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1
Sujana, Ahmad Maftuh, and Saeful Iskandar. "Jihad dan Anti Kafir dalam Geger Cilegon 1888." Tsaqofah 17, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/tsaqofah.v19i1.3167.
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Colonial exploitation that occurred in the 19th century in the archipelago. Creating conditions that can encourage people to carry out social movements that are dominated by continuous economic, political and cultural conditions and have led to the disorganization of traditional societies and their institutions. The entry of the Dutch in the 19th century began to cause enormous problems for the people of Banten, because the changes made by the Dutch government changed the system of government created by the Sultanate of Banten. From the traditional government structure switched to the Modern (European) government system. This has a negative impact on the structure of people's lives. Banten Ulama with the spirit of jihad, the spirit of anti-Islam, sometimes even the spirit of Nativism and Revivalism, became the driving force for various social movements that flourished in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries this movement was a historical symptom of the indigenous peasant society. Almost all of these social movements occur due to high tax collections and heavy work that puts pressure on farmers. So that in this case, the kiai's leadership in carrying out the movement against the invaders is all based on the same motivation and conditions, namely maintaining aqidah and worship. Against munkar, polytheism and kufr which are carried out in the framework of munkar ma'ruf nahyi deeds. Everything is based on sincerity to fortify Islam from the influence that damages Islamic aqidah, worship and mu'amalah. This is clearly manifested in the history of struggle which was marked by Ulama throughout the archipelago
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Dvorkin, Ihor. "JEWISH POGROMS OF THE LATE 19th – EARLY 20th CENTURY IN CONTEMPORARY UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.9.
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The article analyzes modern tendencies in Ukrainian historiography of XIX – and early XX century Jewish pogroms. General works on the history of Ukraine, special works devoted to anti-Jewish violence, and the study of the similar problems, that has been published in the last two decades, are considered. The general context of works, their sources, previous researches influence, conclusions of which the authors came, etc. are analyzed. Reading the intelligence on the pogroms, we can see, that the pogroms were largely the result of modernization, internal migration, the relocation to Ukraine of workers from the Russian provinces of the Romanov Empire and so on. Pogroms are also viewed in the context of social and revolutionary movements. That is, the violence, according to researchers, led to the emergence of Zionism. Also, Jews were actively involved to the left movement, while falling victim to extreme Russian nationalists and chauvinists - the Black Hundreds. We have special works dedicated to the pogroms of the first and second waves, which, however, are not so many. Their authors find out the causes and consequences of the pogroms, the significance of violence for the Jewish community and Ukrainian-Jewish relations, the attitude of the authorities and society to these acts of violence, and so on. Some Ukrainian historians research the problem of pogroms on various issues. Among them are works on the history of Jews from different regions of Ukraine, communities of individual cities, Ukraine as a whole; the history of the Ukrainian peasantry, the monarchical and Black Hundred movement in Ukraine, the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, migration processes in Ukrainian lands, the formation of modern nations, the life and work of prominent figures and more. The authors conduct full-fledged research using a wide source base, including archival materials, which, however, are often factual in nature. This is a disadvantage, because historians are "captured" by the sources on which they rely. We also have conceptual research that refers to a broad historiography of the problem, including foreign. These works often draw the reader's attention to a broader - the imperial, modernization or migration context. It is important, that researchers see actors of Ukrainian history in the Jewish population. Because of this, they are much less interested in the future of the Jews who left the Ukrainian lands than in the researchers of Jewish history.
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Weismann, Itzchak. "THE POLITICS OF POPULAR RELIGION: SUFIS, SALAFIS, AND MUSLIM BROTHERS IN 20TH-CENTURY HAMAH." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380505004x.
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With the advent of the 20th century, Sufism found itself under increasing attack in many parts of the Muslim world. In previous centuries, mystical movements had played a prominent role in the struggle for the revival of Islam and occasionally, where governments were weak or nonexistent, also in actual resistance to European encroachment. In the wake of the increasing consolidation of the state and the spread of Western rationalism, however, Sufis came to be regarded as a major cause of the so-called decline of Islam and an obstacle to its adaptation. In the Arab world, this anti–Sufi feeling was generally associated with the Salafiyya trend. The Salafi call for a return to the example of the forefathers (al-salaf al-**sdotu**āli**hdotu**) amounted to a discrediting of latter-day tradition, which was described as cherishing mystical superstition as well as scholarly stagnation and political quietism. Under the burden of this critique, and as a response to the general expansion of education and literacy, Sufism has been forced to assimilate new ideas and to make room for a new form of organization; the populist Islamic association. These developments culminated in the establishment of the Society of the Muslim Brothers.
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Riy, Grygoriy. "REASONS FOR THE CREATION OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF NATIONS (ABN): EASTERN EUROPEAN AND UKRAINIAN DIMENSIONS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.20.
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The article is devoted to a relatively poorly studied page in the history of the Ukrainian diaspora, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), an anti-communist organization of the period of the Cold War. The author identifies the reasons for the emergence and formation of the ABN, which restored its operation on April 16, 1946 in Munich. Later, almost 20 diaspora groups from Eastern Europe and Central Asia were merged into this structure. The author analyzes the reasons for the participation of Eastern European and Ukrainian diasporas in the formation of the bloc. In particular, the author analyzes the materials of already existing studies on various types of anti-communist movements. The article focuses on the fact that the Eastern European anti-communist movement represented by the ABN was primarily anti-Bolshevik and differed from other anti-communist organizations, first of all, in the idea of establishing independent national states after the disintegration of the USSR. Special attention is paid to the role of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) – OUN(B) in the creation of the concept of joint struggle of enslaved nations. Some other similar Eastern European projects and their cooperation with the ABN, in particular, the Polish emigrant organization ―Prometheus‖ and representatives of the Russian ―White‖ movement, are also considered. The research also emphasizes that the concept of joint struggle of subjugated nations against imperial rule, which emerged in Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 19th century, lasted, respectively, until the 20th century. At the beginning of the Cold War, when anti-communism became an integrative ideology of Western countries, the ABN, led by Yaroslav Stetsko, managed to establish contacts with representatives of Asian and Latin American anti-communist organizations. This allowed them to become part of a transnational anti-communist network. The stages of formation and entry of the ABN into the transnational anti-communist network are determined. Recent researches and publications on the outlined problem are analyzed. The author bases his study on unpublished documents and materials.
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Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. "L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Études internationales 17, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
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Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
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RII, Hryhorii. "TRANSNATIONAL APPROACHES TO STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE UKRAINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT(on the example of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations as part of the transnational anti-communist network) The study analyzes the concepts of «transnationalism»." Contemporary era 10 (2022): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-107-115.
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The study analyzes the concepts of «transnationalism» and transnational approaches to historiography. The concept of «transnational history» is defined, and the difference between it and historical-comparative studies is explored. Also, there are presented the historical development of these concepts and their possible influence on the paradigm shift of historical research in the Ukrainian history of the 20th century. The author determined how using transnational approaches can influence the research of the Ukrainian liberation movement. For instance, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) in 1946 included more than a dozen national emigration organizations. The bloc was initiated by the Bandera wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, whose members through decades had developed the ideological doctrine of the unification of the subjugated nations and established contacts with national movements in the Soviet Union during World War II and, after the war ended, among emigrant organizations of Eastern Europe. In contrast, in their home countries, communist regimes were established. The author considered the history of the ABN – the Eastern European anti-communist organization of the Cold War – as part of a transnational anti-communist network. The criteria according to which transnational approaches can be applied to studying the history of ABN are defined. This is, in particular, the use in the ideology of the ABN of transnational concepts of «right of self-determination for nations» and «anti-communism», as well as, activities in the field of International Non-Governmental Organization – INGO. In addition, the author argued that the use of transnational approaches can also be through the historical period in which the bloc operated. It was during the bipolar world ideological confrontation that transnational ideas became widespread and non-governmental organizations gained influence, particularly in the public sector of Western democracies. This allowed the bloc to pursue active public activities among national diasporas in the West, actively using anti-communist slogans and thus appealing to the USSR and communist governments in Eastern Europe. Keywords transnational history, ABN, the Cold War, the Ukrainian liberation movement, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.
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Jurgutienė, Aušra. "Some Comments on the Changes, Contradictions and Connections of Literary Theories in Lithuania." Interlitteraria 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2020.25.1.5.
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The paper presents a brief history of literary theories that have been used in Lithuania for the last century (1918–2018). Certain general patterns of development are visible in Lithuanian literary studies: movements from positivist (M. Biržiška) to anti-positivist (V. Mykolaitis-Putinas) history and from Marxist history (K. Korsakas) to postmodern New Historicism. The mid-20th century marked the first applications of modern literary theories (first in exile, later among those who stayed in occupied Lithuania). A. J. Greimas became an eminent theoretician in exile, having established a world-famous school of semiotics in Paris. A large number of Lithuanian scholars worked in this field in Lithuania and abroad (J. Ambrazevičius-Brazaitis, Rimvydas Šilbajoris, Vytautas Kavolis, Bronius Vaškelis, Violeta Kelertienė, Ilona Gražytė-Maziliauskienė, Viktorija Skrupskelytė, Tomas Venclova, Vanda Zaborskaitė, Kęstutis Nastopka, Albertas Zalatorius, Vytautas Kubilius, Viktorija Daujotytė, Irena Kostkevičiūtė), but except for the Greimas Paris School of Semiotics, which created its own field, literary theories had mostly a practical and educational impact on interpretations of Lithuanian disciplines.
After the restoration of Lithuanian independence in 1990, the renewal of literary theory reached its peak that lasted for about two decades. The J. Greimas Semiotics Studies and Research Centre (now the A. J. Greimas Centre for Semiotics and Literary Theory) was established at Vilnius University in 1992, books written by A. J. Greimas were translated into Lithuanian and the publishing of academic journals “Semiotika” and “Baltos lankos” started. The so-called second wave of postmodern theories (intertextuality, narratology, feminism, postcolonialism, sociology, anthropology, new historicism deconstruc tion, reader response) has attracted the attention of literary scholars, bringing discussions about literature back to the fields of history, culture and politics (Nijolė Keršytė, Paulius Subačius, Irina Melnikova, Marijus Šidlauskas, Birutė Meržvinskaitė, Eugenijus Ališanka). Theories have updated the concepts and vocabulary of literary studies and reading strategies and helped literary scholars integrate themselves into international research more successfully. Along with the hermeneutics of trust, the hermeneutics of suspicion – questioning and complicating interpretations and identities of all texts, was taking an increasingly important place in Lithuanian literary research. Nevertheless, at this time the strengthened position of post-theoretical criticism cannot be anti-theoretical, ignoring the entire heritage of the 20th century.
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Paladin, Nicola. "Modes and Moves of Protest." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7376.
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The role of mass protest has been recurrently central yet controversial in the American culture. Central because American history presents a constellation of significant collective protest movements, very different among them but generally symptomatic of a contrast between the people and the state: from the 1775 Boston Massacre and the 1787 Shays’s Rebellion, to the 1863 Draft Riots, but also considering the 1917 Houston Riot or anti-Vietnam war pacifist protests. Controversial, since despite—or because of—its historical persistence, American mass protest has generated a media bias which labelled mobs and crowds as a disruptive popular expression, thus constructing an opposition—practical and rhetorical—between popular subversive tensions, and the so-called middle class “conservative” and self-preserving struggle. During the 20th century, this scenario was significantly influenced by 1968. “The sixties [we]re not fictional”, Stephen King claims in Hearts of Atlantis (1999), in fact “they actually happened”, and had a strong impact on the American culture of protest to the point that their legacy has spread into the post 9/11 era manifestations of dissent. Yet, in the light of this evolution, I believe the very perception of protesting crowds has transformed, producing a narrative in which collectivity functions both as “perpetrator” and “victim”, unlike in the traditional dichotomy. Hence, my purpose is to demonstrate the emergence of this new and historically peculiar connotation of crowds and mobs in America as a result of recent reinterpretations of the history and practice of protest in the 1960s, namely re-thinking the tropes of protest movements of those years, and relocating them in contemporary forms of protest. For this reason, I will concentrate on Nathan Hill’s recent novel, The Nix (2016), and focus on the constant dialogue it establishes between the 1968 modes of protest and the Occupy movement.
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Ayaz, Sammar, Saiqa Sidique Khan, and Qazi Haroon Ahmed. "ANALYZING KAMILA SHAMSIE’S A GOD IN EVERY STONE: COLONIALISM AND RESISTANCE." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, no. 01 (March 31, 2023): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i01.1000.
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Colonialism has been in practice from the ancient times and the suffrage of the people on the part of being colonised is a frequently disscussed notion. Colonialism is the settlement and political control over the other nation or country, in which the colonised are “defeated and conquered, exploited and humiliated” by the colonizers (Cahen, 2012). Colonialism was not the same phenomenon in different times of the world but everywhere it brought the natives and the settlers into most complicated and traumatic relationships leading to the massacres and extinction of certain races. The colonisers try to eradicate the native culture, but it seems that the culture of the colonised society is “frozen” in time because it contains the same culture as it was before colonisation (Liz, 2013). If there is Colonialism consequently there will be a response against those colonial exploitations in the form of anti-Colonialism. Anti-Colonialism is the framework of the oppressed, it is a theory that appears from the very beginning in the understanding of local people and their experiences in the context of colonial oppressions (Simmons, & Dei, 2012). The colonised have to fight for them in order to save their traditions, culture and social norms. Anti-Colonialism is the response given to colonial subjugations and victimisations. It is the movement which empowered the colonised people to gain independence from the colonial masters. Anti-Colonialism heightens the necessity to throw out colonial control and re-establish the native governments. In the second half of the 20th century anti-Colonialism was expressed in terms of liberty. Kwame Nkrumah said that “Never before in history has such a sweeping fervorfor freedom expressed itself in great mass movements which are driving down the bastions of empire” (Nkrumah, 1970). This qualitative study discusses colonial practices regarding the control of colonised and the machinery of colonised i.e. social, political, religious, economical and others. Colonialism comes with its reaction that is Anti-colonialism that questions the hegemonies of colonials against colonised. This study specifically focuses on A God in Every Stone by Kamila Shamsie.
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Previato, Tommaso. "Jihad o rivoluzione? Percorsi martirologici ed escatologia politica nell’Islam cinese." Annali Sezione Orientale 82, no. 1-2 (September 5, 2022): 106–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340130.
