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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.
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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat opposition to Soviet expansion world-wide, even if it meant allying with the racist government of South Africa? Or should it follow the opinions of its fellow Third World nations in Africa, even if it led to a Soviet bloc advance? The difficulty China's leaders faced in the autumn of 1975 was one which had hidden origins in the different ways in which China viewed conflicts around the world, a difficulty that had lain dormant for years but which erupted in 1975 into full view, and with disastrous consequences for Chinese foreign policy in Africa. It is, moreover, a discrepancy which continues to exist in China's views of the world today.How does China view conflicts and revolutions in the Third World? How do the Chinese organize their relations with Third World revolutionary organizations and their post-independence governments? This article examines the tensions and shifts of Chinese policy towards two essentially simultaneous revolutionary struggles and their post-independence governments: Angola and Mozambique.
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Marcum, John A. "Angola: The Present Opportunity." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050078x.
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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the “principal” cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Cambodia reinforced this perception of Angola as the beginning of the end of detente.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.
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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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Hoekstra, Quint. "The effect of foreign state support to UNITA during the Angolan War (1975–1991)." Small Wars & Insurgencies 29, no. 5-6 (November 2, 2018): 981–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2018.1519312.
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (October 2006): 98–146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.98.
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This article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978; and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to which Fidel Castro's policy was a function of Soviet demands, and the effect of Cuba's policy in Africa on relations with the United States. The concluding section offers an assessment of the costs and benefits of Cuba's policy.
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 2 (January 2006): 3–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.2.3.
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Drawing on thousands of pages of documents from the closed Cuban archives, from U.S. archives, and from the former East German archives, as well as published materials, this article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dramatic dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978 and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to which Fidel Castro's policy was a function of Soviet demands, and the effect of Cuba's policy in Africa on relations with the United States. The concluding section offers an assessment of the costs and benefits of Cuba's policy in Africa.
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Sobers, Candace. "Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism: Angola and the International System, 1974–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00854.
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This article explores the escalation of tensions surrounding Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975, when a protracted war of national liberation escalated sharply into an international crisis. Rather than see Angola as merely a proxy war, the article depicts the varied responses to Angolan anti-colonial nationalism as consequences of “internationalization,” or the deliberate and endogenous process of framing the struggle for Angolan independence in global terms. By establishing Angolan independence as part of a worldwide battle against imperialism, racism, and Western hegemony in the early 1960s, and by raising the issue in international forums, creating transnational support networks, and operating across borders and oceans, the Angolan national liberation movements created the ideological and political preconditions for the military interventions and Cold War political theater of the 1970s. Angola thus demonstrated how national liberation movements, as transnational actors, learned to operate within the international system to gain necessary material and moral support but also provoked the ire of more powerful external actors who had their own political and ideological reasons for opposing a pro-Soviet regime in Angola.
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Burlingham, Kate. "“Into the Thick of the Fray”." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 3-4 (2015): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02803014.
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This article considers American foreign relations with Angola by exploring the application of so-called adaptive education. Beginning in 1919, black American missionaries at the Congregational Galangue mission station instituted systems of schooling originally developed among freedmen and women in the American South after the Civil War. These pedagogies were specifically designed to educate black Americans without upsetting dominant white structures. When transferred to Angola, these same teachings helped to empower Angolans economically and, ultimately, politically. And yet, they carried with them the unresolved legacy of American slavery. The success of Southern-inspired mission schools among Angolans opens up new questions about the legacies of slavery in US foreign relations with Angola and Africa.
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De Medeiros Carvalho, Pedro Miguel Amakasu Raposo. "Japan's Foreign Aid Policy to Angola and Mozambique." Politikon 38, no. 2 (August 2011): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.580131.
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Vos, Jelmer. "Coffee Frontier in Proto-Colonial and Colonial Angola." Commodity Frontiers, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2021a18078.
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Coffee plantations were unquestionably one of the defining features of Angola’s colonial landscape. From the 1870s to independence, coffee was the main export of this former Portuguese colony, barring a couple of intervals during which rubber and diamonds held first place. During this time, Angola ranked consistently among the world’s largest robusta producers, which it might still have been today had the country’s civil war (1975-2002) not made commercial farming all but impossible. In Angolan popular memory, coffee occupies an ambivalent position: for some people it brings up memories of colonial forced labor, while others recollect stories of successful family farms. My research project, “Coffee and Colonialism in Angola, 1820-1960,” aims to reconstruct the multiple, intertwined realities behind these contrasting memories. Focusing on northern Angola, where smallholding and estate farming always coexisted, it investigates how African farmers, colonial settlers, foreign traders, and global consumers shaped one of the oldest commercial coffee frontiers in sub-Saharan Africa. In doing so, it reflects on the question to what extent “colonialism” is the proper lens through which to study the history of coffee cultivation in Angola.
