Journal articles on the topic 'Annotations de données'

Partant d’un constat d’une focalisation de l’analyse de discours française sur les logiciels textométriques, l’auteur tente de modéliser les procédés fondamentaux sous-jacents à l’interaction analyste-texte en distinguant les modes, les opérations, les dimensions, la granularité, la contextualité et la temporalité de la démarche, et ce, avec ou sans recours aux traitements informatiques. À la lumière de cette modélisation, les logiciels textométriques montrent que l’assistance du chercheur est souvent une question de donner à voir, via des procédés d’interrogation, d’assignation automatique et de représentation, des données textuelles et extratextuelles, mais très rarement une question d’accompagner le chercheur dans son travail du texte (p. ex. annotation sur mesure, multiplicité des couches de lecture, évolution du corpus) pour produire et construire du sens par ses traces d’analyses dans un environnement intégré. Les origines de cette tendance sont discutées ainsi que les orientations pour les développements à venir.

Dans le but d’annoter des unités syntaxiques, macrosyntaxiques et interactionnelles, et pour confirmer le recours aux indices prosodiques faits par les annotateurs, nous avons voulu disposer d’une annotation prosodique sous la forme de proéminences et reprenant le protocole établi par le projet Rhapsodie. Après avoir préparé nos données, nous avons procédé à l’annotation manuelle par trois annotateurs, ainsi qu’à l’annotation automatique à l’aide de l’outil ANALOR. Cette expérience nous a amené à réviser le protocole concernant la hauteur mélodique et l’attaque syllabique, tandis que les résultats obtenus soulignent le potentiel de ces révisions. Nous avons constaté la nécessité des sessions d’entraînement entre les annotateurs non experts avant l’annotation, ainsi que la nécessité d’entraînement de l’outil d’annotation automatique, qui a fait preuve de robustesse sur un enregistrement audio jugé de mauvaise qualité.

John Donne'sThe Courtier's Library(ca. 1603–11) is a catalogue of imaginary books that derives its inspiration from Rabelais's satirical description of the Library of St. Victor. Donne's depiction of courtly knowledge parodies the humanist work that secretaries performed for their masters by offering a path to ignorance and mockery rather than a path to learning and advancement. This essay investigatesThe Courtier's Library, published here in a new translation (see Appendix), in the context of Donne's habits of reading, marginal annotation, and note-taking, examining both the complicated negotiation involved in producing knowledge for courtly display, and Donne's own attempts to reconcile the roles of secretary, scholar, and gentleman.

In this article we report the results of an empirical study with corpus data targeting the identification of the linguistic domains of the speaker's subjectivity – broadly understood as referring to the expression of the speaker's perspective, emotions and attitudes. In order to attain this aim, we carried out an annotation study on corpus data (randomly selected from a literary text and from a journalistic text), formulated hypotheses on the basis of the state of the research and analysed the data with respect to three variables: the register, the source of subjectivity (speaker or third party) and the types of linguistic cues indicating the speaker's subjectivity. Our quantitative analyses showed that (i) the register does not influence the expression of subjectivity, (ii) the main linguistic domains of subjectivity are the affective-evaluative lexicon and syntactic structures, (iii) that deictic subjectivity is in fact non-subjective and that speaker's subjectivity refers only to affective-evaluative subjectivity. More generally, this article makes a methodological contribution about how to study an almost ineffable phenomenon, speaker's subjectivity, in a neutral and empirical manner.

This paper presents a thesaurus of ancient and medieval zoological knowledge, called THEZOO, constructed in the framework of the International Research Group Zoomathia. It aims at integrating heterogeneous data sources on zoology in Antiquity and Middle Ages : mainly texts, but also images, archaeological objects and archaeozoological material. The development process of THEZOO combines 1) the manual annotation of books VIII-XI of Pliny the Elder’s Natural History, chosen as a reference dataset to elicit the concepts to be integrated in the thesaurus, and 2) the definition and hierarchical organization of the elicited concepts in the thesaurus. THEZOO is formalized in SKOS, the W3C standard to represent knowledge organization systems on the Web of data, and it is created with the Opentheso editor. Our final aim is to publish the thesaurus THEZOO as well as the corpus of annotated textual, iconograph ical and archeological resources, to support a semantic search in the corpus in different languages.

Cet article aborde la question de la segmentation par des pauses du flux de production écrite enregistré en temps réel et de la motivation linguistique et statistique de l’emplacement des pauses. En effet, les pauses segmentant des séquences textuelles linguistiquement analysables, il est crucial de comprendre si des contraintes régulières en fixent les frontières. Nous avons choisi de nous pencher sur le cas de la conjonction et, en vertu de la diversité sémantique et morphosyntaxique des relations qu’elle sémiotise. Après avoir mis en perspective les résultats d’une analyse de corpus antérieure, nous procédons à une annotation manuelle des occurrences en départageant les emplois extra- et intraphrastiques de et dans un corpus de textes courts produits par des adultes (étudiants). Une méthode d’analyse statistique est ensuite appliquée aux données annotées pour tester les attentes statistiques en termes d’emplacement des pauses. Cette analyse permet de faire ressortir des différences de segmentation en fonction du type d’emploi de et.

Cette proposition s’inscrit dans un large projet d’analyse des reformulations multimodales (RM) dans la construction du discours : décrire les relations qu’entretiennent trois canaux sémiotiques multimodaux (la parole (S1), la gestualité co-verbale (S2) et les supports de présentation (S3)) dans des discours scientifiques. L’objectif est de décrire comment les reformulations multimodales participent au caractère performant du discours, à la construction de sa cohérence. Les RM sont étudiées du point de vue interne à chaque système sémiotique (S1, S2, S3) et du point de vue du croisement d’un système à l’autre (rapport S1/S2, S1/S3, S2/S3 et S1/S2/S3). L’analyse en cours s’opère comme suit : repérage des passages où se trouvent des RM et les canaux mobilisés, annotation des données, analyse quantitative et qualitative des RM et des croisements, identification des paradigmes d’utilisation (des prestations sans RM à celles qui exploitent abondamment les croisements sur les 3 niveaux). Contrairement à ce qui a été avancé par d’autres, mon hypothèse est qu’il ne s’agit pas de deux (voire trois) discours distincts et simultanés. Je considère que la linéarité (de S1 d’une part, de S3 d’autre part) et la simultanéité des trois sources d’information (S1, S2 et S3) s’entrecroisent dans la construction d’un discours unique mais plurisémiotique.

