions and the public's reception in order to illuminate how the international theatrical circuits dovetailed with international activist circuits, sometimes supporting one another, and occasionally tripping each other up.
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Klotz, Audie. "Norms reconstituting interests: global racial equality and U.S. sanctions against South Africa." International Organization 49, no. 3 (1995): 451–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300033348.
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The extraordinary success of transnational anti-apartheid activists in generating great power sanctions against South Africa offers ample evidence that norms, independent of strategic and economic considerations, are an important factor in determining states' policies. The crucial role of a strengthened global norm of racial equality in motivating U.S. anti-apartheid sanctions illustrates the limitations of conventional international relations theories, which rely primarily on structural and material interest explanations, and supports theoretically derived constructivist claims. In particular, this case suggests that analysts should examine the role of global norms in defining states' interests, rather than viewing norms solely as external constraints on state behavior.
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Hodgkinson, Dan. "Nationalists with no nation: oral history, ZANU(PF) and the meanings of Rhodesian student activism in Zimbabwe." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S40—S64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972018000906.
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AbstractIn Zimbabwe after 2000, ZANU(PF) leaders’ past experiences of student activism in Rhodesia were celebrated by the state-owned media as personifications of anti-colonial, nationalist leadership in the struggle to liberate the country. This article examines the history behind this narrative by exploring the entangled realities of student activism in Rhodesia throughout the 1960s and 1970s and its role as a mechanism of elite formation in ZANU(PF). Building on the historiography of African student movements, I show how the persistence of nationalist anti-colonial organizing and liberal traditions on campus made student activism in Rhodesia distinct from that in South Africa and independent African countries to its north. The article then examines how and why three former activists, who took up elite political careers in the party that they subsequently left, contested the ruling party's anti-colonial, ‘patriotic’ rendering of these experiences. These three men's stories invoked imagined and older forms of nationalism or institutional ethic that had been abandoned by the party as it turned to more authoritarian rule. Stories of Rhodesian student activism thus provided space for justifying alternative political possibilities of nationalism, which implicitly critiqued the ruling party's ‘patriotic’ narrative, as well as for nostalgic anecdotes of life on campus, their journeys into adulthood, and the excitement of being part of a dynamic, transformational political project.
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Alhadeff, Vic. "Journalism during South Africa's apartheid regime." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10, no. 2 (July 27, 2018): 7–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v10i2.5924.
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Vic Alhadeff was chief sub-editor of The Cape Times, Cape Town’s daily newspaper, during the apartheid era. It was a staunchly anti-apartheid newspaper, and the government had enacted a draconian system of laws to govern and restrict what media could say. The effect was that anti-apartheid activists such as Mandela were not 'merely’ imprisoned, they were also banned, as was the African National Congress. Under the law, it was illegal to quote a banned person or organisation. This meant if there was to be an anti-apartheid rally in the city – and we reported it – it could be construed as promoting the aims of a banned organisation. As chief sub-editor, I had to navigate this minefield. In addition, most English-language newspapers were anti-apartheid and had a resident police spy on staff (one of our senior journalists); on a number of occasions I would receive a call from the Magistrate’s Office after the newspaper had gone to print at midnight, putting an injunction on a story. We would have to call back the trucks and dump the 100,000 copies of the newspaper and reprint. The challenge was to inform readers as what was happening and to speak out against apartheid – without breaking the law.
South Africa had its own Watergate equivalent. The apartheid government understood that English speakers generally were anti-apartheid, so it siphoned 64 million rands from the Defence budget and set up the Information Department. The aim was to purchase media outlets overseas which would be pro-apartheid, and it set up an English-language newspaper in South Africa, to be pro-apartheid. It was called The Citizen – and I was offered a job as deputy editor at double my salary, plus an Audi. (I declined the offer, for the record). Two journalists uncovered the scandal, and brought down the Prime Minister.
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LEVY, JESSICA ANN. "Black Power in the Boardroom: Corporate America, the Sullivan Principles, and the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Enterprise & Society 21, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 170–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2019.32.
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This article traces the history of General Motors’ first black director, Leon Sullivan, and his involvement with the Sullivan Principles, a corporate code of conduct for U.S. companies doing business in Apartheid South Africa. Building on and furthering the postwar civil rights and anti-colonial struggles, the international anti-apartheid movement brought together students, union workers, and religious leaders in an effort to draw attention to the horrors of Apartheid in South Africa. Whereas many left-leaning activists advocated sanctions and divestment, others, Sullivan among them, helped lead the way in drafting an alternative strategy for American business, one focused on corporate-sponsored black empowerment. Moving beyond both narrow criticisms of Sullivan as a “sellout” and corporate propaganda touting the benefits of the Sullivan Principles, this work draws on corporate and “movement” records to reveal the complex negotiations between white and black executives as they worked to situate themselves in relation to anti-racist movements in the Unites States and South Africa. In doing so, it furthermore reveals the links between modern corporate social responsibility and the fight for Black Power within the corporation.
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Paret, Marcel. "Migration politics: Mobilizing against economic insecurity in the United States and South Africa." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217739447.
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From the mid-2000s, the United States and South Africa, respectively, experienced significant pro-migrant and anti-migrant mobilizations. Economically insecure groups played leading roles. Why did these groups emphasize politics of migration, and to what extent did the very different mobilizations reflect parallel underlying mechanisms? Drawing on 41 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 119 interviews with activists and residents, I argue that the mobilizations deployed two common strategies: symbolic group formation rooted in demands for recognition, and targeting the state as a key source of livelihood. These twin strategies encouraged economically insecure groups to emphasize national identities and, in turn, migration. Yet, they manifested in different types of mobilization due to the varying characteristics of the groups involved, and the different national imaginaries and organizing legacies they had to draw upon. The analysis demonstrates the capacity of economically insecure groups to make collective claims. It also shows that within the context of anti-migrant nationalism, economic insecurity amplifies the significance of national belonging, citizenship, and migration as important terrains of collective struggle.
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Sohrabi, Naghmeh. "REMEMBERING THE PALESTINE GROUP: GLOBAL ACTIVISM, FRIENDSHIP, AND THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION." International Journal of Middle East Studies 51, no. 2 (May 2019): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743819000059.