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Čavoški, Jovan. "“Yugoslavia's Help Was Extraordinary”: Political and Material Assistance from Belgrade to the MPLA in Its Rise to Power, 1961–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 125–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00857.
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Based on newly declassified documents from former Yugoslav archives, this article reconstructs the process of material and political assistance that was rendered to the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) by Yugoslavia throughout the 1960s and into the 1970s until the time of Angola's independence and the beginning of the Angolan civil war in 1975. The archival evidence demonstrates that Yugoslavia's assistance to the MPLA guerrillas was one of the crucial factors that enabled the organization not only to survive the vicissitudes of international politics, but also to preserve and stabilize its strength for the final phase of the power struggle in Angola.
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Miller, Jamie. "Yes, Minister: Reassessing South Africa's Intervention in the Angolan Civil War, 1975–1976." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 3 (July 2013): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00368.
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In 1975–1976, South Africa's apartheid regime took the momentous step of intervening in the Angolan civil war to counter the Marxist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola and its backers in Havana and Moscow. The failure of this intervention and the subsequent ignominious withdrawal had major repercussions for the evolution of the regime and the history of the Cold War in southern Africa. This article is the first comprehensive study of how and why Pretoria became involved. Drawing on a wide variety of primary sources from South African archives as well as interviews with key protagonists, the article shows that the South African Defence Force and Defence Minister P. W. Botha pushed vigorously and successfully for deeper engagement to cope with security threats perceived through the prism of the emerging doctrine of “total onslaught.” South Africa's intervention in Angola was first and foremost the product of strategic calculations derived from a sense of threat perception expressed and experienced in Cold War terms, but applied and developed in a localized southern African context.
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Macqueen, Norrie. "An Ill Wind? Rethinking the Angolan Crisis and the Portuguese Revolution, 1974–1976." Itinerario 26, no. 2 (July 2002): 22–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009128.
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Just before midnight on 10 November 1975 Portugal's high commissioner in Angola, along with the last remnants of the Portuguese army in Africa, embarked for Lisbon. Earlier in the day he had formally transferred sovereignty not to a successor government but to ‘the Angolan people’, a formulation which permitted Portugal to ‘decolonise’ without taking sides in the civil war which was at that time reaching its climax in Angola. Immediately the perfunctory ceremony in Luanda ended, the Portuguese officials left at speed for the harbour and the relative safety of their ships which departed immediately. Thus ended Portugal's 500-year empire in Africa. It is tempting to see Portugal's indecorous withdrawal from Angola as an emblematic climax to an increasingly destructive relationship with the former jewel in its African crown. In this view, the chaotic circumstances of Angola's road to independence had brought Portugal's own fragile and unstable post-revolutionary state to the point of destruction. Yet a quite different view can be proposed. The political and diplomatic challenges thrown down by the Angolan crisis might be seen, on the contrary, to have had a ‘disciplining’ effect on a revolutionary process in Portugal which was threatening to spin out of control as a result of its own internal pressures. Arguably, rather than exacerbating these pressures, the demands of events in Angola had a unifying effect on an otherwise fragmenting state.
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Kloiber, Andrew. "Brewing Relations: Coffee, East Germany, and Laos." Gastronomica 17, no. 4 (2017): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2017.17.4.61.
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This investigation contributes to studies of post-1945 Europe and the Cold War by examining the culture, economics, and politics surrounding the consumption of a single commodity in East Germany, coffee. Coffee was associated with many cultural values and traditions that became tied to the GDR's official image of socialism. When the regime's ability to supply this good was jeopardized in 1975–77, the government sought out new sources of coffee in the developing, so-called Third World. East Germany entered into long-term trade and development projects with countries such as Angola, Ethiopia, Laos, and Vietnam to secure sufficient beans to supply its own population – this article singles out the GDR's relationship with Laos for discussion. These trade deals connected East Germany to a much broader, globalizing economy, and led to certain lasting effects on the world coffee trade.
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Castelo, Cláudia, and Daniel Melo. "Autobiography of Colonial Angola: Memoirs of a Civil Administrator's Wife (1945-1975)." Lusotopie 13, no. 1 (June 1, 2006): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/176830806777584841.
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Newitt, Malyn. "The Late Colonial State in Portuguese Africa." Itinerario 23, no. 3-4 (November 1999): 110–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300024608.
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Since their independence in 1975 the former Portuguese African colonies of Guiné, Angola and Mozambique have been notorious for their instability, while the microstate of Sāo Tome has sunk to become one of the poorest and most debt-burdened countries in the world. The easiest explanation for these disasters can be found in the circumstances of the Portuguese withdrawal from Africa and the maelstrom of the final phases of the Cold War in which these states became embroiled. But are these explanations adequate?
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Kahn, Owen Ellison. "Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 3 (1987): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165843.
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This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.
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MILLER, J. D. B. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy, January to June 1975." Australian Journal of Politics & History 21, no. 3 (June 28, 2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1975.tb01148.x.