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Abstract Messianic Islam and socialism are often contrasted as either fighting each other or joining their forces against colonialism. If in late imperial China the Islamic legal duty of jihād (lit. struggle) was a byproduct of anti-dynastic uprisings by means of which reformist movements—linked to alienated offshoots of Naqshbandiyya Sufism—sought to legitimate religiously-based violence against the Qing state, during the country’s transition toward a republican system of government such duty became aligned with the state-driven program of nation-building and Chinese-distinctive brand of socialism. By so doing, the jihad added momentum to the Xinhai Revolution initiated by Sun Yat-sen, and its military ideology amalgamated with Sun’s political philosophy which was eventually remoulded by Muslim progressive circles within the Kuomintang or close to Mao Tse-tung’s Red Army and the soviet-style regime installed in Yan’an. Based on the analysis of hagiographical materials and periodicals of the first half of the 20th century, the paper sheds light on this critical juncture in the history of modern China that saw statesmen, revolutionary leaders, and religious élites validate jihad and discourses of pan-Islamic solidarity in a combined effort to boost national unity among ethnic minorities and armed resistance to foreign aggression.
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Wien, Peter. "COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST: GERMAN ACADEMIA AND HISTORICAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE ARAB LANDS AND NAZI GERMANY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 42, no. 2 (April 13, 2010): 311–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810000073.
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The books that are the subject of this review essay comprise three new contributions and one revised edition about a topic that has become paradigmatic in defining scholarly and political approaches to key areas of Middle Eastern history. It has shaped studies of the historical and ideological roots of Arab nationalism, the Arab–Israeli conflict, and the emergence and perseverance of authoritarian regimes in the modern Middle East. The ways that politicians, intellectuals, political movements, and the Arab public related to Nazism and Nazi anti-Semitism have been used to contest the legitimacy of 20th-century Arab political movements across the ideological spectrum. Historians have theorized about the involvement of individuals such as Grand Mufti Amin al-Husseini in the crimes of Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, and Adolf Eichmann; the roots of Arab nationalist doctrine in German Volk ideas; the mimicry of Nazism in organizations such as the Iraqi al-Futuwwa and Antun Saadeh's Syrian Social Nationalist Party; and Arab public sympathies for Nazi anti-Semitism dating from the 1930s or even earlier. Until recently, European and Anglo-American research on these topics—often based on a history of ideas approach—tended to take a natural affinity of Arabs toward Nazism for granted. More recent works have contextualized authoritarian and totalitarian trends in the Arab world within a broad political spectrum, choosing subaltern perspectives and privileging the analysis of local voices in the press over colonial archives and the voices of grand theoreticians. The works of Israel Gershoni have taken the lead in this emerging scholarship of Arab nationalism. This approach was also the common denominator of a research project on “Arab Encounters with National Socialism,” which the Berlin Center for Modern Oriental Studies (Zentrum Moderner Orient) hosted from 2000 to 2003. Its members included the author of this review and the authors of two of the books under review (Nordbruch and Wildangel). The project used indigenous Arabic sources, especially local newspapers, for a close scrutiny of Arab reactions to the challenge of Nazism in a period when Arabs, especially nationalists, perceived that quasicolonial regimes undermined the ostensibly democratic and liberal ethos of the British and French Mandate powers.
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J. Piątek, Jarosław. "The Dilemma of Present Day: Guerrilla, Terrorist and Asymmetric Warfare." Reality of Politics 5, no. 1 (January 31, 2014): 46–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/rop201404.
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In order to describe the environment surrounding us, so complex in terms of relations resulting from using violence, we easily employ terms such as ‘partisan’ or ‘militant’, just in order to define the very same ones as terrorists a while later. Probably the benchmark of contemporary description, especially of political action is the lack of clear-cut attitudes. Terrorism is nothing new, and this statement in itself is not very revealing. However, for many contemporary researchers of this issue, there is never too much information. Terrorism has always accompanied the history of oppressive regimes as well as resistance movements and uprisings. All the same, within the anti- colonial insurrectionary movements of the mid-20th century which led to the fall of European colonial empires over a short period of time, terrorism achieved new quality. It should also be emphasized that it achieved considerable political successes compared to the social-revolutionary terrorism of the late 19th century. The attribute ‘terrorist’ serves as an excluding one in different relations. By employing such term, one that their cause is an unconventional one – leastways as long as specific ways of using violence are applied. On the other hand, groups classified as terrorist ones often describe themselves as partisans who are fighting for the liberation of certain social or ethnic groups and who have to employ “unconventional” methods of using force because of the military superiority of the oppressive regime. By describing certain actions as ‘terrorist’ one usually intends on bereaving it of every sort of political legitimation. Is there any aspect that terrorism and guerrilla actions have in common? In certain socio-revolutionary or ethno-separatist strategies of violence, the concept of terrorism consists in the idea of a ‘starter’ which is to create the conditions to commence the guerrilla war. There could also be groups acting as partisans on one front line, and as terrorists on the other. The example is Al-Qaeda: in Central Asia its network operated only temporarily, as a kind of guerrilla, while in the global scale it employed terrorist strategy.
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Корниенко, Е. Е., and З. М. С. Ахмед. "РЕВОЛЮЦИИ И «ЦВЕТНЫЕ РЕВОЛЮЦИИ»: ОБЩЕЕ И ОСОБЕННОЕ." Konfliktologia 17, no. 4 (February 5, 2023): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2022-17-4-33-43.
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Color revolution is a term introduced and used by the mass media since around 2004 to describe various anti-regime protest movements and accompanying (attempted or successful) changes of government that took place in post-Soviet territory during late 20th — early 21st centuries. It should be noted that use of this term in the present-date media or official political discourse is not limited by the CIS region. Color revolutions that have become one of the most prominent political phenomena of the new millennium having affected many regions worldwide are not only a part of history, but also a material for active scientific reflection of the researchers and public persons in respect of preconditions and underlying causes of such phenomena, which problem becomes ever more topical in the modern world, whereas the so-called “forced democratization” with massive involvement of the up-to-date political technologies and techniques for achievement of the set goals serves as the pretext for interference into interior affairs of the sovereign states. Given that this concept is moving beyond the 21st century and it is possible to project it to somewhat earlier events, we may put a predictable question as to what exactly we mean by the “color revolution”, and in which way any given public unrest and power shift may be added to this group. Therefore, it is necessary to determine the patterns of the studied phenomenon related to destabilization of political environment in the country, explore its main signs and implementation models, specific aspects of the protest movement and power struggle. The article analyzes the theoretical concept of “color revolutions”, investigates whether it is reasonable to consider them as revolutions per se, reviews the new coup technologies in the modern political practices, and identifies their driving forces and mechanisms.
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Schacherreiter, Judith. "Un Mundo Donde Quepan Muchos Mundos: A Postcolonial Legal Perspective Inspired by the Zapatistas." Global Jurist 9, no. 2 (January 27, 2009): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1934-2640.1333.
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On January 1, 1994, the day when NAFTA entered into force, a group of indigenous appeared from the Lacandon jungle in Chiapas, occupied the city hall of San Cristóbal de las Casas, presented themselves as the Zapatista Army and announced: We are the product of 500 years of fighting. [ ] But today we say: It is enough." This was the beginning of a rebellion which attracted international attention and is still going on today. Taking the announcement seriously, this article traces the history of 500 years from a legal perspective. By considering also the international dimension of this history, it shall be revealed that the reasons for the Zapatista revolt range from the Lacandon jungle through Chiapas, Mexico, Latin America, to the world and its global order. The article will focus on their demand for land and freedom" which leads to the so-called agrarian question and the long history of bloody disputes about land, means of existence, natural resources, autonomy, sovereignty, power, dominance, oppression, life and death.The history of Mexican land law (sometimes as a legal reflection, sometimes as a result and sometimes as an origin of these disputes) shows with outstanding clarity international structures of hegemony. Foreign influence and legal transfer in accordance with European and U.S. economic interest have been shaping this area of law since colonization. On the other hand, history also gave birth to strong counter-hegemonic movements: the Mexican Revolution at the beginning of the 20th century and today the Zapatista rebellion.The objective of the article is the following: By putting the Zapatista struggle for land in the historical and global context, their anti-systemic" or postcolonial" quality shall be revealed. Against this background, the legal analysis of their rebellion shall be used to develop cornerstones of a postcolonial legal perspective. Hence, independent from the chronological order, the theoretical starting point is January 1, 1994. History will be approached as a memory that flashes on this day in the moment of uprising.
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Vershinin, Sergey E. "Ernst Bloch on Nazism or Joachim Florsky against the Third Reich (Comment on the translation of E. Bloch’s article “On the Original History of the Third Reich”)." Koinon 3, no. 1 (2022): 119–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/koinon.2022.03.1.009.
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The article considers the views of the German philosopher Ernst Bloch on the problem of the evolution of the idea of the “Third Reich” in the European Christian tradition of the Middle Ages and New Times, as well as its actualization by German Nazism. The author of the paper is the translator of many texts by E. Bloch. He attempts to understand the origins of the popularity of Nazism from a culturological and historical-philosophical point of view E. Bloch in a series of works turns, for the first time in 1924, to the European Christian tradition, to those images and figures that have defined the mental landscape for many centuries. The image of the Third Reich occupies an essential place in the intellectual history of Europe and the European Christian tradition. The influence of this image on the consciousness of the masses cannot be underestimated. Bloch reveals the inconsistency of the concept of the Third Reich and the figure of the savior (“Kaiser-liberator”, “leader”), which contains both the origins of the junction of Christianity and anti-fascism, and the grounds for inversion in favor of Nazism. The author also focuses on E. Bloch’s views on the legacy of the theologian Joachim Florsky (12th century), who created a historiosophical scheme that had an impact on many philosophical and religious concepts of history. Bloch enters Joachim Florsky into the historical and philosophical tradition, analyzing the mythologeme of the Savior in the cultural history of Europe. The paper presents an overview of modern research on the legacy of I. Florsky by Russian and foreign scientists, which prove the relevance of the ideas of E. Bloch, who revealed the connection between medieval religious movements and Nazism, opening a discussion with opposing points of view. The author examines the relationship between chiliasm and revolution, the influence of mysticism on the consciousness of German society at the beginning of the 20th century and on intellectuals. The article characterizes the position of E. Bloch, who believed that German Nazism committed an ideological theft of theological Christian concepts. The article highlights Bloch’s call to change the attitude to medieval chiliasm and mysticism in connection with the revolutionary potential existing in these currents.
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Mikhel, Irina. ""GANDHI’S ENGLISH DISCIPLE": ANTI-IMPERIALIST POLICY AND THE PHILOSOPHY OF SARALA BEHN." Vostokovedenie i Afrikanistika, no. 1 (2021): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/rva/2021.01.05.
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The article is considered the life and work of Catherine Mary Heileman, known in India as Sarala Behn. This British woman, who called herself the «Gandhi’s English disciple», made an important contribution to the spread of the ideas of Gandhianism in northern India. For a long time remaining a little-known figure, now she came to the fore relating to the beginning attempts to reconstruct the «feminine principle» in the history of Gandhianism. In 1946, Sarala Behn founded Lakshmi Ashram, which became a stronghold of Gandhian anti-imperialist politics and philosophy in the Himalayas, as well as a center for Gandhian women's education and training of civic activists who have led several social movements in India over the past half century.
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Boyd, Jeffrey H. "A History of the Concept of the Soul during the 20TH Century." Journal of Psychology and Theology 26, no. 1 (March 1998): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009164719802600106.
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The word soul can have many meanings. In this article it is taken to mean the inner or subjective person. When the body dies and disintegrates, the inner person survives and provides continuity of personal identity between this life and the resurrection life. Sigmund Freud and the mental health movement have been involved in treating the soul, and I argue that the soul is the central focus of all psychotherapy. During the 20th century the Biblical Theology Movement sought to discredit soul-body dualism as an allegedly Greek philosophical idea that contradicted the whole-person view of human nature that was found throughout the Bible. They restricted their use of the word dualism to refer only to Platonic dualism, in which the body was despised or inferior. There are other forms of dualism which say that the human is made of two parts, only one of which is the corpse. The Biblical Theology Movement emphasized this life and the resurrection life, but paid little attention to the intermediate state. The word soul was, to some extent, dropped from contemporary Bible translations. But that anti-soul position is not tenable when one considers the intermediate state (between death and resurrection) when there is a clear dichotomy: the soul (or spirit) is with Christ while the body lies in the grave. I propose that it would be theologically acceptable to bring the soul back from Siberia, so as to make it again a part of theology and the theological object of care and healing.
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Pshenychnyi, T. "UKRAINIAN GREEK CATHOLIC CHURCH IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY: THE ANALYSIS OF MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 137 (2018): 34–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.06.
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Ukrainian Church History is a great field for scientific research. The 20th century was a kind of test for the survival and self-determination of Ukrainian churches. Through the spread of general pressure on the Ukrainian national movement, a repression mechanism was introduced against the Institute of the Church as an integral part of the social life of Ukrainian people in the Soviet Union. A characteristic feature of the anti-church campaign in the Ukrainian SSR was the introduction of a “new” model of social relations, built on the principles of atheism and godlessness. The only legal national church until March 1946, which opposed this path, was the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church. In the second half of the 20th century its clergy, while in an unlawful position in the USSR, remained in the center of the Ukrainian resistance movement against the Soviet system. The article presents the modern view of domestic and foreign scholars on the history of the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church in the second half of the 20th century. On the basis of a broad historiographic base, an attempt was made to show the place of the UGCC in the Ukrainian national movement, its influence on the democratization of social processes in the second half of the 1980s, and others. Thanks to the works of foreign historians, the relevance of church issues in the study of socio-political processes in the USSR is shown. According to some scholars, ignoring this it is impossible to understand the phenomenon of the national movement itself, including in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR.
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Lee, Joseph Tse-Hei. "Watchman Nee and the Little Flock Movement in Maoist China." Church History 74, no. 1 (March 2005): 68–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700109667.
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The experience of Watchman Nee (Ni Tuosheng) and the Christian Assembly (Jidutu juhuichu or Jidutu juhuisuo) in Mainland China after the Communist Revolution of 1949 reveals the complexity of church and state relations in the early 1950s. Widely known in the West as the Little Flock (Xiaoqun), the Christian Assembly, founded by Watchman Nee, was one of the fastest growing native Protestant movements in China during the early twentieth century. It was not created by a foreign missionary enterprise. Nor was it based on the Anglo-American Protestant denominational model. And its rapid development fitted well with an indigenous development called the Three-Self Movement, in which Chinese Christians created self-supporting, selfgoverning, and self-propagating churches. But it did not share the highly politicized anti-imperialist rhetoric of another Three-Self Movement, the Communist-initiated “Three-Self Patriotic Movement” (sanzi aiguo yundong): self-rule autonomous from foreign missionary and imperialist control, financial self-support without foreign donations, and self-preaching independent of any Christian missionary influences. As the overarching organization of the one-party state, the Three-Self Patriotic Movement sought to ensure that all Chinese Protestant congregations would submit to the socialist ideology.