Les champs associatifs, formés par les réponses obtenues à des tests psycholinguistiques en réaction à un stimulus donné, comprennent tous des réactions provoquées par des stratégies paradigmatiques et syntagmatiques découlant de la nature même de la langue. Cependant on y trouve également un certain nombre de réactions qui ne s’expliquent pas par ces stratégies : des noms propres, des citations, des réactions à la forme du stimulus. Ces items sont parfois difficiles à interpréter au bout de quelques années, et surtout pour le lecteur étranger, et ils doivent donner lieu à une annotation sous forme de commentaire ; l’article présente trois catégories de réactions nécessitant l’implémentation de commentaires : les noms propres, la précédence textuelle et les jeux de mots qui peuvent d’ailleurs se combiner.

AbstractEn octobre 1993 J.F. Lindemans publia une traduction néerlandaise des Prolégomènes et du Livre 1 du De iure belli ac pacis de Grotius, pourvue d'une introduction et de notes explicatives. Cette publication mérite un compte rendu assez détaillé que nous publions sous forme d'un article. Il s'agit d'une traduction intégrale: elle ne se borne pas au texte mais inclut l'annotation de Grotius. Elle suit l'editio maior de 1939, fondée sur un collationnement des cinq éditions préparées par Grotius lui-même. Malheureusement le traducteur n'a pas encore pu tenir compte de la réimpression anastatique de cette édition avec des notes additionelles, parue en septembre 1993 (cf. le compte rendu de P. Haggenmacher dans cette revue, t. 62 (1994), p. 402-406). Dans sa propre annotation Lindemans s'est fait inspirer dans une large mesure - mais pas toujours d'une façon heureuse - de celle de Jean Barbeyrac dans sa traduction française, publiée pour la première fois en 1724 (une réimpression anastatique parut en 1984). Il a ajouté cependant un certain nombre de nouvelles références, entre autres au traité De legibus (1613) de François Suarez, à qui Grotius doit peut-être plus qu'il ne l'a avoué. En utilisant les tables d'auteurs et de sources de l'édition de Lindemans on peut constater quelques graves déficiences dans l'identification des références grotiennes. Il a confondu notamment les Constitutiones Clementis (ou Constitutiones Apostolicae), qu'on a attribuées à St. Clément (le pape Clément I, décédé circa 100 après J. Chr.), avec les Clementinae du pape Clément V (1313-1314); dans l'une de ses notes L. mentionne encore comme auteur de ce texte le pape Clément III († 1191)! L'analyse de ces erreurs nous a amené à formuler quelques précisions sur un texte qui fait partie des Constitutiones Clementis, à savoir les Canones Apostolorum (version avec 84 ou 85 canones, à distinguer de celle avec 50 canones qui figure dans la collectio Dionysiana). Grotius en possédait une édition à part avant son emprisonnement mais pour le De iure belli ac pacis il s'est probablement servi d'une autre édition. La traduction même laisse à désirer dans nombre de passages, notamment quand il s'agit de rendre des nuances juridiques. Nous donnons des exemples pour les §§ 8, 53, 54 et 55 des Prolégomènes et pour I, 1, 4-6, I, 3, 4-5, I, 3, 12, 3 et I, 3, 24. Aux endroits où le traducteur se sert de termes latins on doute souvent de ses connaissances de cette langue (dans des cas comme 'societas civile' ou 'summum potestas' il ne peut pas s'agir d'erreurs typographiques). Lindemans fait également preuve d'un manque assez grave de connaissances en ce qui concerne la bibliographie grotienne. Son ignorance dans le domaine de l'histoire du droit, notamment pour la période du ius commune, est alarmante. Si la traduction sera continuée pour les livres II et III du De iure belli ac pacis on doit espérer que de pareilles déficiences seront évitées.

Nous nous intéressons dans cet article à la fouille visuelle de données temporelles, où les données ont été mises sous la forme de n attributs dont les valeurs sont enregistrées pendant k instants. Après un état de l'art sur les différentes approches de visualisation de telles séries, nous présentons plus particulièrement une approche ayant reçue encore peu d'attention ("DataTube"). DataTube place les données dans un tube dont l'axe représente le temps. Nous étendons ensuite cette approche : tout d'abord nous définissons plusieurs modes de visualisations (couleurs, formes, etc) et nous ajoutons un axe temporel. Ensuite nous introduisons des interactions avec la possibilité de sélectionner des attributs et des instants, afficher des données complexes ou encore insérer des annotations sur la visualisation. Nous ajoutons une étape de classification non supervisée afin de regrouper dans la visualisation les attributs similaires. Enfin nous intégrons cette visualisation dans notre plateforme de fouille de données en réalité virtuelle VRMiner, avec un affichage stéréoscopique et des possibilités de navigation interactive. Nous appliquons cette visualisation sur plusieurs ensembles de données réelles et nous montrons qu'elle peut gérer jusqu'à 1,5 million de valeurs. Nous présentons également une évaluation utilisateur.