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HUDSON, W. J. "Problems in Australian Foreign Policy, July to December 1975." Australian Journal of Politics & History 22, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1976.tb01160.x.
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Reno, William. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Private Corporate Dimension." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 23–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050290x.
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Prior to the start of the colonial era in Africa in the late 19th century, European states conducted relations with African rulers through a variety of means. Formal diplomatic exchanges characterized relations with polities that Europeans recognized as states, between European diplomats and officials of the Congo Kingdom of present-day Angola, Ethiopia, and Liberia, for example. Other African authorities occupied intermediate positions in Europeans’ views of international relations, either because these authorities ruled very small territories, defended no fixed borders, or appeared to outside eyes to be more akin to commercial entrepreneurs than rulers of states. Relations between Europe and these authorities left much more room for proxies and ancillary groups. Missionaries, explorers, and chartered companies commonly became proxies through which strong states in Europe pursued their relations with these African authorities. So too now, stronger states in global society increasingly contract out to private actors their relations toward Africa’s weakest states. Especially in the United States, but also in Great Britain and South Africa, officials show a growing propensity to use foreign firms, including military service companies, as proxies to exercise influence in small, very poor countries where strategic and economic interests are limited. This privatized foreign policy affects the worst-off parts of Africa—states like Angola, the Central African Republic, Liberia, Mozambique, and Sierra Leone—where formal state institutions have collapsed, often amidst long-term warfare and disorder.
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Kuznetsov, A. "Promoting Russian Economic Interests in Southern Africa." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 79–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-79-87.
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In this study Southern Africa refers to 10 countries: South Africa, Namibia, Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Malawi, Angola and Mozambique. The author states that this region can take an important place in the general policy of the economic turn of the Russian Federation to the Global South. The Soviet Union developed close ties with some countries, supporting them in their struggle for independence, but after the collapse of the USSR, our country “left the region”. Analysis of main features of modern Russian foreign trade in goods and services, as well as foreign direct investment, has shown that only South Africa and Angola are characterized by a diversified structure of bilateral economic relations, and quite favorable in terms of Russian exports of goods. However, even in South Africa and Angola, the dynamics of trade with Russia is unstable, Russian investment was made by a limited number of leading TNCs (mainly in raw materials). Imports from Angola are associated only with diamonds, which does not distinguish this country from Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Malawi, which mainly specialize in the supply of tobacco raw materials to Russia. Russian high-tech exports are primarily related to arms supplies, while a significant proportion of other high value-added goods are usually associated with small volumes of supplies (as in the case of Russia’s pharmaceutical exports to Angola). So far, Russian grain and mineral fertilizers are most in demand in Southern Africa. At the same time, almost all countries in the region have the potential to deepen cooperation with Russia. Russian companies that come to the region as investors will be able to significantly increase trade turnover and diversify its structure. The most significant investments have been made by Russian oil and gas TNCs and diamond mining giant ALROSA. However, Russian investors from other industries, as well as service companies, are also showing interest in Southern Africa. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared at IMEMO under the support of the Russian Science Foundation (project no. 17-78-20216).
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Nazario, Olga. "Brazil's Rapprochement with Cuba: The Process and the Prospect." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 28, no. 3 (1986): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165708.
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The Policy of “Responsible Pragmatism,” initiated in 1974 by President Ernesto Geisel, ended Brazil's automatic alignment with the United States and sought out non-ideological ties with Third World and socialist countries instead. This change in policy led Brazil to recognize both the People's Republic of China (in 1974) and the Republic of Angola (in 1975) as well as to improve links with other socialist nations. Resumption of relations with Cuba, however, was rejected by the military regime on grounds that the socialist island did not offer either the energy resources or substantial markets needed by Brazil, two considerations which had gone far to ease the concern of military hardliners over ideological issues.
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Romero Somme, G. "Expropriation and consequence: Peru-United States relations (1963–1975)." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 9, no. 4 (May 11, 2022): 34–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2021-9-4-34-52.
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This article studies the nature of Peru-United States relations during the period 1963–1975 through an analysis of the dispute over the potential expropriation of the US-owned International Petroleum Company. The United States government implemented a tough policy towards the first government of Fernando Belaúnde – who sough a “special” relation with the Unites States –characterized by the threat of economic sanctions if the Peruvian government did not solve the issue in favor of the company. The threat of the Hickenlooper Amendment, which sought to penalize countries that expropriated American owned businesses, was a clear sign of this. Once the company was expropriated by the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces in 1968 the American government was ironically forced to follow a more flexible approach, as the new military regime sought to diversify its bilateral relations in the bipolar context of the Cold War. The American policy of supporting the IPC had negative long-term effects fo American interests in the region, as it accelerated the overthrown of Belaúnde and ushered in the arrival of a military junta which sought a more independent foreign policy. A country that had been solid American ally camp since the end of World War II had become a nonaligned nation.