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AbstractThe Palestine Group was a loosely connected collection of young anti-Shah activists some of whom were arrested and tried publically in 1970 for the crime of acting against the Pahlavi monarchy and Iran's national security. Their plight became global, receiving support from anticolonial figures such as Jean-Paul Sartre. But while they played an important role in inspiring the revolutionary generation, in the historiography of the 1979 revolution and that of the global south, their story has been mostly forgotten. This article argues for remembering the Palestine Group by focusing on two facets of their prerevolutionary activism: the importance of a connection to the anti-imperial/colonial struggles that spread from “Asia to Africa”; and the centrality ofmaḥfilīpolitics (friendship circles) in addition totashkīlātī(organizational) politics, which the historiography has traditionally emphasized. It demonstrates that as resistance shifted frommaḥfiltotashkīlāt,it also shifted from a global struggle where Iran was one node out of many, to a nationalized struggle.
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Glover, Nikolas. "Sweden, South Africa and the business of partnership in the 1990s." Culture Unbound 13, no. 1 (July 27, 2021): 41–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/cu.3324.
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This article examines the background and ambitions of the large-scale Swedish-South Africa Partnership Week that was rolled out across South Africa in November 1999. The Swedish delegation was spearheaded by Prime Minister Göran Persson and consisted of 800 Swedes; high-level ministers, diplomats, civil society representatives and business leaders. The analysis places particular emphasis on the involvement of Swedish multinationals and the central role played by the public relations agency Rikta Kommunikation. Its focus lies on the broader pedagogical function that the Week was intended to have, primarily from a Swedish point of view. I argue that the stated aim to forge an economic partnership between Sweden and South Africa as the logical extension of decades of historical political solidarity was a means of ensuring that citizens learned to understand the pressures and demands of the new era of globalisation. The foreseeable end of Swedish aid to South Africa was to be the dawn of self-sustaining economic relations; “business interests” – for so long derided by the anti-apartheid activists – were henceforth to lead the way. In light of this, I conclude by arguing that the official launch and marketing of a bilateral partnership in 1999 can be seen as part of a government-funded effort to adapt Swedish internationalism to a new era.
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Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.
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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.
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Canham, Hugo. "EMBODIED BLACK RAGE." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 2 (2017): 427–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000066.
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AbstractExamining two sets of archived materials that include a corpus of narratives that reflect on the period of apartheid in South Africa and posters used by anti-apartheid activists, the paper teases out the operations of racism and the manifestations of rage on the Black body. Critical discourse analysis and affect as theory and method are applied to trace the work of racism and its affective consequences and resistances. Here affect is deployed to read the terrain of the corporeal and the discursive. Black rage is seen as a response to White supremacy and it has the following outcomes: it can have destructive consequences, can enable psychological release of pent up anger, and can simultaneously be an expression of self-love.
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Krever, Tor. "A life in human rights: a conversation with Dennis Davis." London Review of International Law 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 137–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lril/lrab008.
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Abstract Dennis Davis is Judge of the High Court of South Africa, Judge President of the Competition Appeal Court, and Honorary Professor of Law at the University of Cape Town. In this wide-ranging conversation with Tor Krever, he reflects on his political and intellectual trajectory—from early encounters with Marx to anti-apartheid activism to a leading position in the South African judiciary—and his lifelong commitment to a radical left politics.
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Einarsdóttir, Jónína. "Iceland’s Involvement in the Anti-Apartheid Struggle." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 12, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2016.12.1.5.
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The transnational anti-apartheid movement was heavily motivated by the postwar emphasis on human rights and decolonisation, and challenged by Cold War politics and economic interests. The aim of this article is to examine Iceland’s involvement in the anti-apartheid struggles with focus on the establishment of the unified anti-apartheid movement SAGA (Suður-Afríkusamtökin gegn apartheid), its organisation and activities. What were the motives of SAGA’s activists and their subjective experiences? The political background in Iceland is outlined as well as a historical overview of anti-apartheid activities including Iceland’s voting on resolutions against apartheid at UN and adoptions of sanctions against the South African regime. Iceland’s involvement in the antiapartheid struggle was contradictory. During two periods Iceland voted for more radical UN resolutions than did other Western countries, including the Nordic ones. Yet, Iceland adopted sanctions against the South African regime later than the neighbours and the same applies to the establishment of a unified anti-apartheid movement. The branding of the African National Congress (ANC) as communists allowed many to ignore the human right breaches of the South African regime. Most of the activists belonged to left-wing groups or the labour movement, and the relative absence of religious organisations and the Students’ Council of the University of Iceland is notable. Embedded in the transnational anti-apartheid network with particular ways of organisation and mobilisation, the activists became emotionally engaged and worked for a moral cause.
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Pathak, Professor Bishnu. "A Comparative Study of World’s Truth Commissions —From Madness to Hope." World Journal of Social Science Research 4, no. 3 (June 29, 2017): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v4n3p192.
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<em>The objective of this paper is to explore the initiatives and practices of different countries in truth seeking. Many countries during the post-conflict, colonial, slavery, anarchical and cultural genocide periods establish the Truth Commissions to respond to the past human wrongdoings: crimes and crimes against humanity. Enforced Disappearances (ED), killings, rapes and inhumane tortures are wrongdoings. Truth Commission applies the method of recovering silences from the victims for structured testimonies. The paper is prepared based on the victim-centric approach. The purpose reveals the piecemeal fact-findings to heal the past, reconcile the present and protect the future. The study covers more than 50 Commissions in a chronological order: beginning from Uganda in 1974 and concluding to Nepal in February 2015. Two Commissions in Uruguay were formed to find-out enforced disappearances. Colombian and Rwandan Commissions have established permanent bodies. The Liberian TRC threatened the government to submit its findings to the ICC if the government failed to establish an international tribunal. The Commissions of Bolivia, Ecuador, Haiti, former Yugoslavia and Zimbabwe were disbanded, and consequently, their reports could not be produced. No public hearings were conducted in Argentina and former Yugoslavia. It is noted that only 8 public hearings in Ghana, 8 national hearings in East-Timor and 15 in Brazil were conducted. Moroccan Commission held public hearings after signing the bond paper for not to disclose the names of the perpetrators whereas Guatemala did not include the perpetrators’ names in the report. The Shining Path’s activists are serving sentences based on civil-anti-terrorist court, but Alberto Fujimori is convicted for 25 years. Chadian Commission worked even against illicit narcotics trafficking. The UN established its Commissions in Sierra Leon, El Salvador and East-Timor, but failed to restore normalcy in Kosovo. Haiti prosecuted 50 perpetrators whereas Guatemala prosecuted its former military dictator. The Philippines’ Commission had limited investigation jurisdiction over army, but treated the insurgents differently. In El Salvador, the State security forces were responsible for 85 percent and the non-state actors for 15 percent similar to CIEDP, Nepal. The TRCs of Argentina, East-Timor, Guatemala, Morocco, Peru and South Africa partially succeeded. Large numbers of victims have failed to register the complaints fearing of possible actions. All perpetrators were controversially granted amnesty despite the TRC recommendation in South Africa. The victims and people still blamed Mandela that he sold out black people’s struggle. Ironically, the perpetrators have received justice, but the victims are further victimized. As perpetrator-centric Government prioritizes cronyism, most of the Commissioners defend their respective institution and individuals. Besides, perpetrators influence Governments on the formation of Truth Commission for ‘forgetting the victims to forgive the perpetrators’. A commission is a Court-liked judicial and non-judicial processes body, but without binding authority except Sierra Leone. Transitional Justice body exists with a five-pillar policy: truth, justice, healing, prosecution and reparation. It has a long neglected history owing to anarchical roles of the perpetrators and weak-poor nature of the victims. Almost all TRCs worked in low budget, lack of officials, inadequate laws and regulations, insufficient infrastructures and constraints of moral supports including Liberia, Paraguay, Philippines, South Africa, Uganda and Nepal. The perpetrators controlled Governments ordered to destroy documents, evidences and testimonies in their chain of command that could have proven guilty to them.</em>
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Gibbs, Timothy. "Apartheid South Africa's segregated legal field: black lawyers and the Bantustans." Africa 90, no. 2 (February 2020): 293–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019001050.