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Kersffeld, Daniel. "Beyond the borders. Ahmed Hassan Mattar and his activism between Africa and South America." Culture & History Digital Journal 11, no. 2 (November 16, 2022): e025. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2022.025.
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The biography of Ahmed Hassan Mattar expressed the multiple identity lines assumed by those revolutionary cadres of the first decades of the 20th century, who emerged in a colonial and neocolonial world and developed their political activity in different settings and distant spheres of their own culture. The story of A. H. Mattar is, therefore, that of a militant and journalist of Sudanese origin who developed his political work in Africa, especially in Morocco, together with Abd el-Krim, the warlord of the Rif, as well as in European countries such as France and Germany, once incorporated into the Communist International. However, it would be in South America, in countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, where he would stand out not only in anti-imperialist struggles but also as a chronicler and community leader of communities of Arab origin, even producing original empirical and statistical research. In sum, Mattar’s course can be seen as that of an activist who understood the social reality of a certain time and who assumed politics as a commitment to fight against colonialism and imperialism.
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Booth, Marilyn. "WOMAN IN ISLAM: MEN AND THE “WOMEN'S PRESS” IN TURN-OF-THE-20TH-CENTURY EGYPT." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 171–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380100201x.
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The first periodical in Egypt to focus on women as both subject and audience, Al-Fatat (The Young Woman, 1892), heralded the founding by women of many periodicals for women in Egypt. The women's press emerged in a time of intense public debate concerning putative intersections of systemic gender relations and gender ideology with anti-imperialist nationalism: what would constitute “national” strength sufficient to assert, or force, an independent existence based on claims to autonomous nation-state status?1Women writing in the women's press, as well as in the mainstream—or “malestream”—press, shaped the debate over how gender did and should inflect social organization and institutional change.2 Equally, male intellectuals and politicians participated in a rhetoric of persuasion, edification, and ambition. When women and men wrote treatises on what was called the “woman question” (qadi¯yat al-mar[ham]a), articles in the women's press challenged, debated, and refined the points of these treatises. Writers approached that fraught “question” from another direction, too, establishing a thriving industry of conduct literature that fed on translations of European works as well as original works by Egyptian and other Arab writers. Books on how to behave as a proper father, a good mother, a fine son or daughter, or a responsible schoolgoer went through numerous printings for a reading public prepared by various rhetorics of nationalism, theology, and reform to bring this debate into everyday life by following the guides for behavior that such literature—including essays in the women's press—supplied.3
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MIN, You-Ki. "Treatment or Prevention? the matter of Priority in the Anti-tuberculosis Movement at the Turn of the 20th Century France." Korean Journal of Medical History 31, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 691–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2022.31.691.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze discussions on the matter of priority in treatment and prevention that took place in the medical community, the government and social hygiene associations to tuberculosis referred to as one of the national calamity in France at the turn of the 20th century. In other words, it is to show that treatment and prevention have complementary properties in France’s anti-tuberculosis movement, considering the discussions on which institutions should preferably be expanded - between the Sanatorium that values medical treatment and the anti-tuberculosis dispensary that values social prevention.</br>Tuberculosis, which is known to have existed from the ancient times, spread to the era of industrialization and urbanization, resulting in a large loss of lives in the second half of the 19th century following cholera in the first half of the century. Starting in Germany in the middle of this century, Sanatorium established a treatment for tuberculosis patients with air therapy, proper exercise or rest, and diet. In France, a public Sanatorium was built for the lower class, not like a luxury resort style Sanatorium for the wealthy class, from the 1890s. The spread was slow, however, due to financial problems. In the 1900s, anti-tuberculosis dispensary as a health center were increasingly built in working class quarters. The debate over whether to support the sanatorium or the dispensary was ignited at first, but since the mid-to-late 1900s, the two institutions’ roles, namely, medical treatment and social prevention, have been recognized as complementary. The Anti-tuberculosis dispensary Act of 1916 and the Sanatorium Act of 1919 systematically supported the complementary relationship between treatment and prevention in fighting against tuberculosis.
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Amado, María Luisa. "Impressions of National History: Retracing Panama through Memory Lines." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 11, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/1549-9502.11.1.24.
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Abstract Against the background of the 30th anniversary of the invasion of Panama by U.S. troops, this article analyzes cross-generational differences in how Panamanians evoke and signify this event. Panama’s current climate is ideal to explore this topic, because 2019 also marked 500 years since the foundation of Panama City. This article focuses on how different generations revamp collective memory and relate a story that befits the circumstances of their time. Drawing on informal interviews, secondary data, and relevant aspects of family biography, it examines the interplay between generational drifts and subjective knowledge of Panama. This analysis spotlights how local and transnational processes intersect with biography, shaping perceptions of national history. By the end of the 20th century, U.S. militarized presence in the Panama Canal Zone gave way to a less conspicuous—yet no less significant—influence over Panamanian affairs. Thereupon, past generations’ concern with sovereignty has been overshadowed by a growing focus on the country’s integration in the global economy. While Panamanian millennials are not oblivious to recent U.S. armed intervention, their attitude towards this action is impersonal and dispassionate. Their perception of an increasingly faster course to meet the future dovetails with both a subjective distancing from Panama’s neocolonial history and a growing disconnect from the anti-imperialist discourse of past generations.
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Vershinina, D. B. "NATIONALISM, CATOLICISM, FEMINISM? GENDER DIMENSION OF THE NATIONAL STRUGGLE IN IRELAND OF THE FIRST HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 2(53) (2021): 186–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2021-2-186-197.
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The author analyzes the evolution of the national movement in Ireland in the first half of the 20th century through the prism of women's participation and gender equality issues. It is argued that the Irish nationalists' choice of patriarchal Catholic ideology has not been predetermined since the revival of Irish nationalism, and although the Catholic faith played a significant role in the anti-British activities of the Irish national movement, there were many Protestants among its activists, as well as women who shared feminist values and played an important role in organizing the political and military struggle of the Irish for independence. The article focuses on the various methods of women's participation in the Irish national movement, including the creation of separate women's organizations, and membership in key societies and groups, as well as participation in constructing barricades and in fighting during the Easter Rising. It was more difficult to take part in the specifically women's struggle to grant Irish women the right to vote, which was associated with the activities of London organizations, the Women's Socio-Political Union specifically. It is argued that it was the anti-British orientation of the Irish political struggle that made it impossible (or difficult) to associate Irish feminists with the goals of the women's movement in the United Kingdom, which led to the victory of the social doctrine of Catholics and the “enslavement” of Irish women after the Irish Free State was created. The article analyzes not only sources of personal origin, telling about the participation of Irish women in the national movement, but also official documents of the young Irish state, demonstrating the evolution of its ideology in social and gender issues towards a patriarchal approach to the role of women in society, the fight against which has become the task of feminists of the second wave starting in the 1970s.
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Roochnik, Paul. "A History of Modern Yemen." American Journal of Islam and Society 18, no. 4 (October 1, 2001): 175–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v18i4.1994.
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If you have time to read a single book on Yemen's recent past, PaulDresch's A History of Modern Yemen is the one for you. Dresch, aUniversity Lecturer at Oxford University's Institute of Social and CulturalAnthropology, elucidates the history of Yemen, starting in the 19thCentury, with the British and the Ottomans vying for power and influencein this most ancient and original of Arab states, and culminating in Yemen'sunification in 1990 and the Yemen-Saudi border settlement of 2000.Within these 285 pages, the author traces over a century and a half of theevents and trends, men and movements, that have shaped today's Yemen.
To be sure, a thorough familiarity with Yemen's long history - if suchknowledge lies within reach - would require a lifetime of reading andstudy. And Dreschs Modern Yemen does not pretend to cover such a span.What Dresch does cover, nevertheless, he covers well and offers afascinating account not just for historians and Middle East analysts, but forYemenophiles such as the present reviewer.The author divides the book into seven chapters, along with twoappendices, a glossary of Arabic terms, a chronological outline of Yemenihistory since 1831, copious notes and references, and an index. ChapterOne, "Turkey, Britain and Imam Yahya: the Years Around 1900", sets thestage not just for the anti-imperialist rebellions which would culminate inthe mid-twentieth century, but also for the on-going internal strugglesfought along tribal, regional, sectarian, and political lines. To follow theplethora of personalities, tribes, and place names which populate thesepages can be a daunting task prepare to jot down notes unless you own aphotographic memory! ...
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Nurmatov, Zhakhangir, Turganbay Abdrassilov, and Hwang Soon Il. "AN ANALYSIS ON THE FORMATION OF JADIDISM IN CENTRAL ASIA IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY (1870-1917)." Al-Farabi 78, no. 2 (June 15, 2022): 149–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2022.2/1999-5911.11.
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This study examines the history of the Jadid movement starting from socio-cultural conditions to the emergence of the jadid movement in Central Asia between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. In order to reach the conclusion about the Jadid movement that it has been formed as the religious-cultural and anti-colonial movement against the Soviet regime, this paper analyses the contest between the traditional Islam scholars and reform-minded intellectuals on the reform ideas. While Khalid argues that the Jadid movement emerged as a cultural and political movement, this paper by examining the Jadidist movement in Central Asia, suggests by adding to the argument of Khalid, that it was formed as a religious-cultural movement. This is because Islam was embedded in the socio-cultural and political life of Central Asian Muslims, and Islam played an integral part in the national identity matter which is inseparable. In other words, Islam was a key marker of Central Asian Muslims' identity. The argument proposed in the study asserts that the Jadid movement, despite its inclination toward secularism and high emphasis on the secular subjects, never detached from the idea of Islam; that is, the Jadids attempted to merge Islam with science and achieve the bygone Islamic civilization and culture of the Golden Age. Thus, throughout the study, it is continually demonstrated that while striving for progress and achievement in the economic and social domains, the Jadids always attempted to preserve Islamic values.
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Paszkiewicz, Lilla Barbara. "The Opposition to Communism in the Political Thought of The Exiled Democratic Socialist Adam Ciołkosz." Polish Political Science Review 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe Polish socialist movement has undergone various stages of development over more than 100 years of history. In the first half of the 20th century it was, to a large extent, identified with European Social Democracy. After the Second World War and the seizure of power in Poland by the communists, the socialist movement was replaced by a communist ideology that completely distorted the authentic democratic socialism and appropriated the values it represented. The unmasking of communist counterfeits was dealt with by the Polish émigré activist – Adam Ciołkosz, who as active politician and theoretician of socialism, showed a special activity in the contestation of communism. His views as an authentic Social Democrat had a significant impact on the political thought of the Polish socialist movement outside Poland. Ciołkosz, as an anti-Communist, represented such values as: respect for human rights and social justice, humanistic sensitivity, Christianity and above all socialism. At the same time, he promoted the need to fight communism and expose the criminal ideology. He pointed to the need to introduce a system of social justice (i.e. democratic socialism).
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Latin America and the Soviet-Chinese Conflict (the 1960s – mid-1970s)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 149. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016189-5.
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The disagreements and rupture between the Chinese Communist Party and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) were the most important event in the history of the International Communist Movement in the 60s and 70s of the 20th century, which had a huge impact on the fate of communist parties around the world. Latin America has become a place of fierce rivalry between Moscow and Beijing for influence on the political left flank. Moscow's tough opposition to any attempts by the Chinese Communist Party to increase its influence in the continent's communist parties without resorting to splitting them caused a backlash and a change in the policy of criticism within the parties to a policy of secession of independent “anti-revisionist” communist parties. Maoist communist parties emerged in all countries of the continent, opposing their policies to the pro-Moscow left parties. Maoism was able to penetrate not only the old communist movement but also the ranks of socialists, leftist nationalists and even Christian democrats. It often became the ideological and political basis for a break with the “traditional” left parties, a kind of transit bridge towards the “new left”. The ideas of Maoism were partly accepted by the trend of the “new left”, which gained special weight among the intelligentsia and students of the continent. This article is devoted to the emergence and development of the Maoist Communist Parties, the reaction of Moscow and Havana in the political circumstances of Latin America in the 60s of the 20th century.
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Proskurina, Elena N., and Igor V. Silantev. "Peculiarity of the memory plot in the poem by Boris Volkov “Brought on the scaffold”." Sibirskiy filologicheskiy zhurnal, no. 3 (2022): 94–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18137083/80/9.
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The paper is devoted to the poetry of Boris Volkov, the forgotten author of the Eastern emigration (1894-1954). During his lifetime, only a single collection of his poems, “In the Dust of Foreign Roads,” was published in 1934. The plot movement in the book appears as the memory narrative, reflecting the dramatic life experience of the author. He finds himself in the very midst of Russian history, at the beginning of the 20th century: participation in the First World War, service in the White Army, fight against the Pan-Mongol movement of Ungern, flight to China, and emigration to America. Of particular intrigue was the last part of the book “Brought on the scaffold. Excerpts from a poem,” with the action taking place during the anti-Spanish revolution in the Netherlands of the 16th century. The study has shown that the dramatic turns of the author’s biography, during his struggle against Ungern, are reflected through the roll call of historical epochs. The analysis involved Volkov’s memoirs dedicated to this period. The image of an inquisitor who burns heretics and the pictures of executions refers to the episodes of sophisticated torture of prisoners initiated by the baron and captured in Volkov’s memoirs. Thus, the work implicitly draws the author’s modernity, the events of the 16th century, into its whirlpool by making it one of its reflections.
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Podkhomutnikova, Marina V. "Raskazachivanie: difficult issues of history." Historical and social-educational ideas 13, no. 2 (April 29, 2021): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17748/2075-9908-2021-13-2-151-160.
