Academic literature on the topic 'Anti-imperialist movements – History – 20th century'
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Journal articles on the topic "Anti-imperialist movements – History – 20th century"
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Sujana, Ahmad Maftuh, and Saeful Iskandar. "Jihad dan Anti Kafir dalam Geger Cilegon 1888." Tsaqofah 17, no. 1 (June 28, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/tsaqofah.v19i1.3167.
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Colonial exploitation that occurred in the 19th century in the archipelago. Creating conditions that can encourage people to carry out social movements that are dominated by continuous economic, political and cultural conditions and have led to the disorganization of traditional societies and their institutions. The entry of the Dutch in the 19th century began to cause enormous problems for the people of Banten, because the changes made by the Dutch government changed the system of government created by the Sultanate of Banten. From the traditional government structure switched to the Modern (European) government system. This has a negative impact on the structure of people's lives. Banten Ulama with the spirit of jihad, the spirit of anti-Islam, sometimes even the spirit of Nativism and Revivalism, became the driving force for various social movements that flourished in the 19th century. Throughout the 19th and early 20th centuries this movement was a historical symptom of the indigenous peasant society. Almost all of these social movements occur due to high tax collections and heavy work that puts pressure on farmers. So that in this case, the kiai's leadership in carrying out the movement against the invaders is all based on the same motivation and conditions, namely maintaining aqidah and worship. Against munkar, polytheism and kufr which are carried out in the framework of munkar ma'ruf nahyi deeds. Everything is based on sincerity to fortify Islam from the influence that damages Islamic aqidah, worship and mu'amalah. This is clearly manifested in the history of struggle which was marked by Ulama throughout the archipelago
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Dvorkin, Ihor. "JEWISH POGROMS OF THE LATE 19th – EARLY 20th CENTURY IN CONTEMPORARY UKRAINIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 66–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.9.
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The article analyzes modern tendencies in Ukrainian historiography of XIX – and early XX century Jewish pogroms. General works on the history of Ukraine, special works devoted to anti-Jewish violence, and the study of the similar problems, that has been published in the last two decades, are considered. The general context of works, their sources, previous researches influence, conclusions of which the authors came, etc. are analyzed. Reading the intelligence on the pogroms, we can see, that the pogroms were largely the result of modernization, internal migration, the relocation to Ukraine of workers from the Russian provinces of the Romanov Empire and so on. Pogroms are also viewed in the context of social and revolutionary movements. That is, the violence, according to researchers, led to the emergence of Zionism. Also, Jews were actively involved to the left movement, while falling victim to extreme Russian nationalists and chauvinists - the Black Hundreds. We have special works dedicated to the pogroms of the first and second waves, which, however, are not so many. Their authors find out the causes and consequences of the pogroms, the significance of violence for the Jewish community and Ukrainian-Jewish relations, the attitude of the authorities and society to these acts of violence, and so on. Some Ukrainian historians research the problem of pogroms on various issues. Among them are works on the history of Jews from different regions of Ukraine, communities of individual cities, Ukraine as a whole; the history of the Ukrainian peasantry, the monarchical and Black Hundred movement in Ukraine, the revolutionary events of 1905-1907, migration processes in Ukrainian lands, the formation of modern nations, the life and work of prominent figures and more. The authors conduct full-fledged research using a wide source base, including archival materials, which, however, are often factual in nature. This is a disadvantage, because historians are "captured" by the sources on which they rely. We also have conceptual research that refers to a broad historiography of the problem, including foreign. These works often draw the reader's attention to a broader - the imperial, modernization or migration context. It is important, that researchers see actors of Ukrainian history in the Jewish population. Because of this, they are much less interested in the future of the Jews who left the Ukrainian lands than in the researchers of Jewish history.
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Weismann, Itzchak. "THE POLITICS OF POPULAR RELIGION: SUFIS, SALAFIS, AND MUSLIM BROTHERS IN 20TH-CENTURY HAMAH." International Journal of Middle East Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074380505004x.