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AbstractThe history of South Africa's urban-based ‘struggle lawyers’ – a trajectory epitomized by Nelson Mandela – is much discussed by historians and biographers, reflecting a broader vein of historiography that celebrates anti-colonial legal activism. However, it was South Africa's ‘Native Reserves’ and Bantustans that produced the majority of African lawyers for much of the twentieth century. Indeed, two-thirds of the African justices who have sat on the post-apartheid Constitutional Court either practised or trained in the Bantustans during the apartheid era. The purpose of this article is thus to reappraise South Africa's ‘legal field’ – the complex relationship between professional formation, elite reproduction and the exercise of political power – by tracing the ambiguous role played by the Native Reserves/Bantustans in shaping the African legal profession across the twentieth century. How did African lawyers, persistently marginalized by century-long patterns of exclusion, nevertheless construct an elite profession within the confines of segregation and apartheid? How might we link the histories of the Bantustans with the better-known ‘struggle historiography’ that emphasizes the role of political and legal activism in the cities? And what are the implications of South Africa's segregated history for debates about the ‘decolonization’ of the legal profession in the post-apartheid era?
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Mamdani, Mahmood. "The South African Moment." Journal of Palestine Studies 45, no. 1 (2015): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2015.45.1.63.
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This essay draws parallels between the movement for justice in Palestine and the South African experience during the anti-apartheid struggle, engaging critically with supporters and practitioners of the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign against Israel. Notwithstanding their very different contexts, the author argues that in the South African case, the decision to broaden the struggle to all opponents of apartheid, thereby transcending the racialism normalized by the very structure of the state, enabled the movement to gain the momentum necessary to bring down the apartheid regime. Neither armed resistance nor boycott alone was sufficient to win the battle without the added component of mass-based direct action. The essay challenges the activists of the contemporary Palestinian movement to redefine their strategy and create their own South African moment. The text is based on the author's remarks as discussant at a talk by BDS cofounder Omar Barghouti, held at Columbia University on 2 December 2014.
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Wasserman, Herman. "Is a New Worldwide Web Possible? An Explorative Comparison of the Use of ICTs by Two South African Social Movements." African Studies Review 50, no. 1 (April 2007): 109–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0144.
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Abstract:In this article the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs), especially new media technologies such as e-mail and the Internet, by postapartheid South African social movements is explored. Following a discussion of the use of these technologies by activist groupings in international contexts, a typology suggested by Rheingold (2003) is used as a framework for comparing two South African social movements: the Treatment Action Campaign (TAC) and the Anti-Privatization Forum (APF).
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Earl, Geoff. "Albertina Sisulu 1918-2011 Nurse and South African anti-apartheid activist." Nursing Standard 25, no. 45 (July 13, 2011): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.25.45.33.s46.
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Heywood, Mark. "South Africa’s Journey from Socialism to Human Rights: The True Confessions of an Errant Socialist." Journal of Human Rights Practice 11, no. 2 (July 1, 2019): 305–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhuman/huz016.
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Abstract This article explores the possibilities and pitfalls of various methods of human rights advocacy in post-apartheid South Africa. It does so through following the personal journey of the author, first as a socialist in the anti-apartheid movement and later as a leading human rights activist in some of the most successful civil society organizations to emerge in the post-apartheid period. The journey begins in the pre-constitutional period in 1994 (the year South Africa had its first democratic election) and continues through to 2019. It examines the evolution of human rights practice, particularly in relation to access to treatment for HIV/AIDS and the realization of socioeconomic rights to health care services and basic education. It measures its achievements against the discourse of socialists, particularly their critique of using law, the courts and human rights in the quest for equality. It shows how South Africa has a long tradition of human rights activism that stretches back to the colonial and apartheid periods. However, making human rights justiciable in South Africa’s 1996 Constitution was a game-changer that has enabled tangible victories to be achieved through a combination of litigation and social mobilization. Despite this the author believes that this period of advance may now be reaching its limits and he argues that human rights practice now needs a much deeper consideration of its command over matters of economy and private (corporate) power if it is to retain its credibility in twenty-first century struggles for equality and social justice. The article ends with some suggestions about how this can be done.
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Cristian, Réka M. "Transnational Encounters." Acta Hispanica, no. II (October 4, 2020): 663–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/actahisp.2020.0.663-671.
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The text focuses on a series of transnational flows and polylocal agencies marking the art of the American folk musician and performer Sixto Rodriguez. After issuing two albums in the seventies, he was quickly forgotten in the USA but luckily not outside of it. His first album, Cold Fact (1970), became the unofficial anthem for the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa in the seventies and the performer was paradoxically ‘rediscovered’ due to a hoax with the help of enduring South-African, Botswanan, Zimbabwean, Australian and New Zealander fans and through the research of the Swedish-Algerian filmmaker Malik Bendjelloul, who made and directed Searching for Sugarman (2012), an Oscar-winning documentary film. The quest for Rodriguez’s global itineraries still goes on through his official webpage and the release of a book in 2015 with performer-activist Rodriguez becoming in the context of global discourses and Deep Maps strategy a transnational figure rather than just an American singer.