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104 years ago the Civil War began in Russia. Civil War 1917–1922 is one of the largest civil wars in human history. She had a great influence on the course of not only Russian, but also world history in the XX century. In the conditions of the socio-economic catastrophe experienced by the country at that time, all social and political contradictions in society exacerbated, which gave the Civil War mass character and duration. Today the topic of "decossackization" remains very relevant and in demand. The scientific relevance of the problem of decossackization is caused by the lack of generalizing studies. Currently, there is a significant amount of literature, which reflects the history of civil confrontation in Russia. Literature was created at different times and, as a result, differed in different methodological positions. The Civil War in Russia was studied, seen, reflected from two opposite sides – from the side of the victors and from the side of the vanquished. Difficult times do not have unambiguous assessments and interpretations. It is no coincidence that this period is included in the list of the so-called “difficult questions of history”. Soviet historians began to deal with the problem of decossackization in the 60s. 20th century. Within the framework of what was permitted, researchers could talk about the problems associated with the policy of decossackization in Russia. In the Soviet period, "decossackization" was understood as the elimination of the Cossacks as a socio-ethnographic community in general, characteristic features, characteristics, properties, signs of the Cossacks. In different historical periods, the term "decossackization" was understood as the abolition of class benefits and hardships. In the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. there was no oppression, persecution, destruction and violent influence on the Cossacks at that time. In the late 80s. – the beginning of the 90s. the problem of decossackization is closely associated with the repressive policy of the Bolsheviks in the Cossack regions of the country. From this we can conclude that two different meanings are put into the conventional term “decossackization”. One interpretation of this term speaks of the formal, administrative abolition of the estate rights and obligations of the Cossacks as a social-class category. Another interpretation is about purposeful and large-scale repressive actions against the Cossacks. Today, scientific discussions about the causes, nature and consequences of the anti-Bolshevik struggle during the Civil War continue. More and more researchers are being drawn into the polemical space. The author does not pretend to cover the entire array of publications, the total number of which is several hundred, we will focus on the most general trends in the analysis of the events of the Civil War and armed uprisings against the policies of the Bolsheviks in 1917–1922. The hypothesis of the study is that the overwhelming majority of armed uprisings against the Bolshevik policy in Soviet Russia in 1917–1922. were of a local nature, without going beyond a certain territory, and also were not coordinated in time. The defeat of the anti-Bolshevik uprisings was influenced by: the insurrectionary movement was not homogeneous in goals, slogans, composition; the spontaneous nature of performances at the initial stage; lack of an organizing center; focus on intra-regional problems; superiority in the strength of the Red Army; territorial fragmentation. The movement against the policy of the Bolsheviks, in spite of its scale, as a result remained local, tied to their native farms, villages, villages. According to the author of the article, the scientific novelty of the research lies in the identification and study of the features of the military-political confrontation in the context of the "small Civil War" in the south of Russia.
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Zhou, Xun. "The Troublesome Legacy of Commissioner Lin: The Opium Trade and Opium Suppression in Fujian Province, 1820s to 1920s. By Joyce A. Madancy. [Harvard and London: Harvard East Asia Monograph, 2003. 430 pp. $50.00; £32.95. ISBN 0-674-01215-1.]." China Quarterly 182 (June 2005): 449–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005320261.
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Visiting New York's Chinatown, it is surprising to find there a memorial statue of the legendary anti-opium hero, Lin Zexu, instead of the more usual statue of the father of modern China, Sun Yat-sen. Perhaps Lin deserves his place in New York's Chinatown: it is generally believed the history of Chinese migration into the New World was a chapter of humiliation, resulting from the evil opium and the opium trade. Until very recently, the conventional wisdom has been that it was the opium trade that ended the house of Qing, and that opium had turned China into a nation of hopeless addicts, smoking themselves to death while their civilization descended into chaos (a view challenged by Dikötter, Laaman and Zhou in Narcotic Culture: A History of Drugs in China).In her book The Troublesome Legacy of Commissoner Lin, Joyce Madancy argues that, like opium, Lin Zexu was turned into a potent symbol of nascent Chinese nationalism (p. 5). Like opium, the legacy of Lin continued well into the 20th century. In his native Fujian, for instance, Lin “came to represent the vitality of elite activism and the complex links between provincial, national, and international interests. Lin Zexu's character and mission embodied the themes and motivations of Fujian's late Qing opium reformers – the righteousness of opium reform, pride in country and province, and a none-too-subtle slap at foreign imperialist greed.” Accordingly, during the late Qing/early Republican anti-opium campaign in Fujian, “reformist elites, and officials presided over the apotheosis of Lin Zexu, whose image loomed, literally and figuratively, over their efforts and shaped the rhetoric and tone of suppression” (p. 5).
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Leftturn of the peronism in the «long» 60's." Latin-american Historical Almanac 31, no. 1 (August 26, 2021): 223–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-31-1-223-251.
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The Argentinian 60s of the ХХ century were a time of growing political tension and the emergence of new ideological and political movements that constituted the era of revolutionary activism and ideological search. The key actor in this process was left-wing Peronism, which experienced a sharp evolution in the direction of Marxism, new left ideological currents, and the anti-imperialist unity of the «Third world» countries during these years. The rapprochement of the Peronist left with Marxism in its classical (Soviet), Maoist, Gramscian and even Trotskyist versions gave rise to the emergence of a fruitful current of the «new left», which had a decisive influence on Argentine social thought and political agenda. The 60s were key for the further history of Argentina, both politically, ideologically and socially. Left-wing Peronism brought a lot of new things to Argentine politics, both revolutionary violence and the desire to perceive ideas from other left-wing currents, not only Marxism, but also social Catholicism, «liberation theology» and terсermundism. Ideological and political processes within left-wing Peronism in the 60s, its interaction with the «new left», communists and socialists, castrism and Maoism, the development of its own concept of the national liberation revolution and national socialism is devoted to this work.
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Kenny, Nicolas. "Je Cherche Fortune: Identity, Counterculture, and Profit in Fin-de-siècle Montmartre." Articles 32, no. 2 (May 24, 2013): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015714ar.
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This paper examines the Parisian neighbourhood of Montmartre during the 1880s and 1890s. Isolating themselves on a hilltop to the north of the city, a defiant community of painters and poets left the busy macadam below to position themselves physically and symbolically at the apex of anti-bourgeois, countercultural sentiment. Known for its subversive character, Montmartre's legacy appealed to these passionate and creative youths, and their appropriation of a semi-rural district on the fringes of the metropolitan centre of modernity symbolized their desire to escape stifling cultural traditions. Particularly revealing are the ways in which their art and literature represented at once a deeply interior questioning of identity as well as a loosely unified movement of cultural protest. By the turn of the 20th century, many of these artists and writers had been tamed by the commercialization of their nonconformity, but Montmartre remains a powerful site for the memory of its influential social and cultural transgressions.
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Baeva, Iskra V. "Political Censorship in Post-Socialist Bulgaria." Slavic World in the Third Millennium 15, no. 1-2 (2020): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2412-6446.2020.15.1-2.09.
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This article presents how the political changes in Bulgaria after 1989 have infl uenced the interpretation of 20th century history. The emergence of the new censorship is traced through the introduction of a new canon for presenting the past. Three decades ago, Bulgaria began its transition from Soviet-type state socialism to political democracy. For historians, this meant removing political and ideological censorship. Initially, this freedom gave historians the chance to upgrade historical knowledge with hidden facts that were inconvenient for the BCP government. Soon, however, new political parties came to power and began to impose their political version of history. This meant re- moving facts related to the history of the communist movement and anti-fascism in Bulgaria. The attempts at rewriting history are especially visible in the presentation of the socialist period. The political intervention began with the renaming of streets, towns, and institutions. Names associated with the anti-fascist resistance and Russian and Soviet history were removed. Instead, names from the time when Bulgaria was part of the Tripartite Pact were restored. The modern political censorship is most evident in the rewriting of history textbooks. The new curricula introduced a mandatory positive presentation of the history of the Third Bulgarian Kingdom. The actions of the Communists had to be presented as terrorist, and the entire post-war government was defi ned as totalitarian. Instead of socialism, we should use the term “communism”. In 2019, when approving the new history textbooks for high schools, right-wing non-governmental organizations intervened and, as a result, facts about the socio-economic development of the country in the socialist period were removed.
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Perga, T. "Environmental Aspects of the New Deal of US President Franklin Roosevelt." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 104–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-8.
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The global economic crisis, which began in 1929, became one of the strongest in the 20th century and most of all, the crisis struck the USA. To overcome its consequences, USA President Franklin Roosevelt has launched large-scale reforms that are known in the history as the New Deal. An important part of this anti-crisis program was the improvement of the environment of the USA. In modern scientific discourse, there are different points of view regarding the motivation of these measures. In the article it is proved that President F. Roosevelt has not only pragmatic goals of creating additional jobs and reducing by thus the social tension in American society. Taking into account the aggravation of environmental problems, for the first time in the history of the USA, their solution was combined with the stimulation of economic growth. Innovative environmental projects (Tennessee Valley Administration, Public Conservation Corps) not only contributed to improving the USA environment, but also laid the foundation of integrated management of natural resources and created the basis for the development of a broad ecological movement after the World War II.
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Kuras, Leonid V., and Bazar D. Tsybenov. "Китайская историография новейшей истории даурского народа." Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 14, no. 3 (December 27, 2022): 473–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2022-3-473-487.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. The paper analyzes available Chinese-language scientific works that review contemporary history of the Daur people and examine its different aspects. Goals. The study attempts a historiographic analysis of certain Chinese-language scholarly publications (monographs, articles) dealing with contemporary history of the Daurs. So, the objectives be set and tackled thereto shall include insights into peculiarities of Chinese historiography pertaining to contemporary Daur history, reviews of monographs containing related materials, and analyses of Chinese scientists’ articles considering significant events and facts of 20th-century Daur history. Conclusions. The paper shows China’s historiography of contemporary Daur history is abundant in scientific works, both monographs and diverse articles. Peculiarities inherent to regional collections of articles largely authored by ethnic Daurs result, in our opinion, from that the shaping of historiographical science in the PRC remains somewhat incomplete. The monographs undoubtedly contain a large amount of factual materials on many aspects of contemporary Daur history. However, those are distinguished by the traditional Chinese approach to the study of history characterized by that chronologies of events (chronicles) and biographies of famous figures hold central and unshakable positions. The articles also contain various facts, descriptions of specific historical events and characters, e.g., the peasant uprising of Shaolang and Daifu, biographies of the revolutionary Guo Daofu (Merse), participation of Daurs in the anti-Japanese movement. Another peculiarity traced is that the articles widely use data collected from informants, which is supposedly due to that Chinese sources covering regional history are few enough, and the special value of information provided by participants or eyewitnesses of those events.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Conservative-Clerical Utopia in Mexico: the Synarquista Movement." ISTORIYA 12, no. 11 (109) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017600-9.
Full textAbstract:
The radical revolution 1910—1917 in Mexico, gave rise to a powerful conservative movement, supported by the masses in regions where revolutionary changes had conflicting results, contributing to the formation of a kind of Mexican “Vendée”. Such a region was the center of the country — Bajio, which became the scene of sharp clashes in the 1920s, which resulted in the civil war of the cristeros, who raised their arms after the adoption of anti-church legislation. After the defeat of the cristeros, the leadership in confronting the revolutionary government shifted to the Synarchist movement, which rejected violence as a form of political struggle. Synarchism in the 1930s — 1940s turned into the most influential and massive political force of the opposition, representing integralist Catholicism, hispanism, traditionalism in ideology and a combination of totalitarian practices with the rejection of the struggle for power. The movement declared itself a “crusade” against world Jewry, liberalism and communism, felt itself a messianic asceticism. It was able to mobilize, under millenarian slogans, the masses of the peasant and urban population of Mexico. The Synarchists embarked on their utopian social project for a truly Catholic society through the creation of the colony “María Auxiliadora” in Baja California. More than a thousand Synarchists took part in this venture. The collapse of this project and changes in the political situation in the country at the end of the 1940s led to the decline of the movement, and then its ban by the authorities. This work is devoted to the analysis of the ideology and political practice of Synarchismo, which occupied an important place in the history of the conservative popular movement in Latin America, and in Mexico in particular, in the 20th century.
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Kaplan, Robert. "Soaring on the Wings of the Wind: Freud, Jews and Judaism." Australasian Psychiatry 17, no. 4 (January 1, 2009): 318–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10398560902870957.
Full textAbstract:
Objectives: This paper looks at Freud's Jewish identity in the context of the Jewish experience in Eastern and Central Europe after 1800, using his family history and significant figures in his life as illustration. Sigmund Freud's life as a Jew is deeply paradoxical, if not enigmatic. He mixed almost exclusively with Jews while living all his life in an anti-Semitic environment. Yet he eschewed Jewish ritual, referred to himself as a godless Jew and sought to make his movement acceptable to gentiles. At the end of his life, dismayed by the rising forces of nationalism, he accepted that he was in his heart a Jew “in spite of all efforts to be unprejudiced and impartial”. The 18th century Haskalla (Jewish Enlightenment) was a form of rebellion against conformity and a means of escape from shtetl life. In this intense, entirely inward means of intellectual escape and revolt against authority, strongly tinged with sexual morality, we see the same tensions that were to manifest in the publication by a middle-aged Viennese neurologist of a truly revolutionary book to herald the new 20th century: The Interpretation of Dreams. Freud's life and work needs to be understood in the context of fin-de-siécle Vienna. Mitteleuropa, the cultural renaissance of Central Europe, resulted from the emancipation and urbanization of the burgeoning Jewish middle class, who adopted to the cosmopolitan environment more successfully than any other group. In this there is an extreme paradox: the Jewish success in Vienna was a tragedy of success. Conclusions: Freud, despite a deliberate attempt to play down his Jewish origins to deflect anti-Semitic attacks, is the most representative Jew of his time and his thinking and work represents the finest manifestation of the Litvak mentality.
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Bandžović, Safet. "Politics and historical revisionism: Flows of relativizaton of collaborationism and normalization of „Ravna Gora antifascism“." Historijski pogledi 3, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 133–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.133.
