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Journal articles on the topic 'Anthropological theory'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 2 February 2022

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1

Spencer, Paul, D. Kertzer, and J. Keith. "Age and Anthropological Theory." Man 20, no. 4 (December 1985): 766. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802787.

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2

HASTRUP, KIRSTEN. "Anthropological theory as practice." Social Anthropology 4, no. 1 (February 1996): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-8676.1996.tb00315.x.

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3

Dussart, Francoise. "Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory.:Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory." American Anthropologist 102, no. 4 (December 2000): 938–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2000.102.4.938.

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4

Hanson, F. Allan, and Stanley R. Barrett. "The Rebirth of Anthropological Theory." Man 20, no. 2 (June 1985): 356. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2802402.

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5

Moore, Sally Falk, and Stanley R. Barrett. "The Rebirth of Anthropological Theory." Contemporary Sociology 14, no. 4 (July 1985): 521. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069234.

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6

Hastrup, Kirsten. "The Dynamics of Anthropological Theory." Cultural Dynamics 9, no. 3 (November 1997): 351–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092137409700900305.

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7

Powers, Willow Roberts. "A history of anthropological theory." Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 35, no. 2 (1999): 184–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/(sici)1520-6696(199921)35:2<184::aid-jhbs7>3.0.co;2-3.

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8

Wilson, Ruth. "The Role of Anthropologists as Short-Term Consultants." Human Organization 57, no. 2 (June 1, 1998): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/humo.57.2.um741790311v5041.

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Since the 1970s, the opportunities for anthropologists to work as short-term consultants for governmental and nongovernmental agencies have expanded rapidly. This paper compares the short-term consultancy to traditional anthropologic fieldwork and examines how applied anthropologists have responded to these expanding opportunities in the area of international health. Discussed are the use and application of anthropological theory, traditional anthropological approaches to fieldwork, and power relations between short-term consultants and in-country counterparts.
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9

Takaragawa, Stephanie. "Art and Agency An Anthropological Theory:Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory." Visual Anthropology Review 14, no. 2 (September 1998): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/var.1998.14.2.101.

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10

Boroch, R. "ANTHROPOLOGICAL THEORY OF CULTURE – RESEARCH REPORT." Tomsk Journal of Linguistics and Anthropology, no. 2 (2018): 120–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.23951/2307-6119-2018-2-120-126.

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11

Jamieson, Mark, and Alfred Gell. "Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 5, no. 4 (December 1999): 672. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2661201.

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12

Michalski, Rafał. "Arnold Gehlen’s Anthropological Theory of Institution." Dialogue and Universalism 28, no. 4 (2018): 177–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du201828462.

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13

Lewis, Herbert S. "Anthropological Theory Today. Henrietta L. Moore." Journal of Anthropological Research 57, no. 2 (July 2001): 229–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.57.2.3631574.

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14

Rumsey, Alan. "Ethnographic Macro-Tropes and Anthropological Theory." Anthropological Theory 4, no. 3 (September 2004): 267–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499604045565.

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15

Ellen, Roy. "Theories in anthropology and ‘anthropological theory’." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 16, no. 2 (June 2010): 387–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2010.01631.x.

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16

Hamada, Tomoko. "Anthropological Praxis: Theory of Business Organization." NAPA Bulletin 18, no. 1 (January 8, 2008): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/napa.2000.18.1.79.

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17

Peterson, Karin E., and Alfred Gell. "Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory." Contemporary Sociology 29, no. 2 (March 2000): 390. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2654428.

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18

Barcelos Neto, Aristóteles. "Art and Agency: an Anthropological Theory." Cadernos de Campo (São Paulo, 1991) 11, no. 11 (March 30, 2003): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9133.v11i11p147-151.

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19

KITNER, KATHI, and JAMIE SHERMAN. "Anthropological Theory for Ethnography in Business." Ethnographic Praxis in Industry Conference Proceedings 2016, no. 1 (November 2016): 555–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1559-8918.2016.01129.

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20

Cerroni-Long, E. L. "Anthropological theory and ethnicity: further assessment." Human Evolution 12, no. 1-2 (January 1997): 59–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02437379.

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21

Jędrczak, Stanisław. "Responsibility – an Anthropological Outline." Studia Iuridica 82 (March 2, 2020): 131–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.9615.

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In the article, I try to present an outline of the theory of responsibility. Its double root – based on the logical distinction between criterion and testimony – is derived from Abelard’s anthropology of action and the theory of personhood developed by Timothy Chappell. Initially, I discuss the metaphysical difficulties related to the problem of freedom (especially linked with determinism). Afterwards, following Abelard, I try to indicate an anthropological justification of punishment based on guilt. The last part of the paper is devoted to the attempt to enter the free will into a broader view of Chappell’s theory. The aim of the work is to prepare the ground for future studies on the proleptic notion of personhood and its further application within the philosophy of law.
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22

Boellstorff, Tom. "Graham, Mark: Anthropological Explorations in Queer Theory." Anthropos 110, no. 2 (2015): 623–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2015-2-623.