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With the advent of the 20th century, Sufism found itself under increasing attack in many parts of the Muslim world. In previous centuries, mystical movements had played a prominent role in the struggle for the revival of Islam and occasionally, where governments were weak or nonexistent, also in actual resistance to European encroachment. In the wake of the increasing consolidation of the state and the spread of Western rationalism, however, Sufis came to be regarded as a major cause of the so-called decline of Islam and an obstacle to its adaptation. In the Arab world, this anti–Sufi feeling was generally associated with the Salafiyya trend. The Salafi call for a return to the example of the forefathers (al-salaf al-**sdotu**āli**hdotu**) amounted to a discrediting of latter-day tradition, which was described as cherishing mystical superstition as well as scholarly stagnation and political quietism. Under the burden of this critique, and as a response to the general expansion of education and literacy, Sufism has been forced to assimilate new ideas and to make room for a new form of organization; the populist Islamic association. These developments culminated in the establishment of the Society of the Muslim Brothers.
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Riy, Grygoriy. "REASONS FOR THE CREATION OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF NATIONS (ABN): EASTERN EUROPEAN AND UKRAINIAN DIMENSIONS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 29 (2021): 149–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.29.20.
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The article is devoted to a relatively poorly studied page in the history of the Ukrainian diaspora, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN), an anti-communist organization of the period of the Cold War. The author identifies the reasons for the emergence and formation of the ABN, which restored its operation on April 16, 1946 in Munich. Later, almost 20 diaspora groups from Eastern Europe and Central Asia were merged into this structure. The author analyzes the reasons for the participation of Eastern European and Ukrainian diasporas in the formation of the bloc. In particular, the author analyzes the materials of already existing studies on various types of anti-communist movements. The article focuses on the fact that the Eastern European anti-communist movement represented by the ABN was primarily anti-Bolshevik and differed from other anti-communist organizations, first of all, in the idea of establishing independent national states after the disintegration of the USSR. Special attention is paid to the role of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera) – OUN(B) in the creation of the concept of joint struggle of enslaved nations. Some other similar Eastern European projects and their cooperation with the ABN, in particular, the Polish emigrant organization ―Prometheus‖ and representatives of the Russian ―White‖ movement, are also considered. The research also emphasizes that the concept of joint struggle of subjugated nations against imperial rule, which emerged in Eastern Europe at the beginning of the 19th century, lasted, respectively, until the 20th century. At the beginning of the Cold War, when anti-communism became an integrative ideology of Western countries, the ABN, led by Yaroslav Stetsko, managed to establish contacts with representatives of Asian and Latin American anti-communist organizations. This allowed them to become part of a transnational anti-communist network. The stages of formation and entry of the ABN into the transnational anti-communist network are determined. Recent researches and publications on the outlined problem are analyzed. The author bases his study on unpublished documents and materials.
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Sadria, Modj-ta-ba. "L’Indonésie : Interactions et conflits idéologiques avant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale." Études internationales 17, no. 1 (April 12, 2005): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701963ar.
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Since the dawn of the 20th century, three ideologies have been constantly interacting in the Indonesian society, namely Islam, Marxism, and nationalism. Each has played a striking role in the evolution of the movement for independence - which led to independence in 1945. And today each of them wonders to what extent it has been responsible for the coup d'État by General Suharto in 1965. Since in the current situation, the relations which exist between these three trends of thought, in many respects, are reminiscent of those which prevailed during the interwar years, a study of that period may shed new light on an important moment of the history of political thought in Indonesia. The question of relations between Islamic, nationalist, and Marxist thought is a prevalent issue in a country where a population of Muslim creed is held in subordination, and where there exist s an important leftist intellectual movement, with or without a significant working class. Through the history of the anti-Dutch nationalist movements, through the rise of various Islamic movements (Pan-Islamism, the moderen, the "laity") and that of the Islamic parties linked to them (Sarekat Dagang Islam, Sarekat Islam), through the expansion of the social-democratic, socialist and communist parties (ISDU - Indian Social Democratic Union ; PKI - Perserikaten Kommunist de India ; Sarekat Rakjat - People's Association), and finally, through Sukarno's efforts to conciliate all these movements with a view to independence, an attempt is made to show that, in the evolution of the nationalist movement in Indonesia, there are two inherent elements, namely the socialist ideology and Islam. In the light of the case of Indonesia, it is therefore tempting to consider religion and politics as being symbiotic ideologies.