Full textAbstract:
At the end of the 20th century, the perception of peoples and states on their own past changed profoundly in the Balkans as well, with major geopolitical changes. Its processing and instrumentalization are encouraged by the complex permeation of the global relationship between national and ideological forces and local ruling interests. Every political and ideological victory, "must find its legitimate stronghold in the past." The disintegration of the ideological paradigm and the Yugoslav state union was accompanied by a balancing of the past from the outside, in accordance with the interests of the time and dominant politics, the accelerated construction of new national identities, the outbreak of a "civil war between different memories", the reversal of consciousness. These processes in the post-Yugoslav countries, in "transitional historiography", along with the new "reduction of totality", led to "retraditionalization", to the problematic waves of historical revisionism especially related to the Second World War, the correction of the so-called historical injustices, normalization of collaborationism, nationalization and relativization of the notion of anti-fascism. National historiographies in these countries have made a turn from the former glorification of the People's Liberation Movement (NOP) to its relativization, as part of the general trend of radical "re-nationalization". None of them carried out such a "thorough confrontation with the anti-fascism" of the NOP as Serbia. Numerous historians, with the participation of parascientific formations, give legitimacy to constructions of devaluing the anti-fascist legacy and rehabilitating Quisling forces. The falsification of history has also led to the relativization of their responsibility at the expense of those who have in part confirmed themselves as anti-fascists. Revanchist historiography imposes alternative truths. There is a real consensus on the definition of "good" nationalism, which for many is "elementary patriotism". Various nationalist currents are portrayed as anti-fascist. The collaborationist forces defeated in 1945 became "misunderstood victims of historical destiny." Their actions are placed in the context of their anti-communism, promoted in reasonable national politics. Derogating from anti-fascism also led to "anti-anti-fascism". He relativizes the crimes of fascists and collaborators, re-evaluates victims and executioners. It is not common practice for "historical truths" to be written in parliaments and promulgated by law, as has happened in Serbia. Courts and parliaments cannot valorize someone’s historical role. Historical science can do that. Revisionism is based on selective forgetting and the construction of a "desirable history", it is "a reworking of the past carried by clear or covert intentions to justify narrower national or political goals." The obvious expression is "political culture in a society, that is, it speaks of the dominant political value orientations in it". Judicial rehabilitation is understood as an ideological and political measure of revision of history. A distinction should be made between the individual rehabilitation of innocent victims of persecution by the authorities after 1945 and a light revision of history. The political and ideological aspects of rehabilitation, with the support of the media and the pseudo-legal mechanism, include manipulating a number of topics to delegitimize the system that changed social, economic, political and national relations after 1945 - characteristic of monarchist Yugoslavia. In revisionist historiography, communists are treated as opponents of Serbian national interests ("red devils"), intruders in national history, and the socialist revolution as an excess. With the adoption of certain laws and the application of a whole arsenal of rhetorical means and concealment of a number of historical facts, the notion of Draža Mihailović's Chetnik movement in Ravna Gora was especially reworked, neglecting and relativizing his criminal practice, to make this "new anti-fascist" side a desirable "pre-communist ancestor". "authorities. This collaborationist movement is also relieved through anti-communism, it is marked as patriotic and anti-totalitarian. His rehabilitation in Serbia has multiple meanings and consequences in its social life, but also in regional relations.
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ZAYTSEV, Yurii. "MYKHAILO SOROKA IS A MORAL SYMBOL OF FIGHTERS FOR FREEDOM OF UKRAINE 1940–1980S." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 234–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-234-243.
Full textAbstract:
A study of the history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement of the 20th century involves explaining not only global processes and milestones, but, crucially, the role of specific figures in this movement in the context of real-time political circumstances and social changes. The proposed article is based on a sufficiently wide source base, first of all, on documents of the Soviet special services, mostly unpublished. The author considers his task to show the spiritual and ideological integrity of the character of Mykhailo Soroka, his high intelligence, thorough education, European thinking, his leadership qualities, firmness in defending his views and ignoring the insidious KGB temptations, a talent of the organizer, tolerance in comradely relations, self-initiation to the majestic prospect of creating an independent democratic Ukrainian state. An important component of M. Soroka's personal life was his marriage to a well-known member and regional leader of OUN Kateryna Zarytska. A brief account of her unique biography fails to outline the multifaceted nature and tragedy of this person's selfless. However, it clearly illustrates the anti-humanity of the Bilshovyk-communist regime. M. Soroka's speech at the trial of 1953 in Syktyvkar deserves special attention. It was an indictment of the Soviet regime. He stressed that every nation has the right to a dignified life with "full freedom of conscience, thought, speech and assembly." Moreover, he can get it only in an independent state. Soroka considered the ancestry of disobedience and a sense of justice as an instrument of achieving this aim. He stated that "if we are not attacked, we certainly do not need to defend ourselves." Keywords: Soroka, Zarytska, arrest, court, detention, OUN-North, uprising, independent Ukraine, rehabilitation.
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Ponomarenko, Maxim D. "THE COSMOPOLITAN ASPECT OF YURI KUZNETSOV’S EARLY WORK." Alfred Nobel University Journal of Philology 2, no. 24 (December 20, 2022): 38–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.32342/2523-4463-2022-2-24-4.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this article is to consider the cosmopolitan aspect of Yuri Kuznetsov’s early works. Kuznetsov was the Russian poet of the 2nd half of the 20th century. The main method of research for us is the method of ontological poetics, and elements of interdisciplinary and comparative analysis. It allows us to consider an artistic text in the context of consciousness and subconsciousness, archetypes and phenomena of the surrounding being. They, in turn, form a personal author’s myth. Yuri Kuznetsov creates his own poetic myth based on the real events of his own biography. In particular, the phenomenon of war has a key influence on it. The author is a “children of war” generation representative (born in 1941). His father died at the front in 1944. This fact determines Yuri Kuznetsov’s further outlook and path in literature. The article examines a number of the poet’s early poems. The opposition of Nature and War concepts can already be traced to each other at this stage. The latter is portrayed as an unnatural phenomenon that hinders the development of personality. Nature symbolizes life and natural dynamics, and War symbolizes halt and death, lack of dynamics. It comes into direct conflict with the laws of Nature. The leitmotif of the poet’s early work is the idea of man and nature’s unity. Such unity, in the end, allows us to build a progressive cosmopolitan model of the Home-Universe. It consists of three parts: Family-Home, Motherland-Home, and Planet-Home. The cosmopolitan orientation of Yuri Kuznetsov’s poems is manifested in his craving for the idea of “world citizenship”. At the same time, the fundamentally important fact is not the rejection of the Motherland and one’s own cultural identity, but their inclusion in a common threefold ontological model. The article also attempts to compare Yuri Kuznetsov’s work with the ideas of Russian symbolism representatives of the early 20th century. Conclusion. Based on the interdisciplinary analysis of the literary text, here are the following research results: 1. In poet Yuri Kuznetsov’s early works there is a process of upward movement along the vertical axis: from the personal myth and the lyrical “I/me” to the universal human experience. The latter, at the same time, is a unifying factor leading to the formation of an anti-war position. 2. The poet’s early works use cosmopolitan motives in the context of the verb “to create” which is semantically equivalent to the verbs “to generate” and “to build”, as well as connotatively close to the ontological processes of dynamics and movement. The verb “to create” is also opposed to the concept of War and is considered as part of the author`s anti-war position. Creativity acts both as an anti-destructive manifesto and as a means of uniting elements of the artistic world scattered by war. We should note that the author’s artistic world is closely connected with his biography and personal family history. 3. Through creativity Yuri Kuznetsov attempts to comprehend the phenomenon of War in three interdependent contexts: family, country and planet (“all people”). This approach allows us to come to the conclusion that war is incompatible with the natural course of things, that is, in fact, with the laws of Nature. 4. The sphere of the unconscious plays a key role in the formation of the author’s anti-war position and the stepped three-part model of the House. One more important connotation of the verb “to create” is connected with it. This connotation can be defined as the process of integrating the personal author’s unconscious into the collective unconscious (“great”). At the same time, a prerequisite for successful integration is a “storm”, a certain dynamic involving vertical ascent. The conclusions of such integration lead the author to the idea of “world citizenship” and universal interconnection. This, in turn, forms an anti-war position based on the similarity of the two sides in the “friend-foe” opposition.
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Vonog, E. A. "CONTEMPORARIES OF THE CIVIL WAR IN RUSSIA AND REPRESENTATIVES OF ALBION: THE NATURE OF RELATIONS, REFLECTED IN THE FILM AND PHOTO DOCUMENTS OF THE BRITISH INTERVENTIONISTS IN THE PERIOD 1918–1919." Siberian journal of anthropology 06, no. 5/2 (2021): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.31804/2542-1816-2021-5-2-19-35.
Full textAbstract:
Despite the British support of the Russian White movement during such events as the intervention and the Civil War in Russia, the effective actions of Albion towards the anti-Bolshevik forces can hardly be considered friendly. For centuries, Great Britain acted as an opponent of Russia, and only in the first half of the 20th century because of Kaiser and later fascist Germany threats Great Britain and Russia established short-term allied relations. The study of assessments connected with Great Britain standpoint of certain historical events in our country, as well as the historical experience of relations with this long-standing opponent of Russia made this article topical. In the article the author attempts to convey the nature of the difficult relationship between the contemporaries of the Russian Civil War and the British interventionists, based on visual history and such sources as film and photo documents of the British Expeditionary Forces in the period of 1918–1919. In order to understand the contradictory nature of relations with the British, Russian Republic (earlier the Russian Empire) previous allies, the author aims at showing the prerequisites for the invasion of the Entente countries and changes in the strategy of British political forces in relation to Russia. The study was carried out within the framework of such an interdisciplinary branch of science as «military anthropology», where the object of study is «a man in war». The article presents not only an overview of British film and photo documents, but also their attribution made with the definition of copyright holders, places and time of filming, accompanied with identifying the authors of the film and photo documents involved in creating a visual image of the Civil War in Russia. The study is based on the historical-comparative method, which made it possible to determine the differences between Russian-British relations during the Civil War in all territories of the presence of British interventionists — in the North, South and East of Russia.
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Nakienė, Austė. "Romantic Motives in the Lithuanian Partisan and Deportee Songs." Tautosakos darbai 61 (June 1, 2021): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.51554/td.21.61.03.
Full textAbstract:
The aim of the article is revealing the manifestations of romanticism in the songs created during and after the World War II by the partisans and their supporters, political prisoners and deportees. The author employs studies by Vytautas Kubilius and other literary scholars; however, her research is a folkloristic one, since the songs’ lyrics are perceived as a layer of folklore created at a definite period and characterized by the common stylistic features. Having noted a coherent continuation of the tradition of national romanticism, the author suggests defining the new wave of this style originating in the postwar period as folk romanticism. This folk romanticism blossomed precisely at the time when anti-romantic tendencies prevailed in the public artistic expressions. National culture was suppressed in the occupied Lithuania, and its famous creators silenced. Therefore, the idealist creativity moved to the underground, while traditional national and romantic motives were further developed in the illegal publications by the partisan movement and in the orally spread folksongs. The great representative of the 19th century literary romanticism Maironis established the high style of the Lithuanian poetry; notions prevailing in his poems express the most cherished values, including the glorious past, noble ideals, honor, struggle, and unity. According to Vytautas Kubilius, “the high style shaped by Maironis affected the Lithuanian cultural worldview: several generations used his poems to appreciate the nature and the past of the native country, learned of loving, believing and endurance in the center of the historical whirlwinds” (Kubilius 1993: 145). The return of the romantic ideals of the 19th century in the middle of the 20th century is hardly surprising, since it is only natural in the war and postwar times – the critical period again required resistance and defense from the literature and poetry. The songs created during war and postwar period harbor almost all the typical romantic literary motives. They exalt the beauty of the homeland praising its green villages, winding rivers with meadow banks, the roadside crosses, and faraway woods. These motives are often entwined with those of spring, blossoming, and youth. The native country is frequently portrayed in the songs of resistance as a beloved girl with a “rue spray in her hair” and as a mother taking care of her children. In the songs’ lyrics, there are harsh winds blowing, thunders striking, falcons taking up to the skies notwithstanding, and one is led to hope for the dawn, sunrise, and the glorious morning of freedom. The liberated Lithuanian capital with a tricolor flag blowing out above the Gediminas’ Castle is also often depicted. The motive of Lithuanian woods, or green forests is especially prominent both in the romantic literature and in the postwar folksongs. From ancient times, the woods used to protect Lithuanians against their enemies; during the postwar period, they also served as the only shelter for people prosecuted by the fierce regime.As noted by the folklore researcher Kostas Aleksynas, a huge number of patriotic songs has been created in the course of a comparatively short period of the armed national resistance (Aleksynas 2009: 7), the folksong creativity seemingly acquiring new powers. The continuation of the national romanticism and elaboration of numerous motives employed by the Lithuanian poets analyzed in this article could perhaps explain this phenomenon. Composition of the new folksongs did not require forming of a new poetic language, since the well-established romantic tradition presented itself to use, and only certain appropriate motives had to be selected.
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Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 35, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v35i4.475.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
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Perez, Shelby. "Palestine…It Is Something Colonial." American Journal of Islam and Society 35, no. 4 (October 29, 2018): 64–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v35i4.475.
