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Journal articles on the topic 'Anthropology of policy'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 21 February 2023

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1

Wright, Susan. "Anthropology of Policy." Anthropology News 47, no. 8 (November 2006): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/an.2006.47.8.22.

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2

Everett, Margaret. "The Real World: Teaching Anthropology as if it Mattered." Practicing Anthropology 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.20.1.8l2260547841j844.

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In James Peacock's 1995 address on the future of anthropology given at the AAA meetings in Washington, D.C., he spoke persuasively about the discipline's need to move "beyond the academy" and warned that in order for anthropology to flourish, "we must press outward" ("The Future of Anthropology," American Anthropologist 99(1): 9-29, 1997). Efforts to broaden anthropology's contribution to society "beyond the academy" are already under way, as Human Organization, this publication, and this column, in particular, attest. Specifically, renewed interest in public policy reflects the growing conviction that anthropologists' work today needs to be more relevant to decision-making. Applied anthropologists often express frustration at their lack of influence in decision-making processes. Again, as Peacock argues, "Applied anthropology is often a mop-up operation, identifying and solving problems caused by bad policy. Instead, anthropology must move to shaping policy." Efforts through the AAA, SfAA, and elsewhere suggest a turning point for applied anthropology and the discipline in general.
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3

Wedel, Janine. "Anthropology of Public Policy." Anthropology News 49, no. 7 (October 2008): 22–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.2008.49.7.22.1.

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4

Merlan, Francesca. "Anthropology and Policy-Preparedness." Asia Pacific Journal of Anthropology 14, no. 4 (August 2013): 323–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14442213.2013.804869.

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5

Haines, David. "Migration, Policy, and Anthropology." International Migration 51, no. 2 (March 21, 2013): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imig.12080.

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6

Heyman, Josiah, Evelyn Caballero, and Alaka Wali. "Public Policy and World Anthropologies." Practicing Anthropology 28, no. 4 (September 1, 2006): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.28.4.r640952gp3747x53.

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Anthropology has long been involved with public policy, both in its formulation and its implementation, though often we have ignored our direct and indirect involvement. The historiography of anthropology and power has focused mainly on three core nations, Great Britain, France, and the United States (see Asad 1973, Hymes 1972, and Vincent 1990). Other parts of the world appear in these accounts as colonial possessions, or not at all. Attention is now turning to the many, diverse national traditions in anthropology, including both scholarly and applied anthropology (Baba and Hill 1997, Hill and Baba 2006, Ribeiro and Escobar 2006). This special set of papers in Practicing Anthropology is a modest contribution in this direction, examining the interactions of anthropology and public policy in three national settings: Peru, the Philippines, and Mexico.
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7

Bailey, F. G., Ralph Grillo, and Alan Rew. "Social Anthropology and Development Policy." Anthropological Quarterly 60, no. 2 (April 1987): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3318000.

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8

Fontaine, Jean La. "Anthropology in Policy and Practice." Anthropology Today 2, no. 1 (February 1986): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3032907.

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9

Pajo, Judi, and Theodore Powers. "The Anthropology of Policy Emerges." Anthropology News 58, no. 4 (July 2017): e307-e310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.526.

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10

Apthorpe, Raymond. "Policy anthropology as expert witness." Social Anthropology 4, no. 2 (January 24, 2007): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.1996.tb00323.x.

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11

Hamann, Edmund T., and U. Brown. "Anthropology and Federal Education Policy." Anthropology News 43, no. 3 (March 2002): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.2002.43.3.28.

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12

Mair, Lucy, Ralph Grillo, and Alan Rew. "Social Anthropology and Development Policy." Man 21, no. 3 (September 1986): 566. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2803134.

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13

Anglin, Mary K. "Policy, praxis, and medical anthropology." Social Science & Medicine 44, no. 9 (May 1997): 1367–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-9536(96)00322-x.

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14

Borneman, John. "American Anthropology as Foreign Policy." American Anthropologist 97, no. 4 (October 28, 2009): 663–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1995.97.4.02a00080.

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15

Stapp, Darby. "The Real World: Operationalizing Anthropology." Practicing Anthropology 21, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 50–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.21.1.v2n48t74400p3034.

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Most applied anthropologists will agree that our field should have a greater voice in national and international policy making. But suppose we woke up one day and were invited to every policy making group working in Congress or the United Nations. Could we contribute in a meaningful way? In anthropology's century of existence we have collected reams of data, generated much information, and certainly produced knowledge in numerous areas. But have we been able to use this data, information, and knowledge to offer wisdom to society? In some cases we have (e.g., see the AAA Website on race [http://www.ameranthassn.org/govafar.htm]). But I think we all would agree that anthropology has not reached its potential to influence the development and implementation of policy.
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16

Mosse, David. "International policy, development expertise, and anthropology." Focaal 2008, no. 52 (December 1, 2008): 119–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2008.520108.