This study seeks to design and facilitate active reading among secondary school students with an online annotation tool – Diigo. Two classes of different academic performance levels were recruited to examine their annotation behavior and perceptions of Diigo. We wanted to determine whether the two classes differed in how they used Diigo; how they perceived Diigo; and whether how they used Diigo was related to how they perceived it. Using annotation data and surveys in which students reported on their use and perceptions of Diigo, we found that although the tool facilitated individual annotations, the two classes used and perceived it differently. Overall, the study showed Diigo to be a promising tool for enhancing active reading in the inquiry learning process. Cette étude vise à concevoir et à faciliter la lecture active chez les élèves du secondaire grâce à l’outil d'annotation en ligne Diigo. Deux classes avec des niveaux de rendement scolaire différents ont été retenues afin qu’on examine leur manière d’annoter et leur perception de Diigo. Nous avons voulu déterminer si les deux classes diffèrent dans leur façon d’utiliser Diigo, leur perception de Diigo, et si leur manière d’utiliser Diigo était liée à leur perception. En utilisant les données d'annotation et d'enquêtes dans lesquelles les élèves relataient leur utilisation et leur perception de Diigo, nous avons constaté que, même si l'outil a facilité les annotations individuelles, les deux classes l’ont utilisé et perçu différemment. Dans l'ensemble, l'étude a montré que Diigo est un outil prometteur pour l'amélioration de la lecture active dans le processus d'apprentissage par enquête.

Cet article décrit la méthodologie mise en place pour effectuer l’annotation sémantique d’une partie des noms de la base de données morphologiques Démonette-2. Nous y présentons d’abord le jeu d’étiquettes sémantiques sélectionné pour effectuer cette annotation. Ce jeu d’étiquettes est une adaptation révisée des Unique Beginners de Wordnet et chaque étiquette est accompagnée d’une définition et de tests linguistiques permettant l’attribution d’une étiquette à un nom. Nous détaillons ensuite les deux méthodes utilisées pour annoter les lexèmes nominaux. La première méthode, automatique, a consisté à apparier les étiquettes présentes dans les bases de données morphologiques alimentant Démonette‑2 avec le jeu d’étiquettes révisé. La seconde méthode a consisté à annoter manuellement un sous-ensemble de noms. Nous donnons enfin un bilan quantitatif de notre annotation en présentant notamment la distribution des noms monosémiques / polysémiques et les étiquettes sémantiques les plus fréquentes. Ce premier travail d’annotation sémantique fournit un ensemble de 58 099 noms disposant d’une ou plusieurs étiquettes sémantiques. Cet ensemble de noms offre déjà de multiples possibilités d’analyses, impossibles sans accès à une large base de données annotées sémantiquement et morphologiquement, comme l’étude de procédés concurrents ou encore l’examen de la polyfonctionnalité des affixes.

O trabalho investiga os impactos das mudanças registradas entre 2002 e 2009 no mercado de trabalho urbano do Brasil sobre os trabalhadores, levando em conta a sua segmentação em grupos resultantes da interseção das dimensões de idade, gênero e escolaridade. Nele, faz-se uma breve análise das alterações observadas nesses sete anos no perfil sociodemográfico da população em idade de trabalhar para, em seguida, investigar os níveis de ocupação, de desocupação e de formalização dos diversos segmentos de trabalhadores definidos a partir dessas variáveis. Para tanto, foi construído e analisado um conjunto de indicadores, baseados em dados da PNAD, que dão conta da inserção no mercado de trabalho de homens e mulheres jovens, adultos e idosos segundo o nível de escolaridade e permitem visualizar as novas configurações do mercado de trabalho que emergem no ciclo expansivo da economia dos últimos sete anos. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: mercado de trabalho; idade, sexo, escolaridade; formas de inserção. NEW SETTINGS IN URBAN LABOR MARKET IN BRAZIL: notes for discussion Ângela Borges This paper investigates the impact of changes recorded between 2002 and 2009 in the urban labor market in Brazil on the workers, taking into account its segmentation into groups resulting from the intersection of the dimensions of age, sex and education. In it we make a brief analysis of the changes observed in these seven years in the socio-demographic profile of the population of working age to, then, investigate the levels of occupation, unemployment and the formalization of the various segments of workers defined from those variables .To that end, we constructed and analyzed a set of indicators, based on data from the National Survey by Home Sampling (in Portuguese, PNAD), that account for labor market insertion of young men and women, adults and elderly according to education level and the new settings of the labor market that emerge in the expansionary cycle of the economy over the last seven years. KEYWORDS: labor market, age, sex, education, forms of integration. LES NOUVELLES CONFIGURATIONS DU MARCHÉ DU TRAVAIL URBAIN AU BRÉSIL: annotations pour une discussion Ângela Borges Il s’agit d’une recherche concernant l’impact des variations enregistrées entre 2002 et 2009 sur les travailleurs au sein du marché du travail urbain au Brésil. On tient compte de la segmentation en groupes, résultat de l’intersection des paramètres d’âge, de sexe et de scolarité. On y fait une brève analyse des changements observés, au cours de ces sept années, sur le profil sociodémographique de la population en âge de travailler, pour ensuite étudier les niveaux d’occupation, de non occupation et de formalisation des différents groupes de travailleurs définis à partir de ces variables. À cette fin, nous avons construit et analysé une série d’indicateurs, basés sur les données de la PNAD (Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios/ Recherche Nationale par Echantillonnage de Domiciles), qui rendent compte de l’insertion sur le marché du travail d’hommes et de femmes jeunes, d’adultes et de personnes âgées, en fonction de leur niveau de scolarité. Ceci permet de visualiser les nouvelles configurations du marché du travail qui surgissent dans le cycle d’expansion de l’économie au cours de ces sept dernières années. MOTS-CLÉS: marché du travail; âge, sexe, scolarité, formes d’insertion. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh

In the last three years a new filthy vocabulary of social class has emerged in Britain. The word “chav”, and its various synonyms and regional variations, has become a ubiquitous term of abuse for white working class subjects. An entire slang vocabulary has emerged around chav. Acronyms, such as “Council Housed and Vile” have sprung up to explain the term. Folk etymologies and some scholarly sources suggest that the term chav might derive from a distortion of a Romany word for a child, while others suggests it is a derivative of the term charver, long used in the North East of England to describe the disenfranchised white poor (see Nayak). In current parlance, the term chav is aligned “with stereotypical notions of lower-class” and is above all “a term of intense class-based abhorrence” (Haywood and Yar 16). Routinely demonized within news media, television comedy programmes, and internet sites (such as the chavscum) the level of disgust mobilized by the figure of the chav is suggestive of a heightened class antagonism that marks a new episode of class struggle in Britain. Social class is often represented through highly caricatured figures—the toff, the chav—figures that are referred to in highly emotive terms. One of the ways in which social class is emotionally mediated is through repeated expressions of disgust at the habits and behaviour of those deemed to belong to a lower social class. An everyday definition of disgust would be: an emotion experienced and expressed as a sickening feeling of revulsion, loathing, or nausea. The physicality of disgust reactions means that the communication of disgust draws heavily on metaphors of sensation. As William Miller notes, disgust “needs images of bad taste, foul smells, creepy touchings, ugly sights, bodily secretions and excretions to articulate the judgments it asserts” (218). Our disgust reactions are often revealing of wider social power relations. As Sara Ahmed notes: When thinking about how bodies become objects of disgust, we can see that disgust is crucial to power relations. … Disgust at “that which is below” functions to maintain the power relations between above and below, through which “aboveness” and “belowness” become properties of particular bodies, objects and spaces (89). Ahmed’s account of the connection between disgust and power relations echoes Beverly Skeggs’ influential account of “class making”. As Skeggs suggests, class as a concept, and as a process of classification and social positioning, is not pre-given but is always in production and is continually re-figured (3). Social class virtually disappeared as a central site of analysis within cultural and media studies in the late 1980s, a disappearance that was mirrored by a similar retreat from the taxonomy of class within wider social and political discourse (Skeggs 45). This is not to say that class distinctions, however we measure them, have been eroded or are in decline. On the contrary, class disappeared as a central site of analysis at precisely the same time that “economic polarization” reached “unparalleled depths” in Britain (ibid.). As the term “working class” has been incrementally emptied of meaning, teaching and researching issues of class inequality is now often seen as “paranoid” and felt to be embarrassing and shameful (see Sayer). (Roland Barthes uses the concept of ‘ex-nomination’ to explain how (and why) social class is emptied of meaning in this way. According to Barthes, this process is one of the central mechanisms through which dominant classes naturalise their values.) In the last two decades academics from working class backgrounds and, perhaps most perversely, those who work within disciplines that were founded upon research on class, have increasingly experienced their own class origins as a “filthy secret”. If social class “directly articulated” and as “the object of analysis, has largely disappeared” (Skeggs 46) within the academy and within wider social and political discourses, portrayals of class differences have nevertheless persisted within popular media. In particular, the emergence of the grotesque and comic figure of the chav within a range of contemporary British media, primarily television comedy, reality-genre television, Internet forums and newspapers, has made class differences and antagonisms explicitly visible in contemporary Britain. Class-based discrimination and open snobbery is made socially acceptable through claims that this vicious name-calling has a ‘satirical’ function. Laughing at something is “an act of expulsion” that closely resembles the rejecting movement of disgust reactions (Menninghaus 11). In the case of laughter at those of a lower class, laughter is boundary-forming; it creates a distance between “them” and “us”, and asserts moral judgments and a higher class position. Laughter at chavs is a way of managing and authorizing class disgust, contempt, and anxiety. Popular media can be effective means of communicating class disgust and in so doing, work to produce ‘class communities’ in material, political and affective senses. In the online vocabulary of chav hate, we can further discern the ways in which class disgust is performed in ways that are community-forming. The web site, urbandictionary.com is an online slang dictionary that functions as an unofficial online authority on English language slang. Urbandictionary.com is modelled on an internet forum in which (unregistered) users post definitions of new or existing slang terms, which are then reviewed by volunteer editors. Users vote on definitions by clicking a thumb up or thumb down icon and posts are then ranked according to the votes they have accrued. Urbandictionary currently hosts 300,000 definitions of slang terms and is ranked as one of the 2000 highest web traffic sites in the world. There were 368 definitions of the term chav posted on the site at the time of writing and I have extracted below a small number of indicative phrases taken from some of the most highly ranked posts. all chavs are filth chavs …. the cancer of the United Kingdom filthy, disgusting, dirty, loud, ugly, stupid arseholes that threaten, fight, cause trouble, impregnate 14 year olds, ask for money, ask for fags, ….steal your phones, wear crap sports wear, drink cheap cider and generally spread their hate. A social underclass par excellence. The absolute dregs of modern civilization The only good chav is dead one. The only thing better than that is a mass grave full of dead chavs and a 24 hour work crew making way for more… This disgust speech generates a set of effects, which adhere to and produce the filthy figure and qualities of chav. The dictionary format is significant here because, like the accompanying veneer of irony, it grants a strange authority to the dehumanising bigotry of the posts. Urbandictionary illustrates how class disgust is actively made through repetition. Through the repetition of disgust reactions, the negative properties attributed to chav make this figure materialize as representative of a group who embodies those disgusting qualities – a group who are “lower than human or civil life” (Ahmed 97). As users add to and build the definition of “the chav” within the urban dictionary site, they interact with one another and a conversational environment emerges. The voting system works on this site as a form of peer authorization that encourages users to invoke more and more intense and affective disgust reactions. As Ngai suggests, disgust involves an expectation of concurrence, and disgust reactions seek “to include or draw others into its exclusion of its object, enabling a strange kind of sociability” (336). This sociability has a particular specificity within online communities in which anonymity gives community members license to express their disgust in extreme and virulent ways. The interactivity of these internet forums, and the real and illusory immediacy they transmit, makes online forums intensely affective communal spaces/places within which disgust reactions can be rapidly shared and accrued. As the web becomes more “writable”, through the development and dissemination of shared annotation software, web users are moving from consuming content to creating it ‘in the form of discussion boards, weblogs, wikis, and other collaborative and conversational media” (Golder 2). Within new media spaces such as urbandictionary, we are not only viewers but active users who can go into, enter and affect representational spaces and places. In the case of chavs, users can not only read about them, but have the power to produce the chav as a knowable figure. The chav thread