Full textAbstract:
The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has not existed since the beginning of time. Hatem Bazian explores the roots of the conflict, locating the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project under the tutelage of British colonial efforts. Bazian’s text is a look at and beyond first-hand accounts, an investigation of and critical analysis of settler practice in relation to similar texts such as Sari Nusseibeh’s Once Upon a Country: A Palestinian Life, Alan Dowty’s Israel/Palestine, and Ari Shavit’s My Promised Land. Hatem Bazian’s Palestine…it is something colonial is not an introduction to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Readers should possess a basic understanding of the conflict and history of the region over the last century. Nor does this text provide the reader with an unbiased look at the timeline of events since the inception of the Zionist movement. Palestine…it is something colonial instead is a rich critique of the Zionist movement and British colonialism. It investigates the way British colonialism influenced Zionism and how Zionism adopted colonial ideas and practices. Bazian locates Zionism as a settler colonialist movement still at work today, which historically planned and systematically executed the removal of Palestinians from their land, with the aid of the United Kingdom and (later) the United States. Bazian examines Ottoman collapse, the colonization of Palestine by the British, Israel’s biblical theology of dispossession, as well as British colonial incubation of Zionism, Zionism as a Eurocentric episteme, the building of Israel through ethnic cleansing, and the Nakba, all of these culminating in legalized dispossession. Throughout the text, Bazian is able to tie each chapter to the present state of affairs and remind the audience of the trauma of a people forcibly removed. Bazian opens with the straightforward assertion that “Palestine is the last settler-colonial project to be commissioned in the late 19th early 20th centuries and still unfolding in the 21st century with no end in sight” (17). In chapter one, “Dissecting the Ottomans and Colonizing Palestine,” Bazian navigates the biased historiography of the fall of the Ottoman empire, linking the collapse of the empire to the colonizing forces of Europe which sought to ensure access to the newly discovered oil in the region as well as to Asia and Africa. Bazian masterfully steers the reader through the history of European intervention, and in particular on behalf of Christians as ethnic minorities in the Middle East. Europe is historically anti-Jewish; at the turn of the century, Zionism was determined to solve Europe’s “Jewish Problem” and maintain a stronghold in the Middle East, he writes. In chapter two, “Israel’s Biblical Theology of Dispossession,” Bazian explores the biblical roots of Zionist ideology. The chapter opens with a discussion of a contemporary Bedouin tribe being expelled in the Negev. Bazian writes that “the biblical text gets transformed into policy by the Zionist state, by which it then normalizes or makes legal the wholesale theft of Palestinian lands and expulsion of the population”(57) using legal documents such as the Levy Report. These policies create “facts on the ground” which lead to “legalized expulsions.” The Bible was central to the historical development of the European Christian supremacist idea of the Holy Land. The loss of the territory conquered during the Crusades ruptured this notion, a break “fixed” through Zionism. In chapter three, “British Colonialism and Incubation of Zionism,”Bazian begins to address British colonialism and Zionism as complementary. Bazian uses primary texts from British political actors of the time, such as Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Balfour, to establish the anti-Semiticinspiration for British actions of the time. Bazian also successfully uses the Hussein-McMahon Correspondence and the Sykes-Picot agreement to establish the double dealings of the British in the Middle East in the early twentieth century. Bazian uses many primary texts in this chapter effectively, though their organization could leave readers confused. Chapter four, “Zionism: Eurocentric Colonial Epistemic,” continues the themes of the prior chapter as the colonial influence is cemented. In this chapter, Bazian explores the subterfuge and the genius propaganda selling Palestine as “a land without a people for a people without a land” along with “making the desert bloom”—as if the indigenous Arab people were not there. Bazian frames this chapter within the Zionist ideology of the peoples living in the land being only a barrier to a Jewish state in Palestine. Bazian uses primary sources (e.g., Herzl) to defend the assertion that the removal of the Palestinian people was always a piece of the Zionist plan. Bazian also includes Jewish critical voices (e.g., excerpts from the reporter Ella Shohat) to establish the European Jewish bias against the indigenous Arab peoples, including Sephardic Jews. Bazian that these biases and the effort to remove Palestinians from their land defined the early Zionist movement and the creation of the state of Israel in chapter five, “Building a State and Ethnic Cleansing.” This chapter draws extensively on primary sources: correspondence, reports, declarations, agreements, commissions, and maps. Bazian struggles to organize these rich resources in a clear fashion; however, his analysis matches the richness of the sources. These sources establish the “legalized” systematic removal of the Palestinians from the land by the Israelis in 1948. In chapter six, “The Nakba,” Bazian uses further legal documents and first-hand accounts to trace the forced removal of Palestinians. He pays homage to the trauma while critically dissecting the process of legalizing ethnic cleansing and peddling the innocence of the Israelis to the rest of the world. Bazian profoundly concludes his chapter with the story of a Palestinian boy who witnessed the mass executions of men and women of his village and marched away from his home. The boy, now a man, closed his story with poignant words that capture the horror of the Nakba: “The road to Ramallah had become an open cemetery” (241). After the land was emptied the new state of Israel needed to legally take possession of the Palestinian-owned property. Chapter seven, “Colonial Machination,” elaborates this process: “the State of Israel is structured to give maximum attention to fulfillment of the settler-colonial project and the state apparatus is directed toward achieving this criminal enterprise” (243). The name “Palestine” is erased as a name for the land and the peoples; former colonial and Ottoman laws were twisted to support a systematic theft of the land. Bazian concludes his book with a look to the future: “What is the way forward and Palestine’s de-colonial horizon?” (276). He lays out the options available for true and lasting peace, discounting out of hand the twostate solution as impossible due to the extent of the settlements in the West Bank. He also dismisses both the options of the removal of Palestinians and the removal of the Jewish people. He instead posits a way forward through a one-state solution, leaving how this is to be done to the reader and the people of Israel/Palestine to determine. Bazian has contributed a full-bodied analysis of primary sources to defend his assertion that Zionism has always been a settler colonial movement with its goal being a land devoid of the indigenous people. The organization of the text, the lack of sectioning in the chapters, and the technical insertion and citation of primary sources could be improved for clearer reading. Bazian thoroughly defends his thesis with tangible evidence that Zionism is something colonial, and has been something colonial from the start. This is a text that complicates the narrative of what colonialism is, what the State of Israel is, and who and what Palestine is, together establishing the book as required reading for understanding nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
Shelby Perez Master’s Divinity Candidate Chicago Theological Seminary
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SILVA, Claudilene Maria da, Lucimar Rosa DIAS, and Silvani dos Santos VALENTIM. "A Pensadora Negra em Educação Petronilha Beatriz Gonçalves e Silva: Memórias e Reflexões." INTERRITÓRIOS 6, no. 12 (December 7, 2020): 299. http://dx.doi.org/10.33052/inter.v6i12.249002.
Full textAbstract:
RESUMOO presente texto retoma questões relevantes sobre o pensamento negro em educação no Brasil. Por meio desta entrevista aprofundamos como 23 anos depois da publicação do livro que inaugurou os debates a esse respeito, as questões sobre o pensamento negro brasileiro coerentemente reverberam, desafiam e interpelam a Educação das Relações Étnico-Raciais no alvorecer do século XXI. Profa. Petronilha afirma que tal pensamento veio com os povos Negros africanos escravizados e que na Diáspora foram sendo recriados e refeitos, particularmente por meio das experiências dos/as professores/as negros/as, especialmente das professoras negras, durante todo o século XX. Foram destacados durante a entrevista elementos como a relevância e atualidade de uma práxis pedagógica antirracista e propostas do movimento Negro, das instituições Negras e dos projetos e pesquisas que assumem um compromisso visceral e dialógico com a história e perspectiva do povo Negro. Por meio de suas memórias familiares e escolares a entrevistada nos lembra que, por mais escolarizadas/os que sejamos, não podemos prescindir do pensamento que é construído nos núcleos familiares, nas comunidades, nos espaços religiosos de matriz africana e pelo movimento Negro. É importante ter presente que existe um pensamento Negro em educação em todas as áreas da vida. Ainda que importantes organizações do movimento Negro tenham se articulado nos anos 1970, é anterior a este período a formulação do pensamento Negro em educação. Este pensamento antecede o movimento Negro organizado como nós o conhecemos. Ele foi, de fato, iniciado pelas professoras Negras do antigo Ensino Primário, hoje Ensino Fundamental.Educação. Pensamento Negro. Professoras Negras. Movimento Negro.ABSTRACT This text takes up relevant questions about black thought in education in Brazil. Through this interview we went on to deepen how 23 years after the publication of the book that inaugurated the debates in this regard, questions about Brazilian black thought consistently reverberate, challenge and question the Education of Ethnic-Racial Relations at the dawn of the 21st century. Professor Petronilha affirms that such thought came with the enslaved African Black people and that in the Diaspora they are being recreated and remade, particularly through the experiences of Black teachers, especially Black female teachers, throughout the 20th century. Elements such as the relevance and timeliness of an anti-racist pedagogical praxis and proposals from the Black movement, Black institutions, projects and research that assume a visceral and dialogical commitment to the history and perspective of the Black people were highlighted during the interview. Through her family and school memories, the interviewee reminds us that, no matter how schooled we are, we cannot do without the thought that is built in family nuclei, in communities, in religious spaces of African base and by the Black movement. It is important to keep in mind that there is a Black thought in education in all areas of life. Although important organizations of the Black movement were articulated in the 1970s, the formulation of Black thought in education predates this period. This thought precedes the organized Black movement as we know it. It was, in fact, initiated by Black teachers from Primary School, today known as Elementary School.Education. Black Thought. Black Teachers. Black Movement.RESUMENEste texto retoma cuestiones relevantes sobre el pensamiento negro en la educación en Brasil. A través de esta entrevista pasamos a profundizar cómo 23 años después de la publicación del libro que inauguró los debates al respecto, las preguntas sobre el pensamiento negro brasileño reverberan, desafían y cuestionan consistentemente la Educación de las Relaciones Étnico-Raciales en los albores del siglo XXI. Profa. Petronilha afirma que este pensamiento llegó con los negros africanos esclavizados y que en la Diáspora fueron recreados y rehechos, particularmente a través de las experiencias de los maestros negros, especialmente los maestros negros, a lo largo del siglo XX. Durante la entrevista se destacaron elementos como la relevancia y actualidad de una praxis pedagógica antirracista y propuestas del movimiento negro, instituciones y proyectos negros e investigaciones que asumen un compromiso visceral y dialógico con la historia y perspectiva de los negros. A través de sus recuerdos familiares y escolares, la entrevistada nos recuerda que, por muy escolarizados que estemos, no podemos prescindir del pensamiento que se construye en los núcleos familiares, en las comunidades, en los espacios religiosos de origen africano y por el movimiento negro. Es importante tener en cuenta que existe un pensamiento negro en la educación en todos los ámbitos de la vida. Aunque en la década de 1970 se articularon importantes organizaciones del movimiento negro, la formulación del pensamiento negro en la educación es anterior a este período. Este pensamiento precede al movimiento negro organizado tal como lo conocemos. De hecho, fue iniciado por profesores negros de la antigua Escuela Primaria, hoy Escuela Primaria.Educación. Pensamiento negro. Maestros negros. Movimiento negro.SOMMARIOQuesto testo riprende questioni rilevanti sul pensiero nero nell'educazione in Brasile. Attraverso questa intervista siamo passati ad approfondire come 23 anni dopo la pubblicazione del libro che ha inaugurato i dibattiti a questo proposito, le domande sul pensiero nero brasiliano riverberano, sfidano e mettono in discussione costantemente l'Educazione alle Relazioni Etnico-Razziali all'alba del 21° secolo. Profa. Petronilha afferma che questo pensiero è venuto con i neri africani ridotti in schiavitù e che nella diaspora sono stati ricreati e rifatti, in particolare attraverso le esperienze di insegnanti neri, specialmente insegnanti neri, per tutto il XX secolo. Durante l'intervista, sono stati evidenziati durante l'intervista elementi come la rilevanza e la tempestività di una prassi pedagogica antirazzista e proposte dal movimento nero, istituzioni e progetti neri e ricerche che assumono un impegno viscerale e dialogico per la storia e la prospettiva del popolo nero. Attraverso i suoi ricordi familiari e scolastici, l'intervistata ci ricorda che, per quanto scolarizzati, non possiamo fare a meno del pensiero che è costruito nei nuclei familiari, nelle comunità, negli spazi religiosi di origine africana e dal movimento negro. È importante tenere presente che c'è un pensiero nero nell'educazione in tutti gli ambiti della vita. Sebbene importanti organizzazioni del movimento negro siano state articolate negli anni '70, la formulazione del pensiero negro nell'educazione è anteriore a questo periodo. Questo pensiero precede il movimento nero organizzato come lo conosciamo. Fu, infatti, iniziato da insegnanti neri della ex scuola elementare, oggi scuola elementare.Istruzione. Pensiero nero. Insegnanti neri. Movimento nero.
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Gómez-Sánchez, Pío-Iván Iván. "Personal reflections 25 years after the International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo." Revista Colombiana de Enfermería 18, no. 3 (December 5, 2019): e012. http://dx.doi.org/10.18270/rce.v18i3.2659.
Full textAbstract:
In my postgraduate formation during the last years of the 80’s, we had close to thirty hospital beds in a pavilion called “sépticas” (1). In Colombia, where abortion was completely penalized, the pavilion was mostly filled with women with insecure, complicated abortions. The focus we received was technical: management of intensive care; performance of hysterectomies, colostomies, bowel resection, etc. In those times, some nurses were nuns and limited themselves to interrogating the patients to get them to “confess” what they had done to themselves in order to abort. It always disturbed me that the women who left alive, left without any advice or contraceptive method. Having asked a professor of mine, he responded with disdain: “This is a third level hospital, those things are done by nurses of the first level”.
Seeing so much pain and death, I decided to talk to patients, and I began to understand their decision. I still remember so many deaths with sadness, but one case in particular pains me: it was a woman close to being fifty who arrived with a uterine perforation in a state of advanced sepsis. Despite the surgery and the intensive care, she passed away. I had talked to her, and she told me she was a widow, had two adult kids and had aborted because of “embarrassment towards them” because they were going to find out that she had an active sexual life. A few days after her passing, the pathology professor called me, surprised, to tell me that the uterus we had sent for pathological examination showed no pregnancy. She was a woman in a perimenopausal state with a pregnancy exam that gave a false positive due to the high levels of FSH/LH typical of her age. SHE WAS NOT PREGNANT!!! She didn’t have menstruation because she was premenopausal and a false positive led her to an unsafe abortion. Of course, the injuries caused in the attempted abortion caused the fatal conclusion, but the real underlying cause was the social taboo in respect to sexuality.
I had to watch many adolescents and young women leave the hospital alive, but without a uterus, sometime without ovaries and with colostomies, to be looked down on by a society that blamed them for deciding to not be mothers. I had to see situation of women that arrived with their intestines protruding from their vaginas because of unsafe abortions. I saw women, who in their despair, self-inflicted injuries attempting to abort with elements such as stick, branches, onion wedges, alum bars and clothing hooks among others. Among so many deaths, it was hard not having at least one woman per day in the morgue due to an unsafe abortion.
During those time, healthcare was not handled from the biopsychosocial, but only from the technical (2); nonetheless, in the academic evaluations that were performed, when asked about the definition of health, we had to recite the text from the International Organization of Health that included these three aspects. How contradictory!
To give response to the health need of women and guarantee their right when I was already a professor, I began an obstetric contraceptive service in that third level hospital. There was resistance from the directors, but fortunately I was able to acquire international donations for the institution, which facilitated its acceptance. I decided to undertake a teaching career with the hope of being able to sensitize health professionals towards an integral focus of health and illness.
When the International Conference of Population and Development (ICPD) was held in Cairo in 1994, I had already spent various years in teaching, and when I read their Action Program, I found a name for what I was working on: Sexual and Reproductive Rights. I began to incorporate the tools given by this document into my professional and teaching life. I was able to sensitize people at my countries Health Ministry, and we worked together moving it to an approach of human rights in areas of sexual and reproductive health (SRH). This new viewpoint, in addition to being integral, sought to give answers to old problems like maternal mortality, adolescent pregnancy, low contraceptive prevalence, unplanned or unwanted pregnancy or violence against women. With other sensitized people, we began with these SRH issues to permeate the Colombian Society of Obstetrics and Gynecology, some universities, and university hospitals. We are still fighting in a country that despite many difficulties has improved its indicators of SRH.