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Main, John. "Foreign aid, war, and economic development: South Vietnam, 1955–1975." International Affairs 63, no. 2 (1987): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3025499.
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Stafford, David A. T., Christopher Andrew, and Oleg Gordievsky. "Comrade Kryuchkov's Instructions: Top Secret Files of KGB Foreign Operations, 1975-1985." International Journal 49, no. 4 (1994): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40202986.
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Alves, Gisela. "The impact of culture and relational quality in the cooperation between export companies and local distributors." International Journal of Business Ethics and Governance 1, no. 2 (May 31, 2018): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.51325/ijbeg.v1i2.13.
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This study covers the main concepts of international marketing and relationship marketing to understand the role played by culture and the quality of cooperation relations between Portuguese exporting companies and their distributors in Angola. The aim of this research is to understand how the culture and the quality of the relations affect the established cooperation between companies, in the context of the internationalization of the business. It should be emphasized that relationships characterized by trust and commitment in international contexts have been sparsely studied, as well as the impact of cultural similarities and differences in relationship structures. In methodological terms, we opted for a qualitative analysis: five case studies of Portuguese exporting companies and five case studies of Angolan distributors were analyzed. Interviews were conducted with the managers of the Portuguese exporting companies and with the collaborators responsible for export activities, as well as with the Angolan distributors, to obtain answers to the research questions. The selection of Portuguese companies was based on a list of the fifty largest Portuguese exporting companies to Angola, made available by the Portuguese Investment and Foreign Trade Agency, EPE (AICEP), in August 2011. The results show that culture, trust and commitment have an impact on the cooperation of commercial relations between Portuguese exporting companies and their Angolan distributors.
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Mushelenga, Peya. "Namibia’s Foreign Policy and Its Impact on Peace and Security in the Southern Africa Region: A Framework of Liberalism as a Theory of International Relations Studies." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, no. 4 (October 26, 2020): 569–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928420963323.
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This article discusses aspects of Namibia’s foreign policy principles and how they impact on the values of democracy, and issue of peace and security in the region. The article will focus on the attainment of peace in Angola, democratisation of South Africa, and security situations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Madagascar and Lesotho. The main question of this article is: To what extent has Namibia realised the objectives encapsulated in her foreign policy principles of striving for international peace and security and promote the values of democracy in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region? The assumption is that though relatively a newly established state, Namibia has made her contribution towards democracy, peace and security in the Southern Africa region and the world at large.
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Moore, Gwen, and Stephanie Mack. "From Vietnam to Iraq: American Elites' Views on the Use of Military Force." Comparative Sociology 6, no. 1-2 (2007): 215–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913307x187450.
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AbstractIn this paper we present trends in US elites' opinions on the use of military force abroad in the period from the end of US military involvement in Vietnam in 1975 to 2004 during the 'war on terror.' With data from quadrennial surveys of US elites' foreign policy attitudes sponsored by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations since 1975, we ask whether elites have become more militaristic or whether such views have been a long term characteristic of US elites. We find support for the view of United States leaders as prone to the use of military might, even without the support of allies. Yet the findings also indicate that American elites have held this military view of reality for a long time.
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Omo-ogbebor, Dennis Osasuyi. "Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 4 (December 9, 2017): 4015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i4.4656.
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The foreign policy of a state actor towards inter-governmental organizations has become a predominant feature in the contemporary world order, and Nigeria is an active member of the international community. Its foreign policy towards ECOWAS since its formation in 1975 is examined based on its contributions to the regional organization. The objectives of this article are; to explain the historical background of Nigerian foreign policy after gaining independence from Great Britain in 1960; to analyze Nigerian foreign policy approach towards ECOWAS at the early stage of the organization and, finally, to evaluate Nigerian foreign policy in the direction of ECOWAS after its return to democratic rule in 1999. The application of the content analytical method is to realize the objectives set out in the article to allow the author gives a basic conclusion. Therefore, the evolving geopolitics of the world has shown that foreign policy is an effective mechanism in projecting a country’s image and policy direction abroad in modern international relations system.
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Jarząbek, Wanda. "The Impact of the German Question on Polish Attitudes toward CSCE, 1964–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 3 (July 2016): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00655.
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In Polish political thought and foreign policy during the four-plus decades of Communist rule in Poland, the German question played a central role. Many aspects of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) were connected with the German question, but it would be a simplification to construe the Polish regime's interest in the conference only in the context of the German problem. Polish leaders saw CSCE also as a chance for introducing changes in East-West relations and for extending Poland's leeway for maneuver in international relations. This article shows how Polish Communist leaders thought about these issues and traces the diplomatic activity aimed at promoting the Polish point of view and securing the country's (and regime’s) priorities.
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Manyuchi, Albert Edgar. "Foreign Direct Investment and the Transfer of Technologies to Angola's Energy Sector." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 1 (April 2016): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100104.