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This forum article has two parts. In the first, I make some observations about policy knowledge in international development and the ways in which it has become the subject of anthropological study. In the second, I reflect on the relationship between anthropological knowledge and the development world that it describes, asking, “what’s the use of anthropology to inter- national development?”
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17

Jamieson, Mark. "Exploratory Workshop on Anthropology and Policy." Anthropology Today 15, no. 3 (June 1999): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2678282.

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18

Charnley, Susan, and William H. Durham. "Anthropology and Environmental Policy: What Counts?" American Anthropologist 112, no. 3 (August 23, 2010): 397–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2010.01248.x.

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19

Wedel, Janine R., and Gregory Feldman. "Why an anthropology of public policy?" Anthropology Today 21, no. 1 (February 2005): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0268-540x.2005.00321.x.

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20

Goldschmidt, Walter. "Anthropology and Public Policy: A Dialogue." Anthropology News 27, no. 9 (December 1986): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.1986.27.9.12.8.

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21

Tate, Winifred. "Anthropology of Policy: Tensions, Temporalities, Possibilities." Annual Review of Anthropology 49, no. 1 (October 21, 2020): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-anthro-010220-074250.

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As complex institutions extend into and govern greater spheres of social life, ethnographers contend with policy in an ever-widening range of fieldsites. This review examines anthropology of policy as an emerging subfield of political anthropology, focusing on policy making as central to contemporary governance in English-language ethnographies. Broadening the analytical field in the study of policy to include the targets of policy and their allies is one of the central contributions of an anthropological approach to policy making. Anthropological studies of policy production, implementation, and effects face significant methodological and ethical challenges. Scholarly debates in the United States and Europe continue to erupt over the production of scholarship intended to inform policy making, including the co-option of ethnography. While turning the anthropological gaze on powerful political actors could contribute to decolonization efforts within the discipline, ethically adopting ethnographic research into policy making requires complex alliances with communities targeted by policy.
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22

Wedel, Janine R., Cris Shore, Gregory Feldman, and Stacy Lathrop. "Toward an Anthropology of Public Policy." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 600, no. 1 (July 2005): 30–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716205276734.

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23

Greenhalgh, Susan. "Anthropology of China's One-Child Policy." Anthropology News 47, no. 9 (December 2006): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/an.2006.47.9.25.

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24

McCay, Bonnie J. "Fisherwomen, fisheries policy, and maritime anthropology." Reviews in Anthropology 22, no. 2 (June 1993): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1993.9978054.

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25

Worl, Rosita. "Tribal Anthropology in Public Policy Formation." Anthropology News 51, no. 3 (March 2010): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1556-3502.2010.51326.x.

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26

Winthrop, Rob. "The Real World Policy is a Verb." Practicing Anthropology 24, no. 4 (September 1, 2002): 51–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.24.4.430x6467155743mr.

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This will be my last column. I began the effort five years ago, convinced that anthropologists and anthropology students could use another voice encouraging them to apply their knowledge to the world of public policy. I did so with the blessings of Sandy Ervin, PA's masterful editor, to whom I owe much. As Sandy will complete his tenure as editor of Practicing Anthropology effective with this issue, the occasion seemed an appropriate time to strike my own colors as well, with the hope that others may take up the cause, in the pages of Practicing Anthropology and elsewhere.
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27

Greabell, Lynne. "Negotiating a Professional Role in Public Policy." Practicing Anthropology 19, no. 2 (April 1, 1997): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.19.2.qn111tj250724647.

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This article will discuss the professional role I have been establishing as an applied anthropologist practicing with a master's degree. The status of masters-level applied anthropologists is particularly salient given the forum on elitism in anthropology in a recent Practicing Anthropology (Vol. 17, no. 1-2, 1995) highlighting the challenges faced by applied anthropologists in general.
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28

Hess, Fred. "Policy Alteration through Outside Research: Practicing Anthropology." City Society 1, no. 2 (December 1987): 185–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/city.1987.1.2.185.

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29

Okongwu, Anne Francis, and Joan P. Mencher. "The Anthropology of Public Policy: Shifting Terrains." Annual Review of Anthropology 29, no. 1 (October 21, 2000): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.29.1.107.

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30

Hanson, Karen J. "Anthropology and Policy in Social Services Administration." NAPA Bulletin 5, no. 1 (January 8, 2008): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/napa.1988.5.1.28.

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31

Mahapatra, L. K. "Anthropology in Policy and Practice in India." National Association for the Practice of Anthropology Bulletin 25, no. 1 (May 2006): 052–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/napa.2006.25.1.052.

