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1
Devraun, L. J. D. "South African foreign relations with Angola, 1975-1988 : a structural realist perspective." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13877.
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Bibliography: leaves 176-202.<br>There are an enormous number of competing interpretations of South Africa's apartheid era policies both in the region and towards Angola. With South Africa's role in the Angolan civil war as its case study, this paper evaluates the relative utility of certain selected approaches to international relations theory. This paper evaluates the relative utility of system level versus unit level theories to explain the nature of South African involvement in the Angolan conflict. These two categories are represented by nee-realist structural theory and, secondly, by a variety of unit level theories typically concerned with South Africa's domestic environment. This dissertation demonstrates, through the actual events, the utility of these two distinct theoretical approaches. Given the above approach and objectives, the methodology consists firstly of a critical conceptual review and analysis of each paradigm as a useful explanation of South African foreign relations. It consists secondly, of a more "empirical" assessment of their value in accounting for or illuminating significant aspects of the internal and external sources of motivation for South Africa's military intervention. The empirical evidence is examined according to four stages: firstly; a review of the related literature, secondly; South Africa's initial intervention and the presence of US aid in 1975, thirdly; the widening of the conflict post 1978 under P. W. Botha, and fourthly; the departure of all the major foreign influences and final resolution of the Angolan conflict. This exercise extends until 1988 which, in December of that year, witnessed the cessation of all external intervention. The conclusion recommends further research in the form of empirical case studies which consider both the application of international relations theory as well as the military dimension of the conflict.
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Raimundo, Antonio Joaquim. "The Europeanisation of national foreign policy : Portuguese foreign policy towards Angola and Mozambique, 1978-2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/471/.
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After its transition to democracy and decolonisation in the mid-1970s, Portugal’s main external focus shifted from Africa and the Atlantic to Europe. However, past priorities continued to occupy an important place in its foreign policy. This thesis assesses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on Portuguese foreign policy by focusing on relations with Angola and Mozambique, the two largest former colonies of Portugal in sub-Saharan Africa. The thesis uses the concept of “Europeanisation”, comprising three relevant dimensions for examining possible changes in the foreign policy of an EU member state: national adaptation (a “top-down” process), national projection (“bottom-up”), and identity formation (socialisation process). In order to better control for the influence of other variables (beyond the EU) on Portuguese policy, the concept of Europeanisation is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach. The study focuses on the period between 1978 and 2010, and covers three policy areas: external trade, development aid and political-diplomatic issues. The application of this analytical framework produced significant evidence of Europeanisation, both in its dimension of national adaptation and, chiefly, national projection. The analysis also revealed variations across policy areas and country cases, with the strongest evidence of Europeanisation found for the domain of trade and for the case of Mozambique in general. These findings give support to studies stressing that EU membership “strengthened” Portugal’s postcolonial relations, but also add a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the EU’s impact on the national level.
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Sapalalo, Abraão. "Os vectores determinantes na condução da diplomacia da UNITA no período da guerra civil de Angola de 1975 a 2002: numa dimensão de relações internacionais." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/12105.
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Os vectores determinantes na condução da diplomacia da UNITA no período da
guerra civil de Angola de 1975 a 2002 – numa dimensão de Relações
Internacionais.
Depois de uma diplomacia itinerante feita nos países da europa do Leste, África e Ásia,
sem ter obtido o sucesso desejado, Jonas Malheiro Savimbi concebe a ideia de criar a
UNITA, em Champaix na Suíça, em conversa com Tony da Costa Fernandes e foi aí
que os seus Estatutos foram redigidos por ambos em 1964. A criação da UNITA
completava a estrutura tripartida do nacionalismo angolano para combater o
colonialismo português, desenvolvendo uma acção diplomática de relevo que levo-o
ocupar o lugar de membro observador da ONU em 1975, no combate contra o
colonialismo português. Na última fase do conflito (1992-2002), houve uma derrocada
da diplomacia que culminou em condenação pela ONU e a consequente morte do líder
Jonas Malheiro Savimbi no combate 22.2.2002, na província e na localidade onde tinha
constituído este Movimento há 36 anos; ### ABSTRACT:
The vectors determining to the conduct of diplomacy of the National Union for the
Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) during the civil war Angola from 1975 to
2002 – in a dimension of International Relations
There have been analyzed the following aspects: after an unsuccessful itinerant
diplomacy made with countries in East Europe, Africa and Asia, which did not achieved
the goals intended, Jonas Malheiro Savimbi gave birth to the idea of creating the
UNITA at Champaix in Switzerland during a conversation with Tony da Costa
Fernandes, that´s where its constitutional by-laws were written by both in 1964. The
creation of UNITA integrate the tripartite structure of Angola’s nationalism to fight the
portuguese colonialism, developing a substantial diplomatic action, which led him to
occupy a place as an observer state in the UN in 1975, in its combat against Portuguese
colonialism. In the last period of the conflict (1992-2002), there was a collapse of its
diplomacy and culminated its condemnation by UN and the death of the leader Jonas
Malheiro Savimbi in combat on 02.22.02, in the province where this Movement had
been created 36 years ago.
4
Martinsen, Mari. "Oiling Development? A critical analysis of Norway's petroleum assistance to Angola." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6815.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.
5
Lo, Sek-man, and 盧錫文. "Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31948625.
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Lo, Sek-man. "Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12323676.
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Epimi, Guia Lucien. "Les relations entre l'Angola et le Congo-Kinshasa de 1975 à 2002." Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040061.