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RII, Hryhorii. "TRANSNATIONAL APPROACHES TO STUDYING THE HISTORY OF THE UKRAINIAN LIBERATION MOVEMENT(on the example of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations as part of the transnational anti-communist network) The study analyzes the concepts of «transnationalism»." Contemporary era 10 (2022): 107–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-107-115.
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The study analyzes the concepts of «transnationalism» and transnational approaches to historiography. The concept of «transnational history» is defined, and the difference between it and historical-comparative studies is explored. Also, there are presented the historical development of these concepts and their possible influence on the paradigm shift of historical research in the Ukrainian history of the 20th century. The author determined how using transnational approaches can influence the research of the Ukrainian liberation movement. For instance, the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations (ABN) in 1946 included more than a dozen national emigration organizations. The bloc was initiated by the Bandera wing of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, whose members through decades had developed the ideological doctrine of the unification of the subjugated nations and established contacts with national movements in the Soviet Union during World War II and, after the war ended, among emigrant organizations of Eastern Europe. In contrast, in their home countries, communist regimes were established. The author considered the history of the ABN – the Eastern European anti-communist organization of the Cold War – as part of a transnational anti-communist network. The criteria according to which transnational approaches can be applied to studying the history of ABN are defined. This is, in particular, the use in the ideology of the ABN of transnational concepts of «right of self-determination for nations» and «anti-communism», as well as, activities in the field of International Non-Governmental Organization – INGO. In addition, the author argued that the use of transnational approaches can also be through the historical period in which the bloc operated. It was during the bipolar world ideological confrontation that transnational ideas became widespread and non-governmental organizations gained influence, particularly in the public sector of Western democracies. This allowed the bloc to pursue active public activities among national diasporas in the West, actively using anti-communist slogans and thus appealing to the USSR and communist governments in Eastern Europe. Keywords transnational history, ABN, the Cold War, the Ukrainian liberation movement, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.
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Jurgutienė, Aušra. "Some Comments on the Changes, Contradictions and Connections of Literary Theories in Lithuania." Interlitteraria 25, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/il.2020.25.1.5.
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The paper presents a brief history of literary theories that have been used in Lithuania for the last century (1918–2018). Certain general patterns of development are visible in Lithuanian literary studies: movements from positivist (M. Biržiška) to anti-positivist (V. Mykolaitis-Putinas) history and from Marxist history (K. Korsakas) to postmodern New Historicism. The mid-20th century marked the first applications of modern literary theories (first in exile, later among those who stayed in occupied Lithuania). A. J. Greimas became an eminent theoretician in exile, having established a world-famous school of semiotics in Paris. A large number of Lithuanian scholars worked in this field in Lithuania and abroad (J. Ambrazevičius-Brazaitis, Rimvydas Šilbajoris, Vytautas Kavolis, Bronius Vaškelis, Violeta Kelertienė, Ilona Gražytė-Maziliauskienė, Viktorija Skrupskelytė, Tomas Venclova, Vanda Zaborskaitė, Kęstutis Nastopka, Albertas Zalatorius, Vytautas Kubilius, Viktorija Daujotytė, Irena Kostkevičiūtė), but except for the Greimas Paris School of Semiotics, which created its own field, literary theories had mostly a practical and educational impact on interpretations of Lithuanian disciplines.