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The relationship between foreign direct investment (FDI) and the transfer of technology is undergoing a great deal of academic scrutiny and policy analysis. A growing body of literature shows that FDI can be a channel by which to transfer and/or acquire technology; however, there is a paucity of empirical studies on this as it relates to African economies. This article seeks to fill some of that gap by focusing on how FDI inflows are contributing to the transfer of technologies specifically into Angola's energy sector. The analysis is based on qualitative research conducted in Angola in 2014 and reveals that energy production and distribution-technology infrastructure, including machinery and human skills, have been developed largely through FDI inflows. There is, however, no evidence that this FDI has enlarged Angola's endogenous scientific and technological research capabilities in the energy sector; therefore, policies that promote these capabilities, especially manufacturing capabilities, should be introduced.
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SANTOS, NORMA BREDA DOS, and EDUARDO UZIEL. "Forty Years of the United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379 (XXX) on Zionism and Racism: the Brazilian Vote as an instance of United States - Brazil Relations." Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, no. 2 (December 2015): 80–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500205.
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Abstract In 1975, Brazil voted in favor of the United Nations General Assembly resolution 3379 (XXX), equating Zionism with a form of racism. Focusing on the decision-making process of president Ernesto Geisel's (1974-1979) foreign policy, "responsible pragmatism", this article discusses how the ultimate decision to vote in favor of resolution was taken taking into account mainly US-Brazil relationship.
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Miller, Rory M. "Peru and the United States, 1960–1975: How Their Ambassadors Managed Foreign Relations in a Turbulent Era." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 345–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077225.
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Karlén, Niklas. "The legacy of foreign patrons." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 4 (May 26, 2017): 499–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317700465.
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Why do some armed conflicts that have ended experience renewed fighting while others do not? Previous research on conflict recurrence has approached this question by looking at domestic factors such as how the war was fought, how it ended or factors associated with its aftermath. With the exception of the literature on third-party security guarantees, the influence of outside actors has often been overlooked. This article explores the role of external states and suggests when and how their involvement is likely to affect the probability of renewed warfare. The main argument is that the legacy of outside support creates an external support structure that affects the previous combatants’ willingness as well as their opportunities to remobilize. This means that armed conflicts with external state support will experience a greater likelihood of recurrence compared to other conflicts which did not see external support. The theory is tested using Cox proportional hazards models on global data of intrastate armed conflicts 1975–2009. The findings suggest that external support to rebels increases the risk of conflict recurrence in the short term as groups receive or anticipate renewed assistance. The results also indicate that it is more important for rebel groups to have had enduring support over the years in the previous conflict rather than access to multiple state sponsors. External support provided to governments is not associated with conflict recurrence.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "Engaging Southeast Asia? Labor's Regional Mythology and Australia's Military Withdrawal from Singapore and Malaysia, 1972–1973." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 4 (October 2010): 32–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00047.
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This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.
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Jackson, Galen. "The Showdown That Wasn't: U.S.-Israeli Relations and American Domestic Politics, 1973–75." International Security 39, no. 4 (April 2015): 130–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00201.
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How influential are domestic politics on U.S. foreign affairs? With regard to Middle East policy, how important a role do ethnic lobbies, Congress, and public opinion play in influencing U.S. strategy? Answering these questions requires the use of archival records and other primary documents, which provide an undistorted view of U.S. policymakers' motivations. The Ford administration's 1975 reassessment of its approach to Arab-Israeli statecraft offers an excellent case for the examination of these issues in light of this type of historical evidence. President Gerald Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger decided, in large part because of the looming 1976 presidential election, to avoid a confrontation with Israel in the spring and summer of 1975 by choosing to negotiate a second disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel rather than a comprehensive settlement. Nevertheless, domestic constraints on the White House's freedom of action were not insurmountable and, had they had no other option, Ford and Kissinger would have been willing to engage in a showdown with Israel over the Middle East conflict's most fundamental aspects. The administration's concern that a major clash with Israel might stoke an outbreak of anti-Semitism in the United States likely contributed to its decision to back down.
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Lino, Flavio Henrique. "A nova aliança de Abraão: elementos estratégicos do apoio dos Estados Unidos a Israel na revista ‘Foreign Affairs’ (1945-1975)." Fronteiras & Debates 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18468/fronteiras.2019v6n1.p85-107.
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<p> O objetivo desta pesquisa foi analisar a construção e a manutenção do apoio dos Estados Unidos a Israel, a partir dos argumentos que privilegiaram o valor estratégico e militar dessa aliança. Com esse propósito, foi escolhida a revista “Foreign Affairs”, publicada pelo Council on Foreign Relations, organização privada baseada em Nova York que reúne importantes membros do establishment da política externa americana e uma das mais influentes em sua área de atuação. Procurei identificar, entre 1945 e 1975, os elementos do debate entre os defensores e os detratores da aliança que pudessem justificar o sólido posicionamento adotado pelos Estados Unidos, contrastando-os com os próprios interesses nacionais do país durante o período da Guerra Fria.</p>
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Dolanbay, Hadjer. "Modern world history:a look at world events 1975-1984." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (December 25, 2020): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/18-23.