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Marsling, Steve, and Chris Smith. "London Recruits: How a story of anti-apartheid activism can serve teachers today." FORUM 63, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/forum.2021.63.2.12.
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This year sees the release of London Recruits, a film chronicling the anti-apartheid activism of young men and women volunteers who, from 1967, travelled from the UK to South Africa. The recruits were invaluable to the campaigning work of the African National Congress and the wider international anti-apartheid movement because as white tourists, which is all the South African authorities saw them as, they were free to travel unmonitored in ways impossible for black citizens. To coincide with the release of the film, an education pack, comprising the testimonies of the recruits as well as other source material, has been compiled for use in schools. The pack was funded by the National Education Union and coordinated by Steve Marsling, a former recruit, who writes the opening section of this article. Chris Smith, who writes the rest of the article, was a serving history and politics teacher at the time of writing this article. He helped provide learning activities and exemplar lesson plans so teachers can straightforwardly make use of the pack in their classrooms. Work to create these educational resources started just before the upsurge of Black Lives Matter campaigning in the UK sparked calls for 'decolonising the curriculum'. It is hoped this pack shares and complements that goal. As the story of the recruits makes clear, there have always been those who have needed to resort to direct action to have their voices fairly heard. Institutional racism is an undeniable feature of life in all nations whose pasts are closely entwined with imperialism. It is hoped this pack will form part of the continuing work in our schools to teach a more diverse curriculum, not only in subjects such as history, but also in citizenship, creative arts and even during pastoral time. Teachers are struggling with unprecedented and seemingly endless demands: may this pack help them tell a story that until now had been largely untold.
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Froneman, J. D. "Mediatransformasie dek die tafel vir ’n nuwe joernalistiek." Literator 18, no. 3 (April 30, 1997): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.574.
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Media transformation sets the scene for a new journalismSince 1993 the South African media have been going through a period of fundamental transformation. This process has resulted in a phenomenon of black journalists and whites with credentials as anti-apartheid activists, moving into senior editorial positions at the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) as well as at newspapers. This article briefly describes the said transformational steps within the framework of existing media models, inter alia the developmental, social-responsibility and democratic-participatory models. Journalism covering the arts, culture and literature is thereby placed within a broader media context. It is concluded that the dominant media model(s) will determine the kind of journalism we can expect in future.
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Kirkby, Diane, and Dmytro Ostapenko. "‘Second to None in the International Fight’: Australian Seafarers Internationalism and Maritime Unions Against Apartheid." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 2 (November 10, 2017): 442–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417719998.
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The participation of trade unions in the anti-apartheid movement is a subject which arguably merits more attention. This article brings into focus a group of unionists whose activism against apartheid was in the forefront of key initiatives. Drawing on new research the argument recounts the role of Australian seafarers on the international stage, particularly its association with the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU), and shows how knowledge of events in South Africa passed from the WFTU to educate the union membership. By the 1980s, Australian seafarers were taking the lead in bringing European unionists together in united action to enforce the United Nations' embargo on oil supplies to South Africa by founding a new organization, the Maritime Unions Against Apartheid (MUAA). Reconstructing these events demonstrates two aspects of significance: the growing importance of monitoring shipping as an anti-apartheid strategy coordinated and led by European unions, which we point out relied on ships’ officers and crews for knowledge, and the breaking down of the ideological divide between the WFTU and the anti-Communist International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) working together in the MUAA. The article contributes new understanding of connections between anti-apartheid activism and its Cold War context.
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Schmid, Jeanette, and Thérèse Sacco. "A STORY OF RESISTANCE: ‘CONCERNED SOCIAL WORKERS’." Southern African Journal of Social Work and Social Development 26, no. 3 (March 3, 2017): 291–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2415-5829/2255.
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The story of Concerned Social Workers (CSW), a progressive South African anti-apartheid social work organisation active in the 1980s and early 1990s, provides important lessons in social work activism in situations of inequality and injustice. This article describes the context in which CSW emerged, the raison d’être of the organisation, and activities in which the group engaged. Reflected through a qualitative study, members remember their CSW activism as shaping both their personal and professional identities. They suggest that CSW made an important contribution to the South African social work landscape. A record of this social work engagement provides younger social workers with inspiration to become social agents in a time where injustice continues to prevail and prompts older social workers to become energised and confront any complacency.
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Kepe, Thembela, Munyaradzi Saruchera, and Webster Whande. "Poverty alleviation and biodiversity conservation: a South African perspective." Oryx 38, no. 2 (April 2004): 143–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0030605304000262.
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The relationship between poverty alleviation and biodiversity conservation has been the subject of intense debate amongst academics and development practitioners for several decades, yet consensus on how to reconcile these two disparate goals is far from being reached. The debate is often characterized by polemics between different camps, particularly on which strategy works best. Without trivializing the quality of scholarship within this debate, we argue that it is delineated by two major factors. Firstly, residents of rich countries and residents of poor countries are often assumed to be in opposition on this matter. On the one hand, some analysts tend to blame the loss of biodiversity on alleged excessive use of natural resources by residents of poor countries, while on the other hand there are those who blame residents of rich countries for alleged unsustainable livelihood strategies. Secondly, the debate on the contested relationship between biodiversity conservation and poverty alleviation is often characterized by a tussle between proponents of biodiversity conservation and human rights/anti-poverty activists.
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Cull, Nicholas J. "British Cities versus Apartheid: UK Local Authority Activism as City Diplomacy." Diplomatica 3, no. 1 (June 23, 2021): 187–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-03010012.
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Abstract This essay considers the phenomenon of British local authorities mobilizing to oppose the policies of apartheid in post-war South Africa. Activities include boycott, divestment, twinning agreements, media campaigns, and re-naming/memorialization. The activity is placed in the context of a transnational anti-apartheid network overseen by the United Nations organization. The campaign is shown to be inversely related the level of national government activity and especially associated with opposition to Margaret Thatcher and her government.
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Vanyoro, Kudakwashe P. "‘Skeptics’ and ‘believers’: anti-trafficking, sex work, and migrant rights activism in South Africa." Gender & Development 27, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 123–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2019.1570731.