on urbandictionary and similar chav hate forums work to constitute materially the exaggerated excessive corporeality of the chav figure. These are spaces/places in which class disgust is actively generated – class live. With each new post, there is an accruement of disgust. Each post breathes life into the squalid and thrillingly affective imaginary body of the filthy chav. Class disgust is intimately tied to issues of racial difference. These figures constitute an unclean “sullied urban “underclass”“, “forever placed at the borders of whiteness as the socially excluded, the economically redundant” (Nayak 82, 102-3). Whilst the term chav is a term of abuse directed almost exclusively towards the white poor, chavs are not invisible normative whites, but rather hypervisible “filthy whites”. In a way that bears striking similarities to US white trash figure, and the Australian figure of the Bogan, the chav figure foregrounds a dirty whiteness – a whiteness contaminated with poverty. This borderline whiteness is evidenced through claims that chavs appropriate black American popular culture through their clothing, music, and forms of speech, and have geographical, familial and sexual intimacy with working class blacks and Asians. This intimacy is represented by the areas in which chavs live and their illegitimate mixed race children as well as, more complexly, by their filthy white racism. Metaphors of disease, invasion and excessive breeding that are often invoked within white racist responses to immigrants and ethnic minorities are mobilized by the white middle-class in order to differentiate their “respectable whiteness” from the whiteness of the lower class chavs (see Nayak 84). The process of making white lower class identity filthy is an attempt to differentiate between respectable and non-respectable forms of whiteness (and an attempt to abject the white poor from spheres of white privilege). Disgust reactions work not only to give meaning to the figure of the chav but, more complicatedly, constitute a category of being – chav being. So whilst the figures of the chav and chavette have a virtual existence within newspapers, Internet forums and television shows, the chav nevertheless takes symbolic shape in ways that have felt material and physical effects upon those interpellated as “chav”. We can think here of the way in which” signs of chavness”, such as the wearing of certain items or brands of clothing have been increasingly used to police access to public spaces, such as nightclubs and shopping centres since 2003. The figure of the chav becomes a body imbued with negative affect. This affect travels, it circulates and leaks out into public space and shapes everyday perceptual practices. The social policing of chavs foregrounds the disturbing ease with which imagined “emotional qualities slide into corporeal qualities” (Ngai 573). Chav disgust is felt and lived. Experiencing the frisson of acting like a chav has become a major leisure occupation in Britain where middle class students now regularly hold “chav nites”, in which they dress up as chavs and chavettes. These students dress as chavs, carry plastic bags from the cut-price food superstores, drink cider and listen to ‘chav music’, in order to enjoy the affect of being an imaginary chav. In April 2006 the front page of The Sun featured Prince William dressed up as a chav with the headline, “Future Bling of England”, The story details how the future king: “joined in the fun as his platoon donned chav-themed fancy dress to mark the completion of their first term” at Sandhurst military academy. William, we were told, “went to a lot of trouble thinking up what to wear” (white baseball cap, sweatshirt, two gold chains), and was challenged to “put on a chavvy accent and stop speaking like a royal”. These examples of ironic class–passing represent a new era of ‘slumming it’ that recalls the 19th century Victorian slummers, who descended on the East End of London in their many thousands, in pursuit of abject encounters – touristic tastes of the illicit pleasures associated with the immoral, urban poor. This new chav ‘slumming it’ makes no pretence at any moral imperative, it doesn’t pretend to be sociological, there is no “field work”, no ethnography, no gathering of knowledge about the poor, no charity, no reaching out to touch, and no liberal guilt, there is nothing but ‘filthy pleasure’. The cumulative effect of disgust at chavs is the blocking of the disenfranchised white poor from view; they are rendered invisible and incomprehensible. Nevertheless, chav has become an increasingly complex identity category and some of those interpellated as filthy chavs have now reclaimed the term as an affirmative sub-cultural identity. This trans-coding of chav is visible within popular music acts, such as white teenage rapper Lady Sovereign and the acclaimed pop icon and urban poet Mike Skinner (who releases records as The Streets). Journalist Julie Burchill has repeatedly attempted both to defend, and claim for herself, a chav identity and in 2005, the tabloid newspaper The Sun, a propagator of chav hate, ran a ‘Proud to be Chav’ campaign. Nevertheless, this ‘chav pride’ is deceptive, for like the US term ‘white trash’ – now widely adopted within celebrity culture – this ‘pride’ works as an enabling identity category only for those who have acquired enough cultural capital and social mobility to ‘rise above the filth’. Since the publication in English of Julia Kristeva’s Power’s of Horror: An Essay on Abjection in 1982, an entire theoretical paradigm has emerged that celebrates the ‘transgressive’ potential of encounters with filth. Such theoretical ‘abject encounters’ are rarely subversive but are on the contrary an increasingly normative and problematic feature of a media and cultural studies devoid of political direction. Instead of assuming that confrontations with ‘filth’ are ‘necessarily subversive and disruptive’ we need to rethink abjection as a violent exclusionary social force. As Miller notes, ‘disgust does not so much solve the dilemma of social powerlessness as diagnose it powerfully’ (353). Theoretical accounts of media and culture that invoke ‘the transformative potential of filth’ too often marginalize the real dirty politics of inequality. References Ahmed, Sara. The Cultural Politics of Emotion. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP and New York: Routledge, 2004. Barthes, Roland. Mythologies. Trans. Annette Lavers. New York: Hill and Wang, 1972 [1949]. Birchill, Julie. “Yeah But, No But, Why I’m Proud to Be a Chav.” The Times 18 Feb. 2005. Chav Scum. 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.chavscum.co.uk>. Golder, Scott. “Webbed Footnotes: Collaborative Annotation on the Web.” MA Thesis 2003. 31 Oct. 2006 http://web.media.mit.edu/~golder/projects/webbedfootnotes/ golder-thesis-2005.pdf>. Hayward, Keith, and Majid Yar. “The ‘Chav’ Phenomenon: Consumption, Media and the Construction of a New Underclass.” Crime, Media, Culture 2.1 (2006): 9-28. Kristeva, Julia. Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection. Trans. Leon Roudiez. New York: Columbia UP, 1982. Larcombe, Duncan. “Future Bling of England.” The Sun 10 April 2006. Menninghaus, Winfried. Disgust: Theory and History of a Strong Sensation. Trans. Howard Eiland and Joel Golb. State University of New York Press, 2003. Miller, William. The Anatomy of Disgust. Harvard UP, 1998. Nayak, Anoop. Race, Place and Globalization: Youth Cultures in a Changing World. Oxford: Berg, 2003. Ngai, Sianne. Ugly Feelings: Literature, Affect, and Ideology. Harvard UP, Cambridge, 2005. “Proud to be Chav.” The Sun. 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.thesun.co.uk>. Sayer, Andrew. “What Are You Worth? Why Class Is an Embarrassing Subject.” Sociological Research Online 7.3 (2002). 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.socresonline.org.uk/7/3/sayer.html>. Skeggs, Beverly. Class, Self and Culture. London. Routledge, 2005. Urbandictionary. “Chav.” 31 Oct. 2006 http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=chav>. Wray, Matt, and Annalee Newitz, eds. White Trash: Race and Class in America. London: Routledge, 1997. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Tyler, Imogen. "Chav Scum: The Filthy Politics of Social Class in Contemporary Britain." M/C Journal 9.5 (2006). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/09-tyler.php>. APA Style Tyler, I. (Nov. 2006) "Chav Scum: The Filthy Politics of Social Class in Contemporary Britain," M/C Journal, 9(5). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0610/09-tyler.php>.