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In this study, the events that shaped the recent world history were evaluated together with their impact on the foreign political life of Turkey. In the study field, literature was scanned with document analysis. The data collected are presented in a meaningful whole, in a controversial manner. In these years, the oil crisis caused by the Arab-Israeli war has left the countries of the world, especially Turkey, in economic difficulties. In relations with the Middle East, the Camp David treaty, the Israel - Egypt treaty and, the Golan Heights issue are among the important events of the period. In Iran, the fall of the Shah's regime and, the establishment of the Islamic Republic in its place are among the events that continue to echo from that period to the present. The overthrow of the Shah in Iran, Soviet Russia's invasion of Afghanistan and finally the Iraq-Iran war were important events that occurred in the early 80s. Although all these events seem to be separate, they are related. After the mentioned events, many countries changed their politics and economic policies. Key words: Modern History, Camp David Treaty, Islamic Revolution in Iran, Iran-Iraq War
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MIKLOUHO-MACLAY, Niсkolay N. "DIGITALIZATION FORMATION OF THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: CHALLENGES AND SOLUTIONS." Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, no. 4(57) (2022): 166–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2022-4-4-54-166-175.
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This article presents the main stages of the independent state of Papua New Guinea (PNG). It analyses the first steps in the formation of a democratic government in 1975 and subsequent political reforms, including the provincial government as a stabilization measure. The topic of crime (raskolism), the causes of corruption and intertribal conflicts that the young state faced, and the effectiveness of the fight against it are analyzed, as well as the reasons for restraining economic growth, the foreign policy of the state in the first decade of independent PNG and its relations with Australia.
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FORTIER, Jacob. "EAST TIMOR: WHEN STATE REPRESSION MAKES SECESSION EASIER (1975-2002)." Conflict Studies Quarterly 35 (April 2021): 18–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/csq.35.2.
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Why does state violence sometimes fail to crush a secessionist movement and instead facilitate international support for the separatist cause? Based on the literature on the international recognition of secessionist entities and on the impact of state repression against social movements, this paper develops an argument according to which the timing of certain repressive events make them more likely to generate an international backlash and thus facilitate external support for secessionists. To backfire internationally, state violence must occur at the right time—that is, when the secessionists have gained sufficient media attention, put in place an appropriate organizational structure, and have abandoned violent tactics for a nonviolent campaign. Using the secession process of East Timor as a case study, this paper shows how the international moral outrage that followed the Dili massacre (1991),combined with a changing geopolitical context, have boosted the foreign support of the secessionist movement in East Timor and allowed it to obtain important concessions from Jakarta. Keywords: State repression, Secession, East Timor, Political violence, International Relations
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AHMED, FAISAL Z. "The Perils of Unearned Foreign Income: Aid, Remittances, and Government Survival." American Political Science Review 106, no. 1 (January 16, 2012): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000475.
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Given their political incentives, governments in more autocratic polities can strategically channel unearned government and household income in the form of foreign aid and remittances to finance patronage, which extends their tenure in political office. I substantiate this claim with duration models of government turnover for a sample of 97 countries between 1975 and 2004. Unearned foreign income received in more autocratic countries reduces the likelihood of government turnover, regime collapse, and outbreaks of major political discontent. To allay potential concerns with endogeneity, I harness a natural experiment of oil price–driven aid and remittance flows to poor, non–oil producing Muslim autocracies. The instrumental variables results confirm the baseline finding that authoritarian governments can harness unearned foreign income to prolong their rule. Finally, I provide evidence of the underlying causal mechanisms that governments in autocracies use aid and remittances inflows to reduce their expenditures on welfare goods to fund patronage.
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Son, Byunghwan. "Democracy and Reserves." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (August 12, 2019): 417–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz020.
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Abstract Does democracy affect foreign exchange reserves? This paper identifies four possible explanations for the determinants of foreign exchange reserves. Using the relationship between public goods provision and political regime types as a conceptual centerpiece, it offers a theoretical framework in which these four arguments are pit against each other. The “insurance” and “social cost” arguments posit monotonously positive and negative relationships between democracy and reserves, respectively, each citing democratic governments’ propensity to provide public goods such as financial stability and public spending. The mercantilist and rentier state arguments together put forth a conditional hypothesis that autocracies serve particularistic interests of outwardly (inwardly) oriented elites more than democracies do through weak-currency/large-reserve (strong-currency/small-reserve) policies. Utilizing panel data covering 127 countries from 1975 to 2012, I find that more democratic regimes are associated with larger (smaller) volumes of reserves when the size of exporting sectors is considerably small (large).
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Ponedelko, Galina Nikolaevna. "Evolution of Spanish tax policy (1975-2021)." Mezhdunarodnaja jekonomika (The World Economics), no. 8 (August 10, 2021): 619–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-04-2108-04.