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Lawrance, Benjamin N., and Vusumuzi R. Kumalo. "“A Genius without Direction”: The Abortive Exile of Dugmore Boetie and the Fate of Southern African Refugees in a Decolonizing Africa." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 585–622. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab200.
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Abstract The flight of South African writer Dugmore Boetie from his home in the Sophiatown neighborhood of Johannesburg to Dar es Salaam, Tanganyika, in mid- to late 1960 highlights the fuzzy distinction between exile and refuge before international refugee protections extended to Africa. Like many decolonial refugees after the Sharpeville Massacre, Boetie fled political persecution, lured abroad by the possibility of resettlement in London under the United Kingdom’s open-door policy to British Commonwealth citizens. Unlike many contemporaries, however, Boetie had yet to attain literary fame and had few notable advocates. Fragmentary exilic archives shift attention away from refugee reception and toward motives for flight, speaking to the ad hoc strategies of escape and survival characteristic of the transitional decolonization epoch. While networks of anticolonial, anti-apartheid sympathizers generally welcomed the first waves of exiles, politically connected socioeconomic elites were best positioned to make dangerous journeys. Men and women from all over Africa sought refuge in the 1950s and 1960s before global anti-apartheid activism was fully formed, but political subjectivities, legal statuses, and shifting citizenship statutes impeded or expedited individual paths. The better connected entered the United Kingdom, the United States, or the Soviet Union for education or employment. Those bereft of connections were forced to make a difficult choice between returning home or becoming another humanitarian statistic.
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T’Sjoen, Yves. "Breyten Breytenbach in een zijspiegel: Het vizier van H.C. ten Berge Transnationale laterale beweging en particuliere “hetero-images” van een literaire actor/ Breyten Breytenbach Through H.C. ten Berge’s Looking-Glass: Transnational Lateral Movement and Particular “Hetero-Images” of a Writer." Werkwinkel 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/werk-2015-0003.
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Abstract At the end of the 1960s and in the beginning of the 1970s the South African poet Breyten Breytenbach had poetry and drawings published in the leading literary magazine Raster. The editor in charge at the time, H.C. ten Berge, gave the experimental writer and socially engaged Sestiger (the literary modernizing movement in South Africa in the sixties) pride of place in the line-ups of the Dutch modernist periodical. In the seventies, Ten Berge contributed to Vingermaan (1980), a collection of poems by Dutch writers (Lucebert, Kopland, Kouwenaar, Schierbeek) in support of the anti-apartheid activist. From 1975 Breytenbach was imprisoned in South Africa for political reasons. He served seven years of a nine year sentence. At that time, in the eighties, the Netherlands organized a cultural and economical boycott against the racist regime in Pretoria. Later on, Ten Berge presented his own poems dedicated to Breytenbach in his book of poetry Nieuwe gedichten (1981) and in the collection Materia prima: Gedichten 1963-1993 (1993). Before and during the imprisonment of Breytenbach Ten Berge played an important role in the introduction of the writer in the Low Countries. From a cultural-sociological point of view Breytenbach’s presence in the Dutch language area can be described, in the terminology of Francoise Lionnet and Shu-mei Shih and later on used by Louise Viljoen, as a transnational lateral movement in his writing career. This paper deals with the cultural transmission of an important political and experimental author in the literary system of Afrikaans and English in South Africa into the Dutch system. From a bibliographical viewpoint this paper affords special attention to the publication of Breytenbach’s volume of poetry in Skryt: Om ’n sinkende skip blou te verf ([1972] 1976), Vingermaan (1980) and Nieuwe gedichten ([1981] 1987). Ten Berge played an important role in the introduction of Breytenbach to the Low Countries in the way he presented the author’s political and aesthetic ideas to a Dutch-speaking audience.
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Oliver, Marcia. "Transnational Sex Politics, Conservative Christianity, and Antigay Activism in Uganda." Studies in Social Justice 7, no. 1 (November 19, 2012): 83–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v7i1.1056.
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In October 2009, a private member introduced the Anti-Homosexuality Bill to Uganda’s Parliament for consideration. This article analyzes the Bill within a broader context of transnational antigay activism, specifically the diverse ways that antigay activism in Uganda is shaped by global dynamics (such as the U.S. Christian Right’s pro-family agenda) and local forms of knowledge and concerns over culture, national identity, and political and socio-economic issues/interests. This article lends insight into how transnational antigay activism connects to and reinforces colonial-inspired scripts about “African” sexuality and the deepening power inequalities between the global North and South under global neoliberalism, and raises some important questions about how the racial and gender politics of the U.S. Christian Right’s pro-family agenda travel and manifest within the Ugandan context.
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McClendon, Thomas, and Pamela Scully. "The South African Student Exchange Program: Anti-Apartheid Activism in the Era of Constructive Engagement." Safundi 16, no. 1 (December 20, 2014): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17533171.2014.946829.
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Ali, Ashna, Christopher Ian Foster, and Supriya M. Nair. "Introduction." Minnesota review 2020, no. 94 (May 1, 2020): 54–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00265667-8128407.
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The first of its kind, this special focus section examines a relatively understudied concept and brings together new literary works and scholarship across continents and languages. Contemporary authors and activists like Fatou Diome, Shailja Patel, Abdourahman Waberi, and Igiaba Scego contribute to a new literary, cultural, and political genre called migritude. Migritude initially indicated a group of younger African authors in Paris but has since expanded to include Europe beyond France, such as Britain and Italy, as well as South Asian and Caribbean diasporas. This body of work reveals intersections between complex histories of colonialism, immigration, globalization, and racism against migrants and highlights differences in region, class, gender, and sexuality that constrain the movement of many people. In an era characterized by openly belligerent nationalism and anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ rhetoric, this special focus section aims to unpack migritude cultural production in an international context to study and combat these violent trends.
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Tillery, Alvin B. "Foreign Policy Activism and Power in the House of Representatives: Black Members of Congress and South Africa, 1968–1986." Studies in American Political Development 20, no. 1 (April 2006): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x06000058.
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On 3 October 1986, the 99th Congress—acting at the behest of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC)—voted to override President Ronald Reagan’s veto of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA). The passage of this bill, which placed strict economic sanctions on the white supremacist regime in South Africa, was a watershed moment in American politics for two reasons. First, veto overrides in the foreign policy-making arena are an exceedingly rare form of legislative action. More importantly, this was the first time in American history that the members of a minority group were able to use their positions within the Congress to translate a parochial desire into foreign policy against the will of a sitting president.