With the experience of having labored in all sphere of these topics, we manage to create, with a handful of colleagues and friend at the Universidad El Bosque, a Master’s Program in Sexual and Reproductive Health, open to all professions, in which we broke several paradigms. A program was initiated in which the qualitative and quantitative investigation had the same weight, and some alumni of the program are now in positions of leadership in governmental and international institutions, replicating integral models. In the Latin American Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FLASOG, English acronym) and in the International Federation of Obstetrics and Gynecology (FIGO), I was able to apply my experience for many years in the SRH committees of these association to benefit women and girls in the regional and global environments.
When I think of who has inspired me in these fights, I should highlight the great feminist who have taught me and been with me in so many fights. I cannot mention them all, but I have admired the story of the life of Margaret Sanger with her persistence and visionary outlook. She fought throughout her whole life to help the women of the 20th century to be able to obtain the right to decide when and whether or not they wanted to have children (3). Of current feminist, I have had the privilege of sharing experiences with Carmen Barroso, Giselle Carino, Debora Diniz and Alejandra Meglioli, leaders of the International Planned Parenthood Federation – Western Hemisphere Region (IPPF-RHO). From my country, I want to mention my countrywoman Florence Thomas, psychologist, columnist, writer and Colombo-French feminist. She is one of the most influential and important voices in the movement for women rights in Colombia and the region. She arrived from France in the 1960’s, in the years of counterculture, the Beatles, hippies, Simone de Beauvoir, and Jean-Paul Sartre, a time in which capitalism and consumer culture began to be criticized (4). It was then when they began to talk about the female body, female sexuality and when the contraceptive pill arrived like a total revolution for women. Upon its arrival in 1967, she experimented a shock because she had just assisted in a revolution and only found a country of mothers, not women (5). That was the only destiny for a woman, to be quiet and submissive. Then she realized that this could not continue, speaking of “revolutionary vanguards” in such a patriarchal environment.
In 1986 with the North American and European feminism waves and with her academic team, they created the group “Mujer y Sociedad de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia”, incubator of great initiatives and achievements for the country (6). She has led great changes with her courage, the strength of her arguments, and a simultaneously passionate and agreeable discourse. Among her multiple books, I highlight “Conversaciones con Violeta” (7), motivated by the disdain towards feminism of some young women. She writes it as a dialogue with an imaginary daughter in which, in an intimate manner, she reconstructs the history of women throughout the centuries and gives new light of the fundamental role of feminism in the life of modern women. Another book that shows her bravery is “Había que decirlo” (8), in which she narrates the experience of her own abortion at age twenty-two in sixty’s France.
My work experience in the IPPF-RHO has allowed me to meet leaders of all ages in diverse countries of the region, who with great mysticism and dedication, voluntarily, work to achieve a more equal and just society. I have been particularly impressed by the appropriation of the concept of sexual and reproductive rights by young people, and this has given me great hope for the future of the planet. We continue to have an incomplete agenda of the action plan of the ICPD of Cairo but seeing how the youth bravely confront the challenges motivates me to continue ahead and give my years of experience in an intergenerational work.
In their policies and programs, the IPPF-RHO evidences great commitment for the rights and the SRH of adolescent, that are consistent with what the organization promotes, for example, 20% of the places for decision making are in hands of the young. Member organizations, that base their labor on volunteers, are true incubators of youth that will make that unassailable and necessary change of generations. In contrast to what many of us experienced, working in this complicated agenda of sexual and reproductive health without theoretical bases, today we see committed people with a solid formation to replace us. In the college of medicine at the Universidad Nacional de Colombia and the College of Nursing at the Universidad El Bosque, the new generations are more motivated and empowered, with great desire to change the strict underlying structures.
Our great worry is the onslaught of the ultra-right, a lot of times better organized than us who do support rights, that supports anti-rights group and are truly pro-life (9). Faced with this scenario, we should organize ourselves better, giving battle to guarantee the rights of women in the local, regional, and global level, aggregating the efforts of all pro-right organizations. We are now committed to the Objectives of Sustainable Development (10), understood as those that satisfy the necessities of the current generation without jeopardizing the capacity of future generations to satisfy their own necessities. This new agenda is based on:
- The unfinished work of the Millennium Development Goals
- Pending commitments (international environmental conventions)
- The emergent topics of the three dimensions of sustainable development: social, economic, and environmental.
We now have 17 objectives of sustainable development and 169 goals (11). These goals mention “universal access to reproductive health” many times. In objective 3 of this list is included guaranteeing, before the year 2030, “universal access to sexual and reproductive health services, including those of family planning, information, and education.” Likewise, objective 5, “obtain gender equality and empower all women and girls”, establishes the goal of “assuring the universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in conformity with the action program of the International Conference on Population and Development, the Action Platform of Beijing”. It cannot be forgotten that the term universal access to sexual and reproductive health includes universal access to abortion and contraception.
Currently, 830 women die every day through preventable maternal causes; of these deaths, 99% occur in developing countries, more than half in fragile environments and in humanitarian contexts (12). 216 million women cannot access modern contraception methods and the majority live in the nine poorest countries in the world and in a cultural environment proper to the decades of the seventies (13). This number only includes women from 15 to 49 years in any marital state, that is to say, the number that takes all women into account is much greater. Achieving the proposed objectives would entail preventing 67 million unwanted pregnancies and reducing maternal deaths by two thirds. We currently have a high, unsatisfied demand for modern contraceptives, with extremely low use of reversible, long term methods (intrauterine devices and subdermal implants) which are the most effect ones with best adherence (14).
There is not a single objective among the 17 Objectives of Sustainable Development where contraception does not have a prominent role: from the first one that refers to ending poverty, going through the fifth one about gender equality, the tenth of inequality reduction among countries and within the same country, until the sixteenth related with peace and justice. If we want to change the world, we should procure universal access to contraception without myths or barriers. We have the moral obligation of achieving the irradiation of extreme poverty and advancing the construction of more equal, just, and happy societies.
In emergency contraception (EC), we are very far from reaching expectations. If in reversible, long-term methods we have low prevalence, in EC the situation gets worse. Not all faculties in the region look at this topic, and where it is looked at, there is no homogeneity in content, not even within the same country. There are still myths about their real action mechanisms. There are countries, like Honduras, where it is prohibited and there is no specific medicine, the same case as in Haiti. Where it is available, access is dismal, particularly among girls, adolescents, youth, migrants, afro-descendent, and indigenous. The multiple barriers for the effective use of emergency contraceptives must be knocked down, and to work toward that we have to destroy myths and erroneous perceptions, taboos and cultural norms; achieve changes in laws and restrictive rules within countries, achieve access without barriers to the EC; work in union with other sectors; train health personnel and the community. It is necessary to transform the attitude of health personal to a service above personal opinion.
Reflecting on what has occurred after the ICPD in Cairo, their Action Program changed how we look at the dynamics of population from an emphasis on demographics to a focus on the people and human rights. The governments agreed that, in this new focus, success was the empowerment of women and the possibility of choice through expanded access to education, health, services, and employment among others. Nonetheless, there have been unequal advances and inequality persists in our region, all the goals were not met, the sexual and reproductive goals continue beyond the reach of many women (15). There is a long road ahead until women and girls of the world can claim their rights and liberty of deciding. Globally, maternal deaths have been reduced, there is more qualified assistance of births, more contraception prevalence, integral sexuality education, and access to SRH services for adolescents are now recognized rights with great advances, and additionally there have been concrete gains in terms of more favorable legal frameworks, particularly in our region; nonetheless, although it’s true that the access condition have improved, the restrictive laws of the region expose the most vulnerable women to insecure abortions.
There are great challenges for governments to recognize SRH and the DSR as integral parts of health systems, there is an ample agenda against women. In that sense, access to SRH is threatened and oppressed, it requires multi-sector mobilization and litigation strategies, investigation and support for the support of women’s rights as a multi-sector agenda.
Looking forward, we must make an effort to work more with youth to advance not only the Action Program of the ICPD, but also all social movements. They are one of the most vulnerable groups, and the biggest catalyzers for change. The young population still faces many challenges, especially women and girls; young girls are in particularly high risk due to lack of friendly and confidential services related with sexual and reproductive health, gender violence, and lack of access to services. In addition, access to abortion must be improved; it is the responsibility of states to guarantee the quality and security of this access. In our region there still exist countries with completely restrictive frameworks.
New technologies facilitate self-care (16), which will allow expansion of universal access, but governments cannot detach themselves from their responsibility. Self-care is expanding in the world and can be strategic for reaching the most vulnerable populations. There are new challenges for the same problems, that require a re-interpretation of the measures necessary to guaranty the DSR of all people, in particular women, girls, and in general, marginalized and vulnerable populations. It is necessary to take into account migrations, climate change, the impact of digital media, the resurgence of hate discourse, oppression, violence, xenophobia, homo/transphobia, and other emergent problems, as SRH should be seen within a framework of justice, not isolated.
We should demand accountability of the 179 governments that participate in the ICPD 25 years ago and the 193 countries that signed the Sustainable Development Objectives. They should reaffirm their commitments and expand their agenda to topics not considered at that time. Our region has given the world an example with the Agreement of Montevideo, that becomes a blueprint for achieving the action plan of the CIPD and we should not allow retreat. This agreement puts people at the center, especially women, and includes the topic of abortion, inviting the state to consider the possibility of legalizing it, which opens the doors for all governments of the world to recognize that women have the right to choose on maternity. This agreement is much more inclusive:
Considering that the gaps in health continue to abound in the region and the average statistics hide the high levels of maternal mortality, of sexually transmitted diseases, of infection by HIV/AIDS, and the unsatisfied demand for contraception in the population that lives in poverty and rural areas, among indigenous communities, and afro-descendants and groups in conditions of vulnerability like women, adolescents and incapacitated people, it is agreed:
33- To promote, protect, and guarantee the health and the sexual and reproductive rights that contribute to the complete fulfillment of people and social justice in a society free of any form of discrimination and violence.
37- Guarantee universal access to quality sexual and reproductive health services, taking into consideration the specific needs of men and women, adolescents and young, LGBT people, older people and people with incapacity, paying particular attention to people in a condition of vulnerability and people who live in rural and remote zone, promoting citizen participation in the completing of these commitments.
42- To guarantee, in cases in which abortion is legal or decriminalized in the national legislation, the existence of safe and quality abortion for non-desired or non-accepted pregnancies and instigate the other States to consider the possibility of modifying public laws, norms, strategies, and public policy on the voluntary interruption of pregnancy to save the life and health of pregnant adolescent women, improving their quality of life and decreasing the number of abortions (17).