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23

Johnson-Hanks, Jennifer. "What kind of theory for anthropological demography?" Demographic Research 16 (January 6, 2007): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4054/demres.2007.16.1.

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24

Henley, Paul. "Ethnographic film: Technology, practice and anthropological theory." Visual Anthropology 13, no. 2 (January 2000): 207–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08949468.2000.9966800.

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25

Bock, Philip K. "The Rise of Anthropological Theory. Marvin Harris." Journal of Anthropological Research 58, no. 2 (July 2002): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.58.2.3631064.

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26

Charsley, Simon. "Sanskritization: The career of an anthropological theory." Contributions to Indian Sociology 32, no. 2 (November 1998): 527–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/006996679803200216.

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27

Bangstad, Sindre. "The Strange Public Afterlife of Anthropological Theory." Anthropology News 58, no. 2 (March 2017): e142-e147. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.368.

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28

Cascio, M. Ariel. "Operationalizing New Biopolitical Theory for Anthropological Inquiry." Anthropological Quarterly 90, no. 1 (2017): 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2017.0007.

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29

Heywood, Paolo. "Making Difference: Queer Activism and Anthropological Theory." Current Anthropology 59, no. 3 (June 2018): 314–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/697946.

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30

Appadurai, Arjun. "Introduction: Place and Voice in Anthropological Theory." Cultural Anthropology 3, no. 1 (February 1988): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/can.1988.3.1.02a00020.

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31

Peters, Michael A. "Ethics as ‘Pure Theory’: An anthropological theory about cultural values." Ethnographic Edge 1, no. 1 (December 7, 2017): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.15663/tee.v1i1.23.

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32

Appadurai, Arjun. "Theory in Anthropology: Center and Periphery." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 2 (April 1986): 356–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500013906.

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Sherry Ortner's account of the development of anthropological theory is admirable both because of the complexity of her argument and because it opens up a series of interesting possibilities for theoretical self-criticism among anthropologists. In this essay, I consider a theme which is not directly addressed in Ortner's piece, but which might usefully be considered in relation to it. The theme involves the significance of place in the construction of anthropological theory in the period since World War II.
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33

Kosinova, Maria Aslanovna, and Vladislav Mikhailovitch Karelin. "Philosophical and Anthropological Aspects of Viktor Frankl’s Theory." Manuskript, no. 9 (September 2020): 76–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2020.9.14.

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34

Coquet, Michèle. "Alfred Gell, Art and Agency. An Anthropological Theory." L'Homme, no. 157 (January 1, 2001): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/lhomme.5658.

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35

Eckert, Julia, Nina Glick Schiller, and Stephen Reyna. "Vision Statement: Anthropological Theory from and for Everybody." Anthropological Theory 16, no. 2-3 (September 2016): 320–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499616664642.

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36

Hagège, Claude, and Claude Hagège. "Linguistic Theory a Contribution To an Anthropological Project." Diogenes 37, no. 145 (March 1989): 17–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219218903714502.

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37

Sharpe, K. "Book Review: Art and Agency: an Anthropological Theory." European Journal of Archaeology 7, no. 2 (August 1, 2004): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146195710400700211.

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38

Beidelman, T. O. ": The Rebirth of Anthropological Theory . Stanley R. Barrett." American Anthropologist 88, no. 2 (June 1986): 461–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1986.88.2.02a00230.

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39

Holbraad, Martin, and Morten Axel Pedersen. "Revolutionary securitization: an anthropological extension of securitization theory." International Theory 4, no. 2 (June 15, 2012): 165–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971912000061.

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This article proposes an anthropological extension of the so-called Copenhagen School theory of securitization in International Relations. In contrast to existing attempts to show how, suitably elaborated, this model can be ‘applied’ to various non-Western contexts, our anthropological strategy is to use the contingency of empirical materials (namely the Cuban Revolution and the political forms it instantiates) as a means for transforming the basic coordinates of the model itself. The argument involves two main steps. First we relativize the Copenhagen School model, showing the contingency of its premises. In its paradigmatic form, we argue, the model is liberal in that its abiding concern with states of emergency turns on an ontological distinction between political subjects (e.g. people) and political structures (e.g. state). By contrast, revolutionary politics in Cuba concertedly rescinds just this distinction, to bring about an alternative, non-liberal political ontology. We then go on to use the Cuban case to construct an alternative model of securitization, which we call revolutionary. On this model, the move of securitization pertains, not to a passage from ordinary politics into a realm of emergency, but to a deliberate ontological fusion of the two, such that rule and exception also become coterminous.
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40

Little, Peter D. "Recasting the Debate: Development Theory and Anthropological Practice." NAPA Bulletin 18, no. 1 (January 8, 2008): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/napa.2000.18.1.119.

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41

Gowdy, John. "Corporate responsibility and economic theory: an anthropological perspective." International Journal of Sustainable Development 8, no. 4 (2005): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1504/ijsd.2005.009577.

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42

Nelyubin, N. I. "Prolegomena to the System-Anthropological Theory of Thinking." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 21, no. 1 (May 29, 2019): 112–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2019-21-1-112-120.