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Pennybacker, Susan. "“Fire by Night, Cloud by Day”: Exile and Refuge in Postwar London." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 1 (January 2020): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2019.247.
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AbstractSusan Pennybacker's presidential plenary to the 2017 North American Conference on British Studies in Denver, Colorado, explores the lives of four of the subjects of her book (in progress) of the same title. It identifies the kinds of archival and ethnographic sources that allow new treatments of the exile, émigré, and expatriate communities of London after the close of World War II and of those who contributed in various ways to the ethos of metropolitan political culture in the “late empire” and Cold War era. The essay focuses on the South African Ruth First, the Indian diplomat Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, the Indian academician Achin Vanaik, and the South Asian Londoner Suresh Grover, a member of the Monitoring Group, a legal assistance and anti-discrimination organization in the capital. It suggests the importance of scholarship that reckons with known and notable activist persons who led and represented many others in their challenges to global politics from a base in the “mammoth crossroads, the secure and unsafe haven that is London.”
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Kauhanen, Katri. "From Seoul to Paris." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 575–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315140.
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The Korean National Council of Women, a women’s organization established in 1959, has received criticism in Korean literature for its collaboration with the authoritarian regimes that ruled South Korea for decades. This article, however, argues for a different kind of interpretation. The Korean National Council of Women came together to join the International Council of Women, a major international women’s organization that was looking for new affiliations in the recently decolonized parts of Asia and Africa in the midst of Cold War competition. Thus, we should view the existence of the Korean National Council of Women in the framework of transnational women’s activism and how the Cold War shaped it. After outlining the connections made between South Korean women and the International Council of Women, the article analyzes the projects proposed by the Korean National Council of Women under the anti-communist authoritarian regime. Based on archival research in South Korea and Belgium, this article argues that instead of following rules from above, the Korean National Council of Women negotiated a way to combine the advancement of women’s issues with the development of the nation. The International Council of Women, while criticizing communist women for their close relationship with the state, celebrated the achievements its South Korean affiliate made as a state-registered organization.
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Loimeier, Manfred. "Disillusionment and Disappointment." Matatu 50, no. 2 (February 13, 2020): 456–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757421-05002011.
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Abstract Both Zimbabwean author NoViolet Bulawayo and South African author Niq Mhlongo encapsulate in novels published by each of them in 2013 what has become of their governments’ promises of freedom and prosperity. In her novel We Need New Names, Bulawayo criticises the poverty, corruption and mismanagement seen under the regime of Robert Mugabe and caricatures the grandiose slogans of ‘Black Power.’ In his novel Way Back Home, Mhlongo reveals how a former anti-apartheid activist in the ANC becomes enmeshed in self-enrichment and nepotism and is pursued by the ghosts of the past. Both Bulawayo and Mhlongo are not content with merely decoding slogans, but identify possible paths to a future with greater self-determination. Disappointment about the unredeemed promises is thus transformed into a sobering résumé and stocktaking that can provide a basis for a new consideration and new definition of social objectives.
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Nel, Carla, Barbara Burnell, Paul J. P. Fouché, and Roelf van Niekerk. "Meaning and wellness: A comparative psychobiography on Helen Suzman and Beyers Naudé." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 17, no. 3 (August 31, 2021): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.5391.
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This comparative psychobiographical study provides an in-depth exploration of meaning in the lives of two extraordinary individuals, Helen Suzman and Beyers Naudé. A comparison of the construction of meaning, as an important aspect of wellness within the holistic wellness model, is given for these South African anti-apartheid activists. Suzman (1917–2009) dedicated her career to opposing apartheid policy as a parliamentary politician. Naudé (1915–2004) was a renowned public figure dedicated to social justice in his role as a theologian. The holistic wellness model views the Neo-Adlerian life task of spirituality as crucial to ascribing meaning to life events, acknowledging multiple potential sources of meaning. The differences and similarities pertaining to the domains of meaning-making of these two subjects are explored. The subjects, who differed regarding biographical variables, were found to share a common sense of purpose within the same socio-political milieu. The study findings confirm that commitment to diverse sources of meaning and generativity are central to meaningfulness. This comparative psychobiographical study contributes to the eugraphic exploration of the meaning-making processes of these exemplary individuals.
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Shafer, MTC. "Between mediation and critique: Quaker nonviolence in apartheid Cape Town, 1976–1990." European Journal of Political Theory 19, no. 4 (August 9, 2017): 593–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885117721414.
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In the final years of legal apartheid, the small community of Quakers in Cape Town, South Africa sought to apply their tradition of political and theological nonviolence to the systematic injustice of their social context. Drawing on archival evidence, this article examines the writings of Hendrik W van der Merwe, a prominent white Afrikaner sociologist, activist, and Quaker. I argue that van der Merwe developed an unusual account of Quaker pacifism that cast nonviolence in terms of engaged mediation rather than civil resistance or critique, and I demonstrate how this ethical and political position required a specific conceptualization of “violence” as an idea in order for its account of peacemaking to be intelligible as an interpretation of that Quaker tradition. The study of the development of van der Merwe's ideas has a twofold significance: it uncovers a form of anti-violence politics that has been widely neglected within political theories of nonviolence and pacifism, and it illuminates the concrete political stakes of ongoing debates about “narrow” and “wide” definitions of violence.
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Willoughby, Jay. "Islam in Africa, Islam in Globalization." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 1 (January 1, 2016): 165–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i1.898.
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On October 15, 2105, the International Institute of Islamic Thought commemoratedAli Mazrui’s (1933- 2014) first death anniversary by convening a seminarto honor their mutual close and lasting relationship. Mazrui served as theeditor-in-chief of the American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (2009-14),participated in many of the institute’s events, and was awarded the IIIT DistinguishedScholar Award in 2011. In addition, he bequeathed his collectionof papers and publications to IIIT.His widow Pauline Utimazrui opened the seminar by recalling how herlate husband always spoke the truth regardless of the consequences, how hedecided to attend Columbia University because so many African students weregoing there, and how he sought to bring up controversial issues to force peopleto think outside the box. She said that he was a very happy and grateful manwho appreciated others, liked to live a simple life and be in the moment, anddid not believe in accumulating wealth.Keynote speaker Ebrahim Rasool, former ambassador of South Africa tothe United States and a long-time activist who was jailed for his anti-apartheidactivities, spoke on “Ali Mazrui: Beacon at the Intersection of Islam andAfrica.” He described Mazrui as follows:Standing for justice is the point of the triangle which is least populated, orif it is populated it may well be populated in the absence of understandingthe implications of belief in the unity of God or the understanding of the dynamismof knowledge. Professor Ali Mazrui will be remembered for epitomizingthe completeness and perfection of this golden triangle [of belief,knowledge and justice], for indeed his knowledge was founded in his unflinchingcommitment to Tauhid or unity and this, in turn, impelled him towardsutilizing his intellect both towards identifying the sources of injusticein the world and positing theoretical and practical solutions towards justice.He reminded his audience how Mazrui never shied away from controversy,as can be seen in his battle with National Public Radio (NPR) in termsof his production and defense of “The Africans: The Triple Heritage,” disagreementswith much of post-colonial Africa’s ideological or philosophicalthinking, and assertion of a distinction between theological Islam and historicalIslam. On a more personal level, in 1969 he rejected an invitation extended ...