Data are generated and employed for many ends, including governing societies, managing organisations, leveraging profit, and regulating places. In all these cases, data are key inputs into systems that paradoxically are implemented in the name of making societies more secure, safe, competitive, productive, efficient, transparent and accountable, yet do so through processes that monitor, discipline, repress, coerce, and exploit people. (Kitchin, 165) Introduction Provenance refers to the place of origin or earliest known history of a thing. It refers to the custodial history of objects. It is a term that is commonly used in the art-world but also has come into the language of other disciplines such as computer science. It has also been applied in reference to the transactional nature of objects in supply chains and circular economies. In an interview with Scotland’s Institute for Public Policy Research, Adam Greenfield suggests that provenance has a role to play in the “establishment of reliability” given that a “transaction or artifact has a specified provenance, then that assertion can be tested and verified to the satisfaction of all parities” (Lawrence). Recent debates on the unrecognised effects of digital media have convincingly argued that data is fully embroiled within capitalism, but it is necessary to remember that data is more than just a transactable commodity. One challenge in bringing processes of datafication into critical light is how we understand what happens to data from its point of acquisition to the point where it becomes instrumental in the production of outcomes that are of ethical concern. All data gather their meaning through relationality; whether acting as a representation of an exterior world or representing relations between other data points. Data objectifies relations, and despite any higher-order complexities, at its core, data is involved in factualising a relation into a binary. Assumptions like these about data shape reasoning, decision-making and evidence-based practice in private, personal and economic contexts. If processes of datafication are to be better understood, then we need to seek out conceptual frameworks that are adequate to the way that data is used and understood by its users. Deborah Lupton suggests that often we give data “other vital capacities because they are about human life itself, have implications for human life opportunities and livelihoods, [and] can have recursive effects on human lives (shaping action and concepts of embodiment ... selfhood [and subjectivity]) and generate economic value”. But when data are afforded such capacities, the analysis of its politics also calls for us to “consider context” and “making the labour [of datafication] visible” (D’Ignazio and Klein). For Jenny L. Davis, getting beyond simply thinking about what data affords involves bringing to light how continually and dynamically to requests, demands, encourages, discourages, and refuses certain operations and interpretations. It is in this re-orientation of the question from what to how where “practical analytical tool[s]” (Davis) can be found. Davis writes: requests and demands are bids placed by technological objects, on user-subjects. Encourage, discourage and refuse are the ways technologies respond to bids user-subjects place upon them. Allow pertains equally to bids from technological objects and the object’s response to user-subjects. (Davis) Building on Lupton, Davis, and D’Ignazio and Klein, we see three principles that we consider crucial for work on data, darkness and light: data is not simply a technological object that exists within sociotechnical systems without having undergone any priming or processing, so as a consequence the data collecting entity imposes standards and way of imagining data before it comes into contact with user-subjects; data is not neutral and does not possess qualities that make it equivalent to the things that it comes to represent; data is partial, situated, and contingent on technical processes, but the outcomes of its use afford it properties beyond those that are purely informational. This article builds from these principles and traces a framework for investigating the complications arising when data moves from one context to another. We draw from the “data provenance” as it is applied in the computing and informational sciences where it is used to query the location and accuracy of data in databases. In developing “data provenance”, we adapt provenance from an approach that solely focuses on technical infrastructures and material processes that move data from one place to another and turn to sociotechnical, institutional, and discursive forces that bring about data acquisition, sharing, interpretation, and re-use. As data passes through open, opaque, and darkened spaces within sociotechnical systems, we argue that provenance can shed light on gaps and overlaps in technical, legal, ethical, and ideological forms of data governance. Whether data becomes exclusive by moving from light to dark (as has happened with the removal of many pages and links from Facebook around the Australian news revenue-sharing bill), or is publicised by shifting from dark to light (such as the Australian government releasing investigative journalist Andie Fox’s welfare history to the press), or even recontextualised from one dark space to another (as with genetic data shifting from medical to legal contexts, or the theft of personal financial data), there is still a process of transmission here that we can assess and critique through provenance. These different modalities, which guide data acquisition, sharing, interpretation, and re-use, cascade and influence different elements and apparatuses within data-driven sociotechnical systems to different extents depending on context. Attempts to illuminate and make sense of these complex forces, we argue, exposes data-driven practices as inherently political in terms of whose interests they serve. Provenance in Darkness and in Light When processes of data capture, sharing, interpretation, and re-use are obscured, it impacts on the extent to which we might retrospectively examine cases where malpractice in responsible data custodianship and stewardship has occurred, because it makes it difficult to see how things have been rendered real and knowable, changed over time, had causality ascribed to them, and to what degree of confidence a decision has been made based on a given dataset. To borrow from this issue’s concerns, the paradigm of dark spaces covers a range of different kinds of valences on the idea of private, secret, or exclusive contexts. We can parallel it with the idea of ‘light’ spaces, which equally holds a range of different concepts about what is open, public, or accessible. For instance, in the use of social data garnered from online platforms, the practices of academic researchers and analysts working in the private sector often fall within a grey zone when it comes to consent and transparency. Here the binary notion of public and private is complicated by the passage of data from light to dark (and back to light). Writing in a different context, Michael Warner complicates the notion of publicness. He observes that the idea of something being public is in and of itself always sectioned off, divorced from being fully generalisable, and it is “just whatever people in a given context think it is” (11). Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue that publicness is already shadowed by an idea of state ownership, leaving us in a situation where public and private already both sit on the same side of the propertied/commons divide as if the “only alternative to the private is the public, that is, what is managed and regulated by states and other governmental authorities” (vii). The same can be said about the way data is conceived as a public good or common asset. These ideas of light and dark are useful categorisations for deliberately moving past the tensions that arise when trying to qualify different subspecies of privacy and openness. The problem with specific linguistic dyads of private vs. public, or open vs. closed, and so on, is that they are embedded within legal, moral, technical, economic, or rhetorical distinctions that already involve normative judgements on whether such categories are appropriate or valid. Data may be located in a dark space for legal reasons that fall under the legal domain of ‘private’ or it may be dark because it has been stolen. It may simply be inaccessible, encrypted away behind a lost password on a forgotten external drive. Equally, there are distinctions around lightness that can be glossed – the openness of Open Data (see: theodi.org) is of an entirely separate category to the AACS encryption key, which was illegally but enthusiastically shared across the internet in 2007 to the point where it is now accessible on Wikipedia. The language of light and dark spaces allows us to cut across these distinctions and discuss in deliberately loose terms the degree to which something is accessed, with any normative judgments reserved for the cases themselves. Data provenance, in this sense, can be used as a methodology to critique the way that data is recontextualised from light to dark, dark to light, and even within these distinctions. Data provenance critiques the way that data is presented as if it were “there for the taking”. This also suggests that when data is used for some or another secondary purpose – generally for value creation – some form of closure or darkening is to be expected. Data in the public domain is more than simply a specific informational thing: there is always context, and this contextual specificity, we argue, extends far beyond anything that can be captured in a metadata schema or a licensing model. Even the transfer of data from one open, public, or light context to another will evoke new degrees of openness and luminosity that should not be assumed to be straightforward. And with this a new set of relations between data-user-subjects and stewards emerges. The movement of data between public and private contexts by virtue of the growing amount of personal information that is generated through the traces left behind as people make use of increasingly digitised services going about their everyday lives means that data-motile processes are constantly occurring behind the scenes – in darkness – where it comes into the view, or possession, of third parties without obvious mechanisms of consent, disclosure, or justification. Given that there are “many hands” (D’Iganzio and Klein) involved in making data portable between light and dark spaces, equally there can be diversity in the approaches taken to generate critical literacies of these relations. There are two complexities that we argue are important for considering the ethics of data motility from light to dark, and this differs from the concerns that we might have when we think about other illuminating tactics such as open data publishing, freedom-of-information requests, or when data is anonymously leaked in the public interest. The first is that the terms of ethics must be communicable to individuals and groups whose data literacy may be low, effectively non-existent, or not oriented around the objective of upholding or generating data-luminosity as an element of a wider, more general form of responsible data stewardship. Historically, a productive approach to data literacy has been finding appropriate metaphors from adjacent fields that can help add depth – by way of analogy – to understanding data motility. Here we return to our earlier assertion that data is more than simply a transactable commodity. Consider the notion of “giving” and “taking” in the context of darkness and light. The analogy of giving and taking is deeply embedded into the notion of data acquisition and sharing by virtue of the etymology of the word data itself: in Latin, “things having been given”, whereby in French données, a natural gift, perhaps one that is given to those that attempt capture for the purposes of empiricism – representation in quantitative form is a quality that is given to phenomena being brought into the light. However, in the contemporary parlance of “analytics” data is “taken” in the form of recording, measuring, and tracking. Data is considered to be something valuable enough to give or take because of its capacity to stand in for real things. The empiricist’s preferred method is to take rather than to accept what is given (Kitchin, 2); the data-capitalist’s is to incentivise the act of giving or to take what is already given (or yet to be taken). Because data-motile processes are not simply passive forms of reading what is contained within a dataset, the materiality and subjectivity of data extraction and interpretation is something that should not be ignored. These processes represent the recontextualisation of data from one space to another and are expressed in the landmark case of Cambridge Analytica, where a private research company extracted data from Facebook and used it to engage in psychometric analysis of unknowing users. Data Capture Mechanism Characteristics and Approach to Data Stewardship Historical Information created, recorded, or gathered about people of things directly from the source or a delegate but accessed for secondary purposes. Observational Represents patterns and realities of everyday life, collected by subjects by their own choice and with some degree of discretion over the methods. Third parties access this data through reciprocal arrangement with the subject (e.g., in exchange for providing a digital service such as online shopping, banking, healthcare, or social networking). Purposeful Data gathered with a specific purpose in mind and collected with the objective to manipulate its analysis to achieve certain ends. Integrative Places less emphasis on specific data types but rather looks towards social and cultural factors that afford access to and facilitate the integration