After the restoration of Lithuanian independence in 1990, the renewal of literary theory reached its peak that lasted for about two decades. The J. Greimas Semiotics Studies and Research Centre (now the A. J. Greimas Centre for Semiotics and Literary Theory) was established at Vilnius University in 1992, books written by A. J. Greimas were translated into Lithuanian and the publishing of academic journals “Semiotika” and “Baltos lankos” started. The so-called second wave of postmodern theories (intertextuality, narratology, feminism, postcolonialism, sociology, anthropology, new historicism deconstruc tion, reader response) has attracted the attention of literary scholars, bringing discussions about literature back to the fields of history, culture and politics (Nijolė Keršytė, Paulius Subačius, Irina Melnikova, Marijus Šidlauskas, Birutė Meržvinskaitė, Eugenijus Ališanka). Theories have updated the concepts and vocabulary of literary studies and reading strategies and helped literary scholars integrate themselves into international research more successfully. Along with the hermeneutics of trust, the hermeneutics of suspicion – questioning and complicating interpretations and identities of all texts, was taking an increasingly important place in Lithuanian literary research. Nevertheless, at this time the strengthened position of post-theoretical criticism cannot be anti-theoretical, ignoring the entire heritage of the 20th century.
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Paladin, Nicola. "Modes and Moves of Protest." Review of International American Studies 12, no. 2 (December 23, 2019): 103–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7376.
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The role of mass protest has been recurrently central yet controversial in the American culture. Central because American history presents a constellation of significant collective protest movements, very different among them but generally symptomatic of a contrast between the people and the state: from the 1775 Boston Massacre and the 1787 Shays’s Rebellion, to the 1863 Draft Riots, but also considering the 1917 Houston Riot or anti-Vietnam war pacifist protests. Controversial, since despite—or because of—its historical persistence, American mass protest has generated a media bias which labelled mobs and crowds as a disruptive popular expression, thus constructing an opposition—practical and rhetorical—between popular subversive tensions, and the so-called middle class “conservative” and self-preserving struggle. During the 20th century, this scenario was significantly influenced by 1968. “The sixties [we]re not fictional”, Stephen King claims in Hearts of Atlantis (1999), in fact “they actually happened”, and had a strong impact on the American culture of protest to the point that their legacy has spread into the post 9/11 era manifestations of dissent. Yet, in the light of this evolution, I believe the very perception of protesting crowds has transformed, producing a narrative in which collectivity functions both as “perpetrator” and “victim”, unlike in the traditional dichotomy. Hence, my purpose is to demonstrate the emergence of this new and historically peculiar connotation of crowds and mobs in America as a result of recent reinterpretations of the history and practice of protest in the 1960s, namely re-thinking the tropes of protest movements of those years, and relocating them in contemporary forms of protest. For this reason, I will concentrate on Nathan Hill’s recent novel, The Nix (2016), and focus on the constant dialogue it establishes between the 1968 modes of protest and the Occupy movement.
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Ayaz, Sammar, Saiqa Sidique Khan, and Qazi Haroon Ahmed. "ANALYZING KAMILA SHAMSIE’S A GOD IN EVERY STONE: COLONIALISM AND RESISTANCE." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 05, no. 01 (March 31, 2023): 247–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v5i01.1000.
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Colonialism has been in practice from the ancient times and the suffrage of the people on the part of being colonised is a frequently disscussed notion. Colonialism is the settlement and political control over the other nation or country, in which the colonised are “defeated and conquered, exploited and humiliated” by the colonizers (Cahen, 2012). Colonialism was not the same phenomenon in different times of the world but everywhere it brought the natives and the settlers into most complicated and traumatic relationships leading to the massacres and extinction of certain races. The colonisers try to eradicate the native culture, but it seems that the culture of the colonised society is “frozen” in time because it contains the same culture as it was before colonisation (Liz, 2013). If there is Colonialism consequently there will be a response against those colonial exploitations in the form of anti-Colonialism. Anti-Colonialism is the framework of the oppressed, it is a theory that appears from the very beginning in the understanding of local people and their experiences in the context of colonial oppressions (Simmons, & Dei, 2012). The colonised have to fight for them in order to save their traditions, culture and social norms. Anti-Colonialism is the response given to colonial subjugations and victimisations. It is the movement which empowered the colonised people to gain independence from the colonial masters. Anti-Colonialism heightens the necessity to throw out colonial control and re-establish the native governments. In the second half of the 20th century anti-Colonialism was expressed in terms of liberty. Kwame Nkrumah said that “Never before in history has such a sweeping fervorfor freedom expressed itself in great mass movements which are driving down the bastions of empire” (Nkrumah, 1970). This qualitative study discusses colonial practices regarding the control of colonised and the machinery of colonised i.e. social, political, religious, economical and others. Colonialism comes with its reaction that is Anti-colonialism that questions the hegemonies of colonials against colonised. This study specifically focuses on A God in Every Stone by Kamila Shamsie.