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Möckel, Benjamin. "The Material Culture of Human Rights. Consumer Products, Boycotts and the Transformation of Human Rights Activism in the 1970s and 1980s." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 6, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 76–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.540.
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During the 1960s and 1970s, human rights NGOs began to use boycotts and other consumer protests to draw attention to their campaigns. The Anti-Apartheid Movement in particular, used consumer products and spaces of consumption for their campaigns against the South African regime. By focussing on the everyday practice of consumption, these campaigns helped to translate human rights discourse from the sphere of international law and politics into the sphere of civil society and everyday life. The entanglement of human rights activism and consumer culture can thus be seen as an important – but so far mostly overlooked – aspect of the so-called ‘breakthrough’ of human rights discourse in the 1970s. The article looks at this development from a material culture studies approach. It argues that everyday objects played an important role in human rights campaigns, particularly in the context of a mediatization and popularization of human rights in the 1970s and 1980s. The article takes the Anti-Apartheid Movement as a case study. By looking at the boycott campaigns as well as the consumer items the movement began to produce itself in the late 1980s, it shows how material objects and social practices became inextricably intertwined in these campaigns.
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Branagan, Marty. "The Australian Movement against Uranium Mining: Its Rationale and Evolution." International Journal of Rural Law and Policy, no. 1 (September 9, 2014): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ijrlp.i1.2014.3852.
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This paper begins with a brief historical overview of the Australian movement against uranium mining, before focussing on two major campaigns: Roxby and Jabiluka. It describes the reasons the activists gave at the time for their blockades of the Roxby Downs uranium mine in South Australia in 1983 and 1984. These reasons – such as perceptions that the industry is unsafe - have changed little over time and were the basis for the campaign against the proposed Jabiluka mine in the Northern Territory in 1998. They continue to be cited by environmental groups and Aboriginal Traditional Owners to this day as new situations arise, such as the 2011 Fukushima Daiichi nuclear accident.The paper then describes how the movement evolved between the Roxby and Jabiluka blockades, with changes to the movement’s philosophy, strategy, tactics and internal dynamics. This analysis includes a comparison between two anti-nuclear bike rides, one a year after the 1984 Roxby blockade and involving some of the same activists, and another at the time of the Jabiluka blockade. This author was present at all these events, and provides an emic (insider) perspective within a longitudinal participant-observation methodology. Although this perspective obviously has a subjective element, the paper fills a gap in that there is little written history of these blockades (particularly Roxby) and more generally of Australian resistance to uranium mining, let alone the aspects of nonviolence and movement evolution. It is an introductory history of these campaigns, examining the direct action components, the practicalities of nonviolent campaigning, and the evolution of Australian anti-uranium activism.
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Kanstroom, Daniel. "The “Right to Remain Here” as an Evolving Component of Global Refugee Protection: Current Initiatives and Critical Questions." Journal on Migration and Human Security 5, no. 3 (September 2017): 614–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/233150241700500304.
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This article considers the relationship between two human rights discourses (and two specific legal regimes): refugee and asylum protection and the evolving body of international law that regulates expulsions and deportations. Legal protections for refugees and asylum seekers are, of course, venerable, well-known, and in many respects still cherished, if challenged and perhaps a bit frail. Anti-deportation discourse is much newer, multifaceted, and evolving. It is in many respects a young work in progress. It has arisen in response to a rising tide of deportations, and the worrisome development of massive, harsh deportation machinery in the United States, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Mexico, Australia, and South Africa, among others. This article's main goal is to consider how these two discourses do and might relate to each other. More specifically, it suggests that the development of procedural and substantive rights against removal — as well as rights during and after removal — aids our understanding of the current state and possible future of the refugee protection regime. The article's basic thesis is this: The global refugee regime, though challenged both theoretically and in practice, must be maintained and strengthened. Its historical focus on developing criteria for admission into safe states, on protections against expulsion (i.e., non-refoulement), and on regimes of temporary protection all remain critically important. However, a focus on other protections for all noncitizens facing deportation is equally important. Deportation has become a major international system that transcends the power of any single nation-state. Its methods have migrated from one regime to another; its size and scope are substantial and expanding; its costs are enormous; and its effects frequently constitute major human rights violations against millions who do not qualify as refugees. In recent years there has been increasing reliance by states on generally applicable deportation systems, led in large measure by the United States' radical 25 year-plus experiment with large-scale deportation. Europe has also witnessed a rising tide of deportation, some of which has developed in reaction to European asylum practices. Deportation has been facilitated globally (e.g., in Australia) by well-funded, efficient (but relatively little known) intergovernmental idea sharing, training, and cooperation. This global expansion, standardization, and increasing intergovernmental cooperation on deportation has been met by powerful — if in some respects still nascent — human rights responses by activists, courts, some political actors, and scholars. It might seem counterintuitive to think that emerging ideas about deportation protections could help refugees and asylum seekers, as those people by definition often have greater rights protections both in admission and expulsion. However, the emerging anti-deportation discourses should be systematically studied by those interested in the global refugee regime for three basic reasons. First, what Matthew Gibney has described as “the deportation turn” has historically been deeply connected to anxiety about asylum seekers. Although we lack exact figures of the number of asylum seekers who have been subsequently expelled worldwide, there seems little doubt that it has been a significant phenomenon and will be an increasingly important challenge in the future. The two phenomena of refugee/asylum protections and deportation, in short, are now and have long been linked. What has sometimes been gained through the front door, so to speak, may be lost through the back door. Second, current deportation human rights discourses embody creative framing models that might aid constructive critique and reform of the existing refugee protection regime. They tend to be more functionally oriented, less definitional in terms of who warrants protection, and more fluid and transnational. Third, these discourses offer important specific rights protections that could strengthen the refugee and asylum regime, even as we continue to see weakening state support for the basic 1951/1967 protection regime. This is especially true in regard to the extraterritorial scope of the (deporting) state's obligations post-deportation. This article particularly examines two initiatives in this emerging field: The International Law Commission's Draft Articles on the Expulsion of Aliens and the draft Declaration on the Rights of Expelled and Deported Persons developed through the Boston College Post-Deportation Human Rights Project (of which the author is a co-director). It compares their provisions to the existing corpus of substantive and procedural protections for refugees relating to expulsion and removal. It concludes with consideration of how these discourses may strengthen protections for refugees while also helping to develop more capacious and protective systems in the future. “Those guarantees of liberty and livelihood are the essence of the freedom which this country from the beginning has offered the people of all lands. If those rights, great as they are, have constitutional protection, I think the more important one — the right to remain here — has a like dignity.” Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, 19522 “We need a national effort to return those who have been rejected … and we are working on that at the moment with great vigor.” Angela Merkel, October 15, 20163
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Berkman, Karin. "‘Remember Sharpeville’: Radical Commemoration in the Poetry of the Exiled South African Poets, Dennis Brutus and Keorapetse Kgositsile." English in Africa 47, no. 1 (October 2, 2020): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/eia.v47i1.2.