and linkage of disparate datasets Table 1: Mechanisms of Data Capture There are ethical challenges associated with data that has been sourced from pre-existing sets or that has been extracted from websites and online platforms through scraping data and then enriching it through cleaning, annotation, de-identification, aggregation, or linking to other data sources (tab. 1). As a way to address this challenge, our suggestion of “data provenance” can be defined as where a data point comes from, how it came into being, and how it became valuable for some or another purpose. In developing this idea, we borrow from both the computational and biological sciences (Buneman et al.) where provenance, as a form of qualitative inquiry into data-motile processes, centres around understanding the origin of a data point as part of a broader almost forensic analysis of quality and error-potential in datasets. Provenance is an evaluation of a priori computational inputs and outputs from the results of database queries and audits. Provenance can also be applied to other contexts where data passes through sociotechnical systems, such as behavioural analytics, targeted advertising, machine learning, and algorithmic decision-making. Conventionally, data provenance is based on understanding where data has come from and why it was collected. Both these questions are concerned with the evaluation of the nature of a data point within the wider context of a database that is itself situated within a larger sociotechnical system where the data is made available for use. In its conventional sense, provenance is a means of ensuring that a data point is maintained as a single source of truth (Buneman, 89), and by way of a reproducible mechanism which allows for its path through a set of technical processes, it affords the assessment of a how reliable a system’s output might be by sheer virtue of the ability for one to retrace the steps from point A to B. “Where” and “why” questions are illuminating because they offer an ends-and-means view of the relation between the origins and ultimate uses of a given data point or set. Provenance is interesting when studying data luminosity because means and ends have much to tell us about the origins and uses of data in ways that gesture towards a more accurate and structured research agenda for data ethics that takes the emphasis away from individual moral patients and reorients it towards practices that occur within information management environments. Provenance offers researchers seeking to study data-driven practices a similar heuristic to a journalist’s line of questioning who, what, when, where, why, and how? This last question of how is something that can be incorporated into conventional models of provenance that make it useful in data ethics. The question of how data comes into being extends questions of power, legality, literacy, permission-seeking, and harm in an entangled way and notes how these factors shape the nature of personal data as it moves between contexts. Forms of provenance accumulate from transaction to transaction, cascading along, as a dataset ‘picks up’ the types of provenance that have led to its creation. This may involve multiple forms of overlapping provenance – methodological and epistemological, legal and illegal – which modulate different elements and apparatuses. Provenance, we argue is an important methodological consideration for workers in the humanities and social sciences. Provenance provides a set of shared questions on which models of transparency, accountability, and trust may be established. It points us towards tactics that might help data-subjects understand privacy in a contextual manner (Nissenbaum) and even establish practices of obfuscation and “informational self-defence” against regimes of datafication (Brunton and Nissenbaum). Here provenance is not just a declaration of what means and ends of data capture, sharing, linkage, and analysis are. We sketch the outlines of a provenance model in table 2 below. Type Metaphorical frame Dark Light What? The epistemological structure of a database determines the accuracy of subsequent decisions. Data must be consistent. What data is asked of a person beyond what is strictly needed for service delivery. Data that is collected for a specific stated purpose with informed consent from the data-subject. How does the decision about what to collect disrupt existing polities and communities? What demands for conformity does the database make of its subjects? Where? The contents of a database is important for making informed decisions. Data must be represented. The parameters of inclusion/exclusion that create unjust risks or costs to people because of their inclusion or exclusion in a dataset. The parameters of inclusion or exclusion that afford individuals representation or acknowledgement by being included or excluded from a dataset. How are populations recruited into a dataset? What divides exist that systematically exclude individuals? Who? Who has access to data, and how privacy is framed is important for the security of data-subjects. Data access is political. Access to the data by parties not disclosed to the data-subject. Who has collected the data and who has or will access it? How is the data made available to those beyond the data subjects? How? Data is created with a purpose and is never neutral. Data is instrumental. How the data is used, to what ends, discursively, practically, instrumentally. Is it a private record, a source of value creation, the subject of extortion or blackmail? How the data was intended to be used at the time that it was collected. Why? Data is created by people who are shaped by ideological factors. Data has potential. The political rationality that shapes data governance with regard to technological innovation. The trade-offs that are made known to individuals when they contribute data into sociotechnical systems over which they have limited control. Table 2: Forms of Data Provenance Conclusion As an illuminating methodology, provenance offers a specific line of questioning practices that take information through darkness and light. The emphasis that it places on a narrative for data assets themselves (asking what when, who, how, and why) offers a mechanism for traceability and has potential for application across contexts and cases that allows us to see data malpractice as something that can be productively generalised and understood as a series of ideologically driven technical events with social and political consequences without being marred by perceptions of exceptionality of individual, localised cases of data harm or data violence. References Brunton, Finn, and Helen Nissenbaum. "Political and Ethical Perspectives on Data Obfuscation." Privacy, Due Process and the Computational Turn: The Philosophy of Law Meets the Philosophy of Technology. Eds. Mireille Hildebrandt and Katja de Vries. New York: Routledge, 2013. 171-195. 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