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The article considers the evolution of the Spanish tax system during the most important period of its historical development: the transition from Francoism to democracy. As the main economic function of the state, the tax system traditionally reflects its social structure, the nature of economic relations and managerial decisions of the ruling class, fundamental processes of social development. Unlike most European countries, the tax policy of the Spanish state until the last quarter of the 20th century was characterised by extreme anachronism, due to the long existence of Franco’s political system. Spain entered the path of democracy and europeanization of the Franco tax legislation only in the second half of the 70s, having gone through two stages of its modification: from state dirigism to neoliberal model. The main goal of the first stage was declared to achieve a fairer redistribution of the tax burden and narrowing the gap in the level of taxation between the most and the poorest strata of the population in accordance with the democratic principle "who receives the most income pays more to the budget". In the course of the second stage of tax reform the emphasis was done on stimulating business, its innovative, foreign economic and competitive potential, curtailing the functions of the Welfare state. Pandemic Covid-19 sums up the negative consequences of the neoliberal policy, largely due to the existing tax model. Its serious modification is the main direction in the complex of socioeconomic reforms of the Spanish government for the coming years.
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Huang, Reyko. "Rebel Diplomacy in Civil War." International Security 40, no. 4 (April 2016): 89–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00237.
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In the midst of civil war, rebel groups often expend significant resources opening offices in foreign capitals, meeting with heads of state, expanding their overseas networks, appealing to international organizations, and contacting foreign media. Existing scholarship has generally neglected international diplomacy as an aspect of violent rebellion, focusing instead on rebel efforts at domestic organization. A systematic documentation of rebel diplomacy in post–1950 civil wars using new quantitative and qualitative data shows that rebel diplomacy is commonplace and that many groups demonstrate as much concern for overseas political campaigns as they do for domestic and local mobilization. Diplomacy, furthermore, is not a weapon of the militarily weak, but a tactical choice for rebel groups seeking political capital within an international system that places formidable barriers to entry on nonstate entities. An original analysis of the diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the Angolan civil war using archival sources further demonstrates why rebels may become active diplomats in one phase of a conflict but eschew diplomacy in another. More broadly, the international relations of rebel groups promise to be an important new research agenda in understanding violent politics.
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Yungblyud, V., and D. Ilyin. "Jackson–Vanik Amendment and Development of Soviet-American Relations in 1972-1975." MGIMO Review of International Relations 13, no. 2 (April 28, 2020): 7–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2020-2-71-7-39.
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The article is devoted to one of the key subjects of the detente period – the history of development and adoption of Jackson-Vanik Amendment to the Trade Act of 1974. The significance of the human rights problem in the USSR, in particular – the right to emigrate, for the development of American-Soviet relations at the peak of detente is shown. Special attention was paid to trilateral negotiations between the Soviet leadership, Nixon and Ford administrations and the legislators headed by Senator Henry Jackson. The Amendment, adopted in December 1974, created serious obstacles for the development of trade and economic relations between the superpowers, and it had a number of negative political consequences also. The Amendment constituted the issue of human rights in the USSR as one of the important components of the U.S. foreign policy, created a negative background for the American-Soviet dialogue, which significantly complicated the outlined convergence of superpowers and contributed to the curtailment of detente.The political struggle around the Jackson-Vanik Amendment became the quintessence of detente. Each of the parties involved regarded the Amendment differently: Soviet leaders saw it as a rude interference in the internal affairs of the USSR; Kissinger saw it as an untimely and too radical in form and methods attempt to transform the Soviet system; Jackson saw it as a good way to increase his popularity by exploiting a popular in the post-Vietnam era theme that was naturally consistent with American national values and traditions. Both the Kremlin and Jackson had a fairly clear set of concessions that they could make. However, in the context of the systemic crisis of power caused by Watergate, the US administration did not have enough resources to bring them to a common denominator. The Soviet leadership soon also faced new economic and political challenges, and the problem of restoring trade relations with the United States ceased to be a priority.The Jackson-Vanik Amendment of 1974 became the watershed separating the “high détente” from its downward phase. Its real significance far exceeded its immediate meaning embedded in the arguments of its creators. It was not an accident that the Amendment was not canceled in 1987 after the USSR liberated its emigration policy. After the collapse of the USSR American leadership used it as a political leverage against Russian Federation. Boris Yeltsin appealed to Bill Clinton multiple times in 1993-1994 requesting removal of discrimination measures in trade and economic relations inherited from the soviet times. The Amendment was not cancelled it was only temporarily suspended. It was officially canceled only in 2012, but only in order to give way to a law that allows the United States, at its discre tion, to impose sanctions on individuals allegedly responsible for human rights violations in Russia (the so-called Magnitsky Act) and remains an obstacle to the development of equal Russian-American economic ties.
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Mariani, Léo. "The Rise of Distrust: State Officials, Gifts and Social Hierarchy in Laos." European Journal of Sociology 53, no. 2 (August 2012): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975612000082.