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The Sharpeville Massacre of 1960 has been widely seen as a watershed moment, marking a fundamental shift in the nature of the resistance to apartheid. Its effect on cultural production was monumental: in the face of a massive government crackdown, almost every black writer and artist of note was forced into exile. The poets who write within the long shadow of the massacre must negotiate its legacy and the fraught question of its commemoration.This article takes as its point of focus two poems by Dennis Brutus and Keorapetse Kgositsile that address the place of Sharpeville in cultural memory. I consider the distinctiveness of the poetics of mourning and commemoration that they fashion in relation to South Africa’s most renowned elegy for the victims of Sharpeville, Ingrid Jonker’s “The Child.” I suggest that Brutus’ anti-poetic, subverted elegy “Sharpeville” re-stages commemoration as an act of resistance that is prospective rather than retrospective. In considering Kgositsile’s poem “When Brown is Black,” I examine Kgositsile’s transnational framing of Sharpeville and its location on a continuum of racial suffering, drawing attention to the significance of the links that Kgositsile forges between Malcolm X and “the brothers on Robben Island,” (42) and between Sharpeville and the Watts riots in Los Angeles in 1965. This paper suggests that for both Brutus and Kgositsile commemoration is framed as a mode of activism.
Keywords: Sharpeville, Ingrid Jonker, Dennis Brutus, Keorapetse Kgositsile, cultural memory, commemoration, elegy
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Rodman, Kenneth A. "“Think Globally, Punish Locally”: Nonstate Actors, Multinational Corporations, and Human Rights Sanctions." Ethics & International Affairs 12 (March 1998): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.1998.tb00036.x.
Full textAbstract:
The traditional realist paradigm holds that the sovereign nation-state is the principal political and legal unit in the world community. Reflecting this tradition, most studies of economic sanctions are state-centered. They assume that states exercise control over their national corporations to deny economic resources to other states. Within this framework, nongovernmental human rights organizations become involved only as interest groups, lobbying governments to regulate or ban private economic activity with designated malefactor. These groups, however, are generally unable to persuade states to mandate disinvestment from or socially responsible behavior within repressive regimes. As a result, they redirect their energies away from the central authorities and toward corporations-directly pressuring them through boycotts and shareholder activism-and local governments-persuading them to condition municipal contracts on human rights criteria.This essay examines the degree to which these nonstate actors can provide an alternative center of authority to that of the state in imposing human rights accountability on corporate conduct abroad. The first section explains the logic of nonstate sanctions and establishes criteria against which one can judge their challenge to realism. The second section assesses the successes and limitations of the anti-apartheid movement, which is viewed as the role model for such efforts. The third and final section contrasts the South African case with recent campaigns against corporate investment in Burma and Nigeria. These cases have been chosen because most grassroots organizations have pressed for corporate withdrawal rather than for more socially responsible business practices. Each represents an attempt by citizens' groups to impose sanctions against repressive regimes beyond those enacted by governments.
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Etsassala, Badmus, Waryo, Marnewick, Cupido, Hussein, and Iwuoha. "Alpha-Glucosidase and Alpha-Amylase Inhibitory Activities of Novel Abietane Diterpenes from Salvia africana-lutea." Antioxidants 8, no. 10 (September 20, 2019): 421. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/antiox8100421.
Full textAbstract:
The re-investigation of a methanolic extract of Salvia africana-lutea collected from the Cape Floristic Region, South Africa (SA), afforded four new abietane diterpenes, namely 19-acetoxy-12-methoxycarnosic acid (1), 3β-acetoxy-7α-methoxyrosmanol (2), 19-acetoxy-7α-methoxyrosmanol (3), 19-acetoxy-12-methoxy carnosol (4), and two known named clinopodiolides A (5), and B (6), in addition to four known triterpenes, oleanolic, and ursolic acids (7, 8), 11,12-dehydroursolic acid lactone (9) and β-amyrin (10). The chemical structural elucidation of the isolated compounds was determined on the basis of one and two dimensional nuclear magnetic resonance (1D and 2D NMR), high-resolution mass spectrometry (HRMS), ultra violet (UV), fourier transform infrared (IR), in comparison with literature data. The in vitro bio-evaluation against alpha-glucosidase showed strong inhibitory activities of 8, 10, and 7, with the half inhibitory concentration (IC50) values of 11.3 ± 1.0, 17.1 ± 1.0 and 22.9 ± 2.0 µg/mL, respectively, while 7 demonstrated the strongest in vitro alpha-amylase inhibitory activity among the tested compounds with IC50 of 12.5 ± 0.7 µg/mL. Additionally, some of the compounds showed significant antioxidant capacities. In conclusion, the methanolic extract of S. africana-lutea is a rich source of terpenoids, especially abietane diterpenes, with strong antioxidant and anti-diabetic activities that can be helpful to modulate the redox status of the body and could therefore be an excellent candidate for the prevention of the development of diabetes, a disease where oxidase stress plays an important role.