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Previato, Tommaso. "Jihad o rivoluzione? Percorsi martirologici ed escatologia politica nell’Islam cinese." Annali Sezione Orientale 82, no. 1-2 (September 5, 2022): 106–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24685631-12340130.
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Abstract Messianic Islam and socialism are often contrasted as either fighting each other or joining their forces against colonialism. If in late imperial China the Islamic legal duty of jihād (lit. struggle) was a byproduct of anti-dynastic uprisings by means of which reformist movements—linked to alienated offshoots of Naqshbandiyya Sufism—sought to legitimate religiously-based violence against the Qing state, during the country’s transition toward a republican system of government such duty became aligned with the state-driven program of nation-building and Chinese-distinctive brand of socialism. By so doing, the jihad added momentum to the Xinhai Revolution initiated by Sun Yat-sen, and its military ideology amalgamated with Sun’s political philosophy which was eventually remoulded by Muslim progressive circles within the Kuomintang or close to Mao Tse-tung’s Red Army and the soviet-style regime installed in Yan’an. Based on the analysis of hagiographical materials and periodicals of the first half of the 20th century, the paper sheds light on this critical juncture in the history of modern China that saw statesmen, revolutionary leaders, and religious élites validate jihad and discourses of pan-Islamic solidarity in a combined effort to boost national unity among ethnic minorities and armed resistance to foreign aggression.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Anti-imperialist movements – History – 20th century"
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Fischer, Nick 1972. "The savage within : anti-communism, anti-democracy and authoritarianism in the United States and Australia, 1917-1935." Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9124.
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Bynum, Katherine E. "Weeding Out the Undesirables: the Red Scare in Texas Higher Education, 1936-1958." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699918/.
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When the national Democratic Party began to transform to progressive era politics because of the New Deal, conservative reactionaries turned against the social welfare programs and used red scare tactics to discredit liberal and progressive New Deal Democrat professors in higher education. This process continued during the Second World War, when the conservatives in Texas lumped fascism and communism in order to anchor support and fire and threaten professors and administrators for advocating or teaching “subversive doctrine.” In 1948 Texas joined other southern states and followed the Dixiecrat movement designed to return the Democratic Party to its original pro-business and segregationist philosophy. Conservatives who wanted to bolster their Cold Warrior status in Texas also played upon the fears of spreading communism during the Cold War, and passed several repressive laws intended to silence unruly students and entrap professors by claiming they advocated communist doctrine. The fight culminated during the Civil Rights movement, when conservatives in the state attributed subversive or communist behavior to civil rights organizations, and targeted higher education to protect segregated universities. In order to return the national Democratic Party to the pro-business, segregationist philosophy established at the early twentieth century, conservatives used redbaiting tactics to thwart the progressivism in the state’s higher education facilities.
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Wong, Yuet-sheung Candes, and 黃月嫦. "The role of Zhang Wenkai (1871-1931) in the Anti-Christian Movement in the 1920s." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1997. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31951776.
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POTÌ, Giorgio. "Imperial violence, anti-colonial nationalism and international society : the politics of revolt across Mediterranean empires, 1919–1927." Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/43865.