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AbstractConceptualisations of the state as a reified entity fall short in the case of socialist Laos. Foreign commentators often imagine Lao political life through a discourse of state governance, yet the Lao themselves, in popular narratives, tend to emphasise their day to day interactions with state officials. In their everyday lives, the latter are treated as individuals with which it is possible to interact. This article explores the relations between the Lao people and their government officials, and how those relations have changed in recent history (mainly since 1975). Wedding receptions – vital events in Lao social life, where power is invoked through performance and representation – are taken as case studies for the analysis of authority and legitimacy in a socialist state context.
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Hasegawa, Tsuyoshi. "The Soviet Factor in U.S.-Japanese Defense Cooperation, 1978–1985." Journal of Cold War Studies 15, no. 2 (April 2013): 72–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00338.
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In the crucial period from 1978 to 1975, Japan jettisoned its “omnidirectional” foreign policy and embraced a closer and more integrated defense alliance with the United States. Concern about the Soviet threat was the chief motive for this shift. The deployment of Soviet troops in the Northern Territories (Southern Kuriles), the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, and the deployment of Soviet Backfire bombers and SS-20 nuclear missiles in the Far East all provided impetus toward closer U.S.-Japanese defense cooperation. As Japan closely aligned its defense policy with the United States, Soviet-Japanese relations correspondingly deteriorated. Normal channels of communication were broken off. As the Japanese government elevated the Northern Territories issue to the forefront of Soviet-Japanese relations, Soviet criticism of Japan escalated. By the time Mikhail Gorbachev took power in 1985, Soviet-Japanese relations had sunk to their lowest point.
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Volman, Daniel P. "The Clinton Administration and Africa: Role of Congress and the Africa Subcommittees." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 26, no. 2 (1998): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502881.
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Studies of U.S. government relations with Africa have generally focused on the role of the executive branch, specifically by examining and analyzing the views and activities of administration officials and the members of executive branch bureaucracies. This is only natural, given the predominant role that the executive branch has historically played in the development and implementation of U.S. policy toward the continent. However, the U.S. Congress has always played an important role in determining U.S. policy toward Africa due to its constitutional authority over the appropriation and authorization of funding for all foreign operations conducted by the executive branch. Furthermore, Congress enacted legislation on several occasions during the Cold War period that directly affected U.S. policy. For example, Congress approved the Clark Amendment prohibiting U.S. intervention in Angola (although it later voted to repeal the amendment) and also passed the 1986 Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, which imposed sanctions on South Africa over the veto of the Reagan administration.
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Burlingham, Kate. "Praying for Justice: The World Council of Churches and the Program to Combat Racism." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 66–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00856.
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In the late 1960s and early 1970s, individuals around the world, particularly those in newly decolonized African countries, called on churches, both Protestant and Catholic, to rethink their mission and the role of Christianity in the world. This article explores these years and how they played out in Angola. A main forum for global discussion was the World Council of Churches (WCC), an ecumenical society founded alongside the United Nations after World War II. In 1968 the WCC devised a Program to Combat Racism (PCR), with a particular focus on southern Africa. The PCR's approach to combating racism proved controversial. The WCC began supporting anti-colonial organizations against white minority regimes, even though many of these organizations relied on violence. Far from disavowing violent groups, the PCR's architects explicitly argued that, at times, violent action was justified. Much of the PCR funding went to Angolan revolutionary groups and to individuals who had been educated in U.S. and Canadian foreign missions. The article situates global conversations within local debates between missionaries and Angolans about the role of the missions in the colonial project and the future of the church in Africa.
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Scott, James M., Charles M. Rowling, and Timothy M. Jones. "Democratic Openings and Country Visibility: Media Attention and the Allocation of US Democracy Aid, 1975–2010." Foreign Policy Analysis 16, no. 3 (October 10, 2019): 373–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fpa/orz023.
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Abstract Late in the twentieth century, the United States embraced democracy promotion as a foreign policy priority, a central component of which involved allocating democracy aid to governments, political parties, and nongovernmental organizations around the world to support and encourage democratization. Nonetheless, as a scarce resource, democracy assistance is allocated selectively: some states receive substantial commitments while others receive none. As previous studies have concluded, democracy aid allocations are, in part, strategic bets placed on the likelihood of progress toward and consolidation of democracy, as donors consider cues that identify situations where democracy aid is likely to be most successful. We introduce the role of media coverage as a key factor in democracy aid allocations and argue that a shift toward democracy within a potential recipient state interacts with media attention to that state to generate cues for aid allocators. To gauge the agenda-setting and cueing effects of media coverage on democracy aid allocations, we examine US democracy assistance from 1975 to 2010, weighing the impact of media attention, democratic openings, and other factors related to recipient characteristics and US political, strategic, economic, and ideational interests on democracy assistance. We conclude with a discussion of the implications of these findings.