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32

Mahapatra, L. K. "Anthropology in Policy and Practice in India." NAPA Bulletin 25, no. 1 (January 8, 2008): 52–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/napa.2006.25.1.52.

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33

Greenfield, Sidney M. "Nature/nurture and the anthropology of Franz Boas and Margaret Mead as an agenda for revolutionary politics." Horizontes Antropológicos 7, no. 16 (December 2001): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-71832001000200003.

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There is much more involved in the nature/nurture debate than an abstract theoretical disagreement among dispassionate scientists. Each side of the debate leads logically to significantly different views of the social order and holds different implications for social policy. In this paper I shall argue that Boas' Anthropology with its emphasis on cultural relativism was as much a social and political agenda as it was a scientific theory. The positions on public policy issues he opposed were informed (and rationalized) by what its advocates claimed to be science. To be able to counter the discriminatory policy proposals that followed from this science, it was necessary for Boas both to challenge its validity and then replace it with an alternative that would support a more liberal political agenda. This chapter of anthropology's history gains relevance in today's context as neoevolutionary, reductionist theories once more provide "scientific" support for conservative, separatist and often discriminatory social policies.
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34

Winthrop, Rob. "The Real World: Words and Things." Practicing Anthropology 21, no. 4 (September 1, 1999): 42–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.21.4.v54524837hm54468.

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The dysfunctional family that is American anthropology muddles on. A case in point: a much publicized forum on "public interest anthropology" at the 1998 American Anthropological Association meetings, concerned with demonstrating how anthropology can make a contribution to significant national policy debates, managed to avoid any reference whatsoever to applied anthropology. When challenged about this omission, one panelist explained helpfully that applied anthropologists, being of necessity "supplicants" in the marketplace, lacked the independence needed to play a useful role in policy debates. One might have thought that his applied colleagues-having spent their careers in work shaped by policy decisions—would be in a good position to comment on matters of public policy, but apparently not.
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35

Shore, Cris, and Susana Durão. "From a political anthropology to an anthropology of policy: interview with Cris Shore." Etnografica, no. 14 (3) (October 1, 2010): 595–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/etnografica.220.

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36

Børsen, Tom. "Post-Normal Techno-Anthropology." Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 19, no. 2 (2015): 233–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/techne20159937.

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This paper identifies, explains, and illustrates the meaning of Post-Normal Techno-Anthropology as a two-step methodological strategy for analyzing policy-relevant scientific dissent in different segments of science, techno-science, and technological innovation. The first step focuses on epistemological and ethical analyses of the dissenting parties’ positions, and identifies conflicting arguments and assumptions on different levels. The second step involves scholarly discussions on how the analyses of policy-relevant scientific dissent can inform decision-makers and science advisors’ phronetic judgments. Dissenting views on climate change of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and the Nongovernmental International Panel on Climate Change is used as an illustrative example.
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37

Spray, Julie. "The Value of Anthropology in Child Health Policy." Anthropology in Action 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2018): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/aia.2018.250104.

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AbstractWorking at the nexus of medical anthropology and the anthropology of childhood, this article challenges three assumptions often embedded in child health policy: (1) children are the passive recipients of healthcare; (2) children’s knowledge of illness and their body can be assumed based on adult understandings; and (3) children’s healthcare can be isolated from their social relations. I explore these themes through the case study of a 2011 New Zealand government initiative to reduce the rates of rheumatic fever affecting low-income Māori and Pasifika children. Drawing on fieldwork with around 80 children at an Auckland primary school, I show how the ‘sore throat’ programme does not merely treat streptococcus A infections, but plays an active role in constituting children’s experiences and understandings of their bodies and illness, and in shaping healthcare practices in ways unintended by policy-makers.
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38

Lambertus, Sandra. "Redressing the Rebel Indian Stereotype: Anthropology and Media Policy." Practicing Anthropology 23, no. 2 (April 1, 2001): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.23.2.57r74t6t63265w23.

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I have recently completed a research project that examined the media coverage of the 1995 Gustafsen Lake standoff in British Columbia. This standoff marked the largest Royal Canadain Mounted Police (RCMP) operation in the history of Canada—and the top national news story for nearly a month. The resolution of the conflict did not alter the British Columbia treaty process, or result in changes of ownership of contested land. However, the media coverage was extreme in its misinformation about the conflict and the characterizations of the people involved. In order to make policy recommendations I had to get "insider knowledge" of the media event. I did this by tracing the media processes and their relations with their most important source of information during the event, the RCMP.
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39

Abdullah, Irwan. "Misrepresentation of Science and Expertise: Reflecting on Half a Century of Indonesian Anthropology." Jurnal Humaniora 30, no. 1 (February 24, 2018): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.33429.