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The article features preliminary "conceptual optics" necessary for understanding the problem of thinking from the perspective of post- non-classical psychology. The study focused on methodological gaps in the formulation and solution of the problem of thinking within the framework of positivist-oriented approaches. They proved to be connected with building a one-dimensional-instrumental view of a thinking person as a gnoseological subject. The view is often reduced to an operator of cognitive processes, artificially derived from the framework of one’s own historicity and existential datum of life. It reveals the existential-anthropological givenness of human thinking, taken in the context of one’s own life world and one’s own life relationships, as well as in the context of the trans-perspective of becoming and complicating its "cogital identity". The author substantiates the view that thinking of a holistically understood person acts as a form of life-realization, and all thinking events are evidence of one’s attempts to thematisation and constitution of one’s "cogital identity" and resistance to "co- deindividualization". The study revealed a need to expand the research focus of the psychology of thinking, so that its positive heuristics were not limited to the mental apparatus of the averaged operator of cognitive processes, but include existential givenness and the capabilities of a living historical personality that realizes meaningful existential relations with itself and the world in thinking.
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43

Towne, Bradford. "Book Review: Anthropological Genetics: Theory, Methods and Applications." American Journal of Human Biology 20, no. 4 (July 2008): 493–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.20800.

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44

Tavakolian, Bahram. "Multiplicities of Nomadism and Varieties of Anthropological Theory." Reviews in Anthropology 32, no. 4 (January 2003): 297–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00988150390250776.

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45

Nardi, Bonnie A. "Cyberspace, Anthropological Theory, and the Training of Anthropologists." Social Science Computer Review 14, no. 1 (April 1996): 34–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/089443939601400110.

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46

Zegura, Stephen L. "Book review: Anthropological Genetics: Theory, Methods and Applications." American Journal of Physical Anthropology 137, no. 1 (September 2008): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajpa.20845.

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47

Chaachoua, Hamid, Annie Bessot, and Saddo Ag Almouloud. "Editorial: Advances of the anthropological theory of the didactic." Educação Matemática Pesquisa : Revista do Programa de Estudos Pós-Graduados em Educação Matemática 22, no. 4 (September 15, 2020): 005–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/1983-3156.2020v22i4p005-008.

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48

Wallace, Lauren J. "Examining Medical Anthropological Theory as a catalyst for the failure of Clinically Applied Medical Anthropology." SURG Journal 5, no. 1 (December 23, 2011): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v5i1.1319.

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Medical anthropological theory may be understood in two ways: first as a set of anthropological concepts and second as the application of these concepts. The theoretical concepts themselves are rarely challenged because they have been fairly well developed. However, the approach to theory and its application has traditionally been underdeveloped and thus requires more thought and practice among anthropologists. This paper asserts that a particularly clear example of the problem with the approach to and application of medical anthropological theory can be viewed in the context of clinically applied medical anthropology (CAMA). I examine two medical anthropological concepts that applied medical anthropologists use in their dealings with clinicians – critical medical anthropology and the culture concept. In doing this, I demonstrate that although these concepts are useful and clinicians need to employ them, there are a number of problems with the theoretical approach. I argue that these problems limit the application of these concepts to CAMA and offer preliminary suggestions to resolve them. In particular, clinically applied anthropologists employing critical theory should work to present a more balanced view of the clinic and physician. In addition, anthropologists working in the clinical setting must update the CAMA literature to ensure a thorough assessment of the current use of anthropological knowledge and concepts – such as culture – in medical schools and clinics.
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49

Atarschikova, E. N., and E. G. Ponomarev. "Law and its Anthropological Features." Russian Journal of Legal Studies 3, no. 4 (December 15, 2016): 30–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/rjls18180.

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In the article the problem of formation of legal culture and enhance the legal awareness of the person. Attracts modern do- mestic and foreign scientists, anthropology of law, or legal anthropology, which held steady in the Humanities, defining the historical basis of the theory of state and law and development.
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50

Schiller, Nina Glick. "Positioning theory: An introduction." Anthropological Theory 16, no. 2-3 (September 2016): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1463499616663792.

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What is theory? Who does theory? And what can theory do? Is theory important as humans strive to explain, understand, and speak to the nature of their lives? For the re-launch of Anthropological Theory, Julia Eckert, Stephen Reyna, and Nina Glick Schiller, the new editors, challenged members of the Editorial Board to offer their understanding of the nature of anthropological theory. In response, 12 contributors discussed the central theoretical questions and debates that are confronting anthropology, which they collectively understand as a project that explores what it means to be human and whether the human project can survive. Contributors highlight the importance of positioning theory in relationship to the historic project of decolonizing anthropology, current debates about ‘southern theory’ and the ontological turn, and the need to place theory in relationship to structures of power. In ‘Positioning Theory: An Introduction’, I note the way each contributor approaches the question of who is theory for and whose voice it represents, examining theory as both tool and vision in struggles to understand the world and in transformative struggles for social justice.
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