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Defence date: 4 November 2016Examining Board: Professor Federico Romero, European University Institute (Supervisor) ; Professor Corinna Unger, European University Institute ; Professor Davide Rodogno, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva ; Professor Andrew Arsan, University of Cambridge
This thesis explores the reconfiguration of colonial empires in the interwar years through four cases of anti-colonial nationalist insurrection and imperial repression from the British, French and Spanish Middle East: the Egyptian Revolution of 1919, the Iraqi revolt of the following year, the Rif War in Morocco (1921–26), and the Great Syrian Revolt (1925). Scholars have alternatively portrayed the years between the World Wars—and especially the 1920s—as the era of nationalism, the apogee of European imperialism and the age of internationalism. This thesis investigates four short circuits among the three forces, by comparing the selected cases along two main lines. First of all, my preoccupation has been to trace their international resonance throughout the public debate of the metropolitan powers and the League of Nations bodies. Furthermore, I have attempted to assess whether and how, in each case, this international resonance shaped the policy of the imperial powers. Recently, Erez Manela and Robert Gerwath have portrayed the ‘long’ Great War as the inauguration of a process of imperial decline eventually leading to decolonization. The general picture of Middle Eastern events resulting from my case-studies is rather that of a ‘war of adjustment’ of the Euro-Mediterranean imperial complex lasting from the opening of the Paris Conference up to the ‘pacification’ of the Moroccan and Syrian theaters. Anxious about the preservation of their imperial status and pressed by war-exhausted and public-spending-intolerant national opinions, the European powers employed unrestrained military force to annihilate rebellions as quickly and definitively as possible. Metropolitan authorities accepted negotiations with indigenous elites only when facing the reoccurrence of insurgency—like in Egypt, out of a recalculation of costs and benefits—like in Iraq, or under international pressure—like in Syria. Conversely, although insurgent violence reached impressive peaks of brutality, especially in Morocco, Middle Eastern nationalist ‘agitators’ conceived of armed insurrection in a fully Clausewitzan way, that is, as part of a broader political strategy. Their infatuation with internationalist ideologies or the faith in ‘third’ international institutions never mislead anti-colonial elites up to the point of believing that they could get rid of European control on a complete and permanent basis. Instead, Sa‘ad Zaghloul and his neighbor ‘homologous’ exploited insurgency in combination with international claim-making and appeals to metropolitan public opinions as part a comprehensive effort to force imperial governments to negotiations and reshape colonial rule on more collaborative and progressive bases. In sum, alongside and in strict interaction with petitioning, ‘revolting’ became a way of life of post-1919 colonial subjects.
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Greyling, Carolien Lucia. "From apartheid to democracy: the emergence of ultraconservatives in Ermelo 1960-1994." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24535.
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Thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Masters in History at the University of the Witwatersrand Johannesburg, South Africa 2017This dissertation examines and explains the underlying social, ideological and economic reasons why the white population of Ermelo gravitated to a politics of the extreme in the years 1960-1994. In contrast to commonly held views that the growth of ultraconservatism correlates neatly with economic trends this dissertation argues that ultraconservatism in Ermelo emerged due to varying complex and at times contradictory reasons. By examining white society at the time of conquest in the 1860s, it is argued that whites in this area formed racist views from the time of settlement as the commercial success of their newly acquired farmland was dependant on the exploitation of cheap black labour. The focus of this study is however, on the emergence of new ultraconservative political parties from the late 1960s to the early 1990s which formed in reaction to National Party and local political dynamics. It is argued that the bedrock of conservative views was moulded during the time of initial settlement, however, for various reasons throughout the years these views were held and propagated. This study is a local history of ultraconservatism in Ermelo and illuminates particularities in the town’s white politics within the context of profound changes in Afrikaner politics nationally. White working-class workers and farmers supported ultraconservatives while white business people supported the NP and their politics of reform. This dissertation made use of public and private archives as well as life history interviews with various long-time residents of the town. It is argued that although capitalism was the main motivator for ultraconservative views and politics in the mid 1800s, it was also capitalism that brought about reform and created a platform for negotiation in the 1990s when ultraconservative political parties threatened the peaceful transition into a democratic South Africa.
XL2018
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Moe, Jeffrey Donald. "The perfect storm : violence in Qasim Era Iraq, 1958-1963." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3312.