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Indonesian anthropology was founded in 1957 and developed since then in various universities. After more than fifty years of inhabiting these lecture halls, anthropology’s orientation as a science has transformed from a discipline that bestows on graduates the ability to think into one in which graduates are prepared for a career of conductingfield research ordered by others. This article reflects on the shifts that have occurred in anthropology, focusing on three of the field’s central figures in Indonesia: Koentjaraningrat, Masri Singarimbun, and Parsudi Suparlan. During the lives of these three pioneers, anthropology playeda central role in critically evaluating humanitarian projects, and as such anthropologists frequently served to protect the weak and marginal. Anthropologists were on the frontlines of every discussion regarding the future of the nation, enabling anthropological perspectives to be accommodated in policy. Today, anthropologists seem locked into their own academic spaces. The results of anthropological field research are often said to provide unique and interesting—but irrelevant—stories. This article recommends a fundamental transformation in the curriculum, allowing the politics of science to be reconsidered and reformulated to ensure anthropology maintains a central role in resolving future humanitarian problems.
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40

Abdullah, Irwan. "Misrepresentation of Science and Expertise: Reflecting on Half a Century of Indonesian Anthropology." Jurnal Humaniora 30, no. 1 (February 24, 2018): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.v30i1.33429.

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Indonesian anthropology was founded in 1957 and developed since then in various universities. After more than fifty years of inhabiting these lecture halls, anthropology’s orientation as a science has transformed from a discipline that bestows on graduates the ability to think into one in which graduates are prepared for a career of conductingfield research ordered by others. This article reflects on the shifts that have occurred in anthropology, focusing on three of the field’s central figures in Indonesia: Koentjaraningrat, Masri Singarimbun, and Parsudi Suparlan. During the lives of these three pioneers, anthropology playeda central role in critically evaluating humanitarian projects, and as such anthropologists frequently served to protect the weak and marginal. Anthropologists were on the frontlines of every discussion regarding the future of the nation, enabling anthropological perspectives to be accommodated in policy. Today, anthropologists seem locked into their own academic spaces. The results of anthropological field research are often said to provide unique and interesting—but irrelevant—stories. This article recommends a fundamental transformation in the curriculum, allowing the politics of science to be reconsidered and reformulated to ensure anthropology maintains a central role in resolving future humanitarian problems.
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41

Silverman, Marilyn, Hastings Donnan, and Graham McFarlane. "Social Anthropology and Public Policy in Northern Ireland." Anthropologica 34, no. 1 (1992): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25605641.

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42

Thorsett, Edvard. "Applying visual anthropology: Ethnographic video and policy ethnography." Visual Sociology 4, no. 2 (March 1989): 91–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14725868908583641.

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43

MCDONALD, MARYON. "EU policy and destiny: A challenge for anthropology." Anthropology Today 21, no. 1 (February 2005): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0268-540x.2005.00322.x.

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44

BRENNEIS, DON. "Policy, pedagogy and possibility: Mapping European social anthropology." Social Anthropology 15, no. 1 (May 21, 2007): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.2007.00003.x.

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45

Horton, Sarah, and Louise Lamphere. "A Call to an Anthropology of Health Policy." Anthropology News 47, no. 1 (January 2006): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/an.2006.47.1.33.

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46

Hudson, Peter, Noel Dyck, and James B. Waldram. "Anthropology, Public Policy, and Native Peoples in Canada." Canadian Public Policy / Analyse de Politiques 20, no. 2 (June 1994): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3552123.

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47

Dunk, Thomas W., Noel Dyck, and James B. Waldram. "Anthropology, Public Policy and Native Peoples in Canada." Man 29, no. 3 (September 1994): 736. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2804377.

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48

Angrosino, Michael V. "Medical anthropology and the analysis of health policy." Reviews in Anthropology 18, no. 1-4 (March 1991): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988157.1991.9977940.

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49

Baba, Marietta L. "Anthropology and Transnational Migration: A Focus on Policy." International Migration 51, no. 2 (March 21, 2013): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/imig.12083.

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50

Price, Charles. "Commentary: Using the Conference to Inform Public Awareness and Public Policy." Practicing Anthropology 29, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 36–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.29.2.9q8n8j3370735204.

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Organizing an issue-focused conference is one way that anthropologists can draw attention and resources toward issues of public relevance, and even influence policy formation. This conference format allows the anthropologist to simultaneously work "behind-the-scenes" and be "public." The activities involved in organizing such a conference are as important as the outcomes, such as giving important roles in the conference to people affected by the issue(s) being examined. Anthropologists should be comfortable knowing that practicing public anthropology does not have to mean that anthropology is foregrounded or that ethnography is the centerpiece. By working on issues of public and policy relevance individual anthropologists contribute to building public anthropology.
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