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Tsygankov, Alexander S. "History of Philosophy. 2018, Vol. 23, No. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Theory and Methodology of History of Philosophy Rodion V. Savinov. Philosophy of Antiquity in Scholasticism This article examines the forms of understanding ancient philosophy in medieval and post-medieval scholasticism. Using the comparative method the author identifies the main approaches to the philosophical heritage of Antiquity, and to the problem of reviving the doctrines of the past. The Patristics (Epiphanius of Cyprus, Filastrius of Brixia, Lactantius, Augustine) saw the ancient cosmological doctrines as heresies. The early Middle Ages (e.g., Isidore of Seville) assimilated the content of these heresiographic treatises, which became the main source of information about ancient philosophy. Scholasticism of the 13th–14th cent. remained cautious to ancient philosophy and distinguished, on the one hand, the doctrinal content discussed in the framework of the exegetic problems at universities (Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas, etc.), and, on the other hand, information on ancient philosophers integrated into chronological models of medieval chronicles (Peter Comestor, Vincent de Beauvais, Walter Burleigh). Finally, the post-medieval scholasticism (Pedro Fonseca, Conimbricenses, Th. Stanley, and others) raised the questions of the «history of ideas», thereby laying the foundation of the history of philosophy in its modern sense. Keywords: history of philosophy, Patristic, Scholasticism, reflection, critic DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-5-17 World Philosophy: the Past and the Present Mariya A. Solopova. The Chronology of Democritus and the Fall of Troy The article considers the chronology of Democritus of Abdera. In the times of Classical Antiquity, three different birth dates for Democritus were known: c. 495 BC (according to Diodorus of Sicily), c. 470 BC (according to Thrasyllus), and c. 460 BC (according to Apollodorus of Athens). These dates must be coordinated with the most valuable doxographic evidence, according to which Democritus 1) "was a young man during Anaxagoras’s old age" and that 2) the Lesser World-System (Diakosmos) was compiled 730 years after the Fall of Troy. The article considers the argument in favor of the most authoritative datings belonging to Apollodorus and Thrasyllus, and draws special attention to the meaning of the dating of Democritus’ work by himself from the year of the Fall of Troy. The question arises, what prompted Democritus to talk about the date of the Fall of Troy and how he could calculate it. The article expresses the opinion that Democritus indicated the date of the Fall of Troy not with the aim of proposing its own date, different from others, but in order to date the Lesser World-System in the spirit of intellectual achievements of his time, in which, perhaps, the history of the development of mankind from the primitive state to the emergence of civilization was discussed. The article discusses how to explain the number 730 and argues that it can be the result of combinations of numbers 20 (the number of generations that lived from the Fall of Troy to Democritus), 35 – one of the constants used for calculations of generations in genealogical research, and 30. The last figure perhaps indicates the age of Democritus himself, when he wrote the Lesser Diakosmos: 30 years old. Keywords: Ancient Greek philosophy, Democritus, Anaxagoras, Greek chronography, doxographers, Apollodorus, Thrasyllus, capture of Troy, ancient genealogies, the length of a generation DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-18-31 Bembya L. Mitruyev. “Yogācārabhumi-Śāstra” as a Historical and Philosophical Source The article deals with “Yogācārabhūmi-Śāstra” – a treatise on the Buddhist Yogācāra school. Concerning the authorship of this text, the Indian and Chinese traditions diverge: in the first, the treatise is attributed to Asanga, and in the second tradition to Maitreya. Most of the modern scholars consider it to be a compilation of many texts, and not the work of one author. Being an important monument for both the Yogacara tradition and Mahayana Buddhism in general, Yogācārabhūmi-Śāstra is an object of scientific interest for the researchers all around the world. The text of the treatise consists of five parts, which are divided into chapters. The contents of the treatise sheds light on many concepts of Yogācāra, such as ālayavijñāna, trisvabhāva, kliṣṭamanas, etc. Having briefly considered the textological problems: authorship, dating, translation, commenting and genre of the text, the author suggests the reconstruction of the content of the entire monument, made on the basis of his own translation from the Tibetan and Sanskrit. This allows him to single out from the whole variety of topics those topics, the study of which will increase knowledge about the history of the formation of the basic philosophical concepts of Yogācāra and thereby allow a deeper understanding of the historical and philosophical process in Buddhism and in other philosophical movements of India. Keywords: Yogācārabhūmi-śāstra, Asaṅga, Māhāyana, Vijñānavāda, Yogācāra, Abhidharma, ālayavijñāna citta, bhūmi, mind, consciousness, meditation DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-32-43 Tatiana G. Korneeva. Knowledge in Nāșir Khusraw’s Philosophy The article deals with the concept of “knowledge” in the philosophy of Nāșir Khusraw. The author analyzes the formation of the theory of knowledge in the Arab-Muslim philosophy. At the early stages of the formation of the Arab-Muslim philosophy the discussion of the question of cognition was conducted in the framework of ethical and religious disputes. Later followers of the Falsafa introduced the legacy of ancient philosophers into scientific circulation and began to discuss the problems of cognition in a philosophical way. Nāșir Khusraw, an Ismaili philosopher of the 11th century, expanded the scope of knowledge and revised the goals and objectives of the process of cognition. He put knowledge in the foundation of the world order, made it the cause and ultimate goal of the creation of the world. In his philosophy knowledge is the link between the different levels of the universe. The article analyzes the Nāșir Khusraw’s views on the role of knowledge in various fields – metaphysics, cosmogony, ethics and eschatology. Keywords: knowledge, cognition, Ismailism, Nāșir Khusraw, Neoplatonism, Arab-Muslim philosophy, kalām, falsafa DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-44-55 Vera Pozzi. Problems of Ontology and Criticism of the Kantian Formalism in Irodion Vetrinskii’s “Institutiones Metaphysicae” (Part II) This paper is a follow-up of the paper «Irodion Vetrinskii’s “Institutiones Metaphysicae” and the St. Petersburg Theological Academy» (Part I). The issue and the role of “ontology” in Vetrinskii’s textbook is analyzed in detail, as well as the author’s critique of Kantian “formalism”: in this connection, the paper provides a description of Vetrinskii’s discussion about Kantian theory of the a priori forms of sensible intuition and understanding. To sum up, Vetrinskii was well acquainted not only with Kantian works – and he was able to fully evaluate their innovative significance – but also with late Scholastic textbooks of the German area. Moreover, he relied on the latters to build up an eclectic defense of traditional Metaphysics, avoiding at the same time to refuse Kantian perspective in the sake of mere reaffirming a “traditional” perspective. Keywords: Philosophizing at Russian Theological Academies, Russian Enlightenment, Russian early Kantianism, St. Petersburg Theological Academy, history of Russian philosophy, history of metaphysics, G.I. Wenzel, I. Ya. Vetrinskii DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-56-67 Alexey E. Savin. Criticism of Judaism in Hegel's Early “Theological” Writings The aim of the article is to reveal the nature of criticism of Judaism by the “young” Hegel and underlying intuitions. The investigation is based on the phenomenological approach. It seeks to explicate the horizon of early Hegel's thinking. The revolutionary role of early Hegel’s ideas reactivation in the history of philosophy is revealed. The article demonstrates the fundamental importance of criticism of Judaism for the development of Hegel's thought. The sources of Hegelian thematization and problematization of Judaism – his Protestant theological background within the framework of supranaturalism and the then discussion about human rights and political emancipation of Jews – are discovered. Hegel's interpretation of the history of the Jewish people and the origin of Judaism from the destruction of trust in nature, the fundamental mood of distrust and fear of the world, leading to the development of alienation, is revealed. The falsity of the widespread thesis about early Hegel’s anti-Semitism is demonstrated. The reasons for the transition of early Hegel from “theology” to philosophy are revealed. Keywords: Hegel, Judaism, history, criticism, anti-Semitism, trust, nature, alienation, tyranny, philosophy DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-68-80 Evgeniya A. Dolgova. Philosophy at the Institute of Red Professors (1921–1938): Institutional Forms, Methods of Teaching, Students, Lecturers The article explores the history of the Institute of the Red Professors in philosophy (1921–1938). Referring to the unpublished documents in the State Archives of the Russian Federation and the Archive of the Russian Academy of Sciences, the author explores its financial and infrastructure support, information sphere, characterizes students and teachers. The article illustrates the practical experience of the functioning of philosophy within the framework of one of the extraordinary “revolutionary” projects on the renewal of the scientific and pedagogical sphere, reflects a vivid and ambiguous picture of the work of the educational institution in the 1920s and 1930s and corrects some of historiographical judgments (about the politically and socially homogeneous composition of the Institute of Red Professors, the specifics of state support of its work, privileges and the social status of the “red professors”). Keywords: Institute of the Red Professors in Philosophy, Philosophical Department, soviet education, teachers, students, teaching methods DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-81-94 Vladimir V. Starovoitov. K. Horney about the Consequences of Neurotic Development and the Ways of Its Overcoming This article investigates the views of Karen Horney on psychoanalysis and neurotic development of personality in her last two books: “Our Inner Conflicts” (1945) and “Neurosis and Human Grows” (1950), and also in her two articles “On Feeling Abused” (1951) and “The Paucity of Inner Experiences” (1952), written in the last two years of her life and summarizing her views on clinical and theoretical problems in her work with neurotics. If in her first book “The Neurotic Personality of Our Time” (1937) neurosis was a result of disturbed interpersonal relations, caused by conditions of culture, then the concept of the idealized Self open the gates to the intrapsychic life. Keywords: Neo-Freudianism, psychoanalysis, neurotic development of personality, real Self, idealized image of Self DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-95-102 Publications and Translations Victoria G. Lysenko. Dignāga on the Definition of Perception in the Vādaviddhi of Vasubandhu. A Historical and Philosophical Reconstruction of Dignāga’s Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti (1.13-16) The paper investigates a fragment from Dignāga’s magnum opus Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti (“Body of tools for reliable knowledge with a commentary”, 1, 13-16) where Dignāga challenges Vasubandhu’s definition of perception in the Vādaviddhi (“Rules of the dispute”). The definition from the Vādaviddhi is being compared in the paper with Vasubandhu’s ideas of perception in Abhidharmakośabhāṣya (“Encyclopedia of Abhidharma with the commentary”), and with Dignāga’s own definition of valid perception in the first part of his Pramāṇasamuccayavṛtti as well as in his Ālambanaparīkśavṛtti (“Investigation of the Object with the commentary”). The author puts forward the hypothesis that Dignāga criticizes the definition of perception in Vādaviddhi for the reason that it does not correspond to the teachings of Vasubandhu in his Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, to which he, Dignāga, referred earlier in his magnum opus. This helps Dignāga to justify his statement that Vasubandhu himself considered Vādaviddhi as not containing the essence of his teaching (asāra). In addition, the article reconstructs the logical sequence in Dignāga’s exegesis: he criticizes the Vādaviddhi definition from the representational standpoint of Sautrāntika school, by showing that it does not fulfill the function prescribed by Indian logic to definition, that of distinguishing perception from the classes of heterogeneous and homogeneous phenomena. Having proved the impossibility of moving further according to the “realistic logic” based on recognizing the existence of an external object, Dignāga interprets the Vādaviddhi’s definition in terms of linguistic philosophy, according to which the language refers not to external objects and not to the unique and private sensory experience (svalakṣaṇa-qualia), but to the general characteristics (sāmānya-lakṣaṇa), which are mental constructs (kalpanā). Keywords: Buddhism, linguistic philosophy, perception, theory of definition, consciousness, Vaibhashika, Sautrantika, Yogacara, Vasubandhu, Dignaga DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-103-117 Elizaveta A. Miroshnichenko. Talks about Lev N. Tolstoy: Reception of the Writer's Views in the Public Thought of Russia at the End of the 19th Century (Dedicated to the 190th Anniversary of the Great Russian Writer and Thinker) This article includes previously unpublished letters of Russian social thinkers such as N.N. Strakhov, E.M. Feoktistov, D.N. Tsertelev. These letters provide critical assessment of Lev N. Tolstoy’s teachings. The preface to publication includes the history of reception of Tolstoy’s moral and aesthetic philosophy by his contemporaries, as well as influence of his theory on the beliefs of Russian idealist philosopher D.N. Tsertelev. The author offers a rational reconstruction of the dialogue between two generations of thinkers representative of the 19th century – Lev N. Tolstoy and N.N. Strakhov, on the one hand, and D.N. Tsertelev, on the other. The main thesis of the paper: the “old” and the “new” generations of the 19th-century thinkers retained mutual interest and continuity in setting the problems and objectives of philosophy, despite the numerous worldview contradictions. Keywords: Russian philosophy of the nineteenth century, L.N. Tolstoy, N.N. Strakhov, D.N. Tsertelev, epistolary heritage, ethics, aesthetics DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-118-130 Reviews Nataliya A. Tatarenko. History of Philosophy in a Format of Lecture Notes (on Hegel G.W.F. Vorlesungen zur Ästhetik. Vorlesungsmitschrift Adolf Heimann (1828/1829). Hrsg. von A.P. Olivier und A. Gethmann-Siefert. München: Wilhelm Fink, 2017. XXXI + 254 S.) Released last year, the book “G.W.F. Hegel. Vorlesungen zur Ästhetik. Vorlesungsmitschrift Adolf Heimann (1828/1829)” in German is a publication of one of the student's manuskript of Hegel's lectures on aesthetics. Adolf Heimann was a student of Hegel in 1828/29. These notes open for us imaginary doors into the audience of the Berlin University, where Hegel read his fourth and final course on the philosophy of art. A distinctive feature of this course is a new structure of lectures in comparison with three previous courses. This three-part division was took by H.G. Hotho as the basis for the edited by him text “Lectures on Aesthetics”, included in the first collection of Hegel’s works. The content of that publication was mainly based on the lectures of 1823 and 1826. There are a number of differences between the analyzed published manuskript and the students' records of 1820/21, 1823 and 1826, as well as between the manuskript and the editorial version of H.G. Hotho. These features show that Hegel throughout all four series of Berlin lectures on the philosophy of art actively developed and revised the structure and content of aesthetics. But unfortunately this evidence of the permanent development was not taken into account by the first editor of Hegel's lectures on aesthetics. Keywords: G.W.F. Hegel, H.G. Hotho, philosophy of art, aesthetics, forms of art, idea of beauty, ideal DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-131-138 Alexander S. Tsygankov. On the Way to the Revival of Metaphysics: S.L. Frank and E. Coreth Readers are invited to review the monograph of the modern German researcher Oksana Nazarova “The problem of the renaissance and new foundation of metaphysics through the example of Christian philosophical tradition. Russian religious philosophy (Simon L. Frank) and German neosholastics (Emerich Coreth)”, which was published in 2017 in Munich. In the paper, the author offers a comparative analysis of the projects of a new, “post-dogmatic” metaphysics, which were developed in the philosophy of Frank and Coreth. This study addresses the problems of the cognitive-theoretical and ontological foundation of the renaissance of metaphysics, the methodological tools of the new metaphysics, as well as its anthropological component. O. Nazarova's book is based on the comparative analysis of Frank's religious philosophy and Coreth's neo-cholastic philosophy from the beginning to the end. This makes the study unique in its own way. Since earlier in the German reception of the heritage of Russian thinker, the comparison of Frank's philosophy with the Catholic theology of the 20th century was realized only fragmentarily and did not act as a fundamental one. Along with a deep and meaningful analysis of the metaphysical projects of both thinkers, this makes O. Nazarova's book relevant to anyone who is interested in the philosophical dialogue of Russia and Western Europe and is engaged in the work of Frank and Coreth. Keywords: the renaissance of metaphysics, post-Kantian philosophy, Christian philosophy, S.L. Frank, E. Coreth DOI: 10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-139-147." History of Philosophy 23, no. 2 (October 2018): 139–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2074-5869-2018-23-2-139-147.
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Rachman, Yudhi. "Gerakan Anti-Kolonialisme Menuju Indonesia Merdeka Dalam Perspektif Smelserian." SIMULACRA: JURNAL SOSIOLOGI 1, no. 2 (November 25, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v1i2.4994.
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<em>This paper aims to provide an overview of Indonesia's social, political and economic conditions at the beginning of the 20th century. Changes in the movement of history are marked by the emergence of political resistance and revolutionary movements, including the establishment of the Islamic nationalist movement represented by the Sarekat Islam, the radical nationalist movement represented by Indische Partij and Insulinde, and the Marxist Communist Party of the Dutch East Indies. This study uses a library study method to explain the constellation of the movement of anti-colonialism in the Smelserian perspective. This research shows that social movements in Indonesia at the beginning of the 20th century arose due to dissatisfaction with existing social structures. Indisce Partij, for example, dared to declare itself a political party for all ethnic groups in Indonesia and collaborated with Sarikat Islam which was a large Islamic organization at that time. Likewise with the emergence of the communist movement which was initially brought in by a handful of Dutch people, it began to dare to voice its demands more radically in opposing Dutch imperialism and capitalism in Indonesia. This is the embryos of political resistance which color the constellation of the history of the Indonesian people towards their ideals of independence.</em>
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Jastrzembská, Zdeňka. "Spor o vivisekce a české ženy na přelomu 19. a 20. století." Teorie vědy / Theory of Science 39, no. 2 (April 27, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.46938/tv.2017.371.
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The paper presents a comparison of the character and development of the discussion on the use of animals for scientific purposes in England and the Czech Lands, with the emphasis on the connection between the anti-vivisection and women's movements. Against the background of the development of medical science, the first part describes the circumstances of the rise of the controversy and the path that led to the adoption of the first law regulating animal experiments. The second part presents the attitude of F. P. Cobbe, who was the most influential female figure in the debate. The third part maps the situation in the Czech Lands and suggests reasons as to why an organized anti-vivisection movement had not formed there. The author claims that the key role was played by the favorable perception of scientists due to their involvement in the process of National Revival. The last part presents the views on vivisection of two figures of Czech women's movement at the beginning of 20th century – P. Moudrá and E. Vozábová. The author shows that the arguments that depicted the experiment in medical science as an unnecessary and useless method of research could no longer be convincing at the time.