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This thesis explores new ideas for the foundations for state violence in Iraq by looking specifically at the outbreaks of spectacular violence during the Qasim Era (1958-1963). In order to frame the discussion, this study looks first at how the British established a model for state violence during the Monarchy period (1921-1958), which eventually both validated and radicalized the opposition parties. The second chapter examines the violence of the everyday in Iraq, and how the spectacular violence of the Qasim Era finds historical context within everyday violence and ritual. In the final chapter, this thesis discusses how the radicalized violence of the opposition parties melded with the violence of the everyday to create spectacular acts of ritualized violence. After the coup d’état of 8 February 1963, the Ba’ath Party institutionalized this radical new brand of violence, creating a foundation for the state violence to come under Saddam Hussein. This violence was experienced only by the Iraqi Communists at first, but was later experienced by the whole nation.text
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Caplan, Michael M. A. "Coercion and dissent : case studies in McCarthyism in the USA, 1953." Diss., 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/1642.
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Poletika, Nicole Marie. ""Wake up! Sign up! Look up!" : organizing and redefining civil defense through the Ground Observer Corps, 1949-1959." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4081.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.
Books on the topic "Anti-imperialist movements – History – 20th century"
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Colloque international sur la résistance armée en Tunisie aux XIX. et XX. siècles (7th 1993 Tunis, Tunisia). Aʻmāl al-Nadwah al-Dawlīyah al-Sābiʻah ḥawla al-Muqāwamah al-Musallaḥah fī Tūnis fī al-Qarnayn al-Tāsiʻ ʻAshar wa-al-ʻIshrīn: Al-munʻaqidah ayyām 18 wa-19 wa-20 Nūfimbir, 1993 ... Tunis: Jāmiʻat Tūnis al-Ūlá, al-Maʻhad al-Aʻlá li-Tārīkh al-Ḥarakah al-Waṭanīyah, 1995.
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Affective communities: Anticolonial thought, fin de siecle radicalism, and the politics of friendship. Durham [N.C.]: Duke University Press, 2006.
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La Caporetto del fascismo: Sarzana, 21 luglio 1921. Milano: Mursia, 2011.
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Anti-fascism in Britain. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave, 2000.
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Varieties of anti-fascism: Britain in the inter-war period. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
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Canada's red scare: 1945-1957. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 2001.
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Africa's "agitators". New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
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Kurokawa, Shūji. Akagari jidai no Beikoku daigaku: Ososugita meiyo kaifuku. Tōkyō: Chūō Kōronsha, 1994.
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David, MacKenzie. Canada's red scare: 1945-1957. Ottawa: Canadian Historical Association, 2001.
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A clutch of reds and diamonds: A twentieth century odyssey. Boulder: East European Monographs, 1996.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Anti-imperialist movements – History – 20th century"
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Mehta, Uday Singh. "The Social Question and the Problem of History after Empire." In Lineages of Empire. British Academy, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264393.003.0002.
Full textAbstract:
Decolonization of the European empires in the twentieth century was spurred by the colonized based on two purposes: the desire for independence, and the desire to build a sovereign political identity. The most obvious feature of the first intention was the formation of anti-imperialist movements, organised under the banner ‘they must leave’. The latter was characterized by the establishment of constitutional government, which highlighted the identity of a novice country in a political and unified form and which featured a central source of power. These two purposes share a complex relationship. For power to be sovereign, independence must be gained first. Power cannot be obligated to the wishes of another power or constrained by the laws of another regime. The struggle for independence of European empires did not readily create the conditions for the exercise of a sovereign power. It was elusive at the moment of independence. This chapter discusses some of the implications of these two purposes, with emphasis on the second purpose and the Indian experience. It addresses questions such as: what is the meaning of collective identity to those newly independent countries in the context of politics; what were the pressures on the claims to political identity and unity; how did these pressures encourage a revolutionary mindset in the conceptualization of constitutional provisions and political power; and how does the struggle for political identity relate to the history of nation and its struggle for independence?