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Cette thèse étudie les relations entre l’Angola et le Congo-kinshasa de 1975 à 2002. Elle identifie et évalue, à travers une perspective historique des relations internationales, la nature et la portée de ces relations en interaction avec les conflits armés observés dans ces pays pendant et après la Guerre Froide. La thèse se propose d’étudier cette problématique autour de quatre axes : le contexte international et régional dans lesquels s’inscrivent ces relations, l’attitude du Congo-Zaïre face au conflit angolais, le comportement de l’Angola à l’égard du conflit du Congo-Kinshasa, les perspectives d’avenir. Ce travail montre d’une part, que depuis 1975 jusqu’à la chute du président Mobutu en mai 1997, les relations entre l’Angola et le Congo-Zaïre étaient essentiellement conflictuelles, et, d’autre part, elle souligne qu’avec la chute du président Mobutu et l’avènement des présidents Kabila au pouvoir au Congo-Kinshasa, la dynamique des conflits armés dans les deux pays a été à l’origine d’une normalisation de leurs relations<br>This dissertation studies the relations between Angola and Congo-Kinshasa from 1975 to 2002. It identifies and evaluates through a historical approach to international relations the nature and significance of those relations in interaction with the armed conflicts that took place in these countries during and after the Cold War. The main questions are examined along four axes: the international and regional contexts to which these relations belong, the position of Congo-Zaire about the Angolan conflict, Angola’s behavior toward the conflict in Congo-Kinshasa, the prospects for the future. This work first shows that from 1975 until President Mobutu’s fall in May 1997, the relations between Angola and Congo-Zaire were mainly conflicting, and second, that with President Mobutu’s fall and the arrival of the Kabila presidents in Congo-Kinshasa, the dynamics of the armed conflicts in both countries resulted in a normalization of their relations
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Nowosad, Orest J. W. "Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.
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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975,
the further development of a relationship between a weak and
a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of
China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which
would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the
modern age.
9
Anderson, Emily. "States of extraction : impacts of taxation on statebuilding in Angola and Mozambique, 1975-2013." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3071/.
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This PhD investigates the impacts of taxation on state capacity and accountability through comparative case studies of Angola and Mozambique between 1975 and 2013. Extremes of violence and economic dependency dominate the postcolonial histories of Angola and Mozambique. These cases provide an ideal setting for comparative analysis of how civil war and single resource dependence influence the links between taxation and statebuilding. The thesis demonstrates, in contrast to bellicist notions, that civil war did not strengthen the tax systems or create stronger states. Rather, transitions from the colonial capitalist regimes to socialism and then towards market capitalism, as well as the availability of autonomous income sources, were the central drivers of change in extractive processes. The research establishes taxation as both a critical explanation for development trajectories and a reflection of state capacity and accountability. Existing research on taxation and statebuilding in contemporary developing countries tends to treat tax as a catalyst for democracy, but I find that it provides political regimes with an equally powerful tool to expand power through neopatrimonial networks and consolidate control over the state. Analysis of the case studies concludes that, driven by extraverted elite accumulation strategies, vast oil resources in Angola and large-scale foreign aid in Mozambique worked similarly to disconnect state finances from society and undermine the potential links between revenue collection and redistribution, thereby reducing the possibility of enhanced state capacity or accountability.
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Galdino, Carolina Ferreira. "Moçambique e Angola na visão d'O Estado de S. Paulo (1975-1996) /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152030.
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Orientadora: Suzeley Kalil Mathias<br>Banca: Shiguenoli Miyamoto<br>Banca: Samuel Alves Soares<br>Banca: José Miguel Arias Neto<br>Banca: Acácio Almeida<br>Banca: Marina Vitelli<br>Banca: Eduardo Mei<br>O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"<br>Resumo: A redução de vulnerabilidades frente ao exterior, a elevação dos saldos das exportações, bem como, o significativo aumento dos investimentos externos diretos são os principais componentes da nova conjuntura vivenciada por diversos países emergentes de conflito situados do outro lado do Atlântico. Dentre os países africanos de língua portuguesa, Moçambique e Angola possuem papel de destaque nas relações bilaterais empreendidas pelo Brasil com o continente africano, sendo estes os principais receptores das iniciativas de cooperação empreendidas pelo Brasil. Não raramente, os meios de comunicação apresentam parte do continente africano através de uma perspectiva eurocentrada, cedendo especial atenção à suas vulnerabilidades em detrimento de suas potencialidades e impossibilitando o conhecimento efetivo da realidade daqueles países. A forma como o continente africano é apresentado pelos meios de comunicação contribui para a perpetuação de uma visão e um discurso específico. Todo discurso tem o poder de dialogar com múltiplos discursos, razão pela qual a grande imprensa exerce papel fundamental na representação da realidade. A presente tese objetiva analisar como a grande imprensa paulistana, representada nesta pesquisa pelo jornal O Estado de S. Paulo, apresentou Moçambique e Angola entre 1975 e 1996.<br>Abstract: Reducing vulnerabilities to the outside world, rising export balances, as well as the significant increase in direct foreign investment are the main components of the new situation experienced in several emerging countries of conflict located on the other side of the Atlantic. Among the Portuguese-speaking African countries, Mozambique and Angola play a prominent role in the bilateral relations undertaken by Brazil with the African continent, which are the main recipients of the cooperation initiatives undertaken by Brazil. Not infrequently, the media presents a part of the African continent through a Eurocentric perspective, giving special attention to its vulnerabilities to the detriment of its potentialities and making it impossible to know effectively the reality of those countries. Every speech has the power to dialogue with multiple discourses, which is why the major press plays a fundamental role in the representation of reality. This thesis aims to analyze how the press in Sao Paulo, represented in this research by O Estado de S. Paulo newspaper, presented Mozambique and Angola between 1975 and 1996.<br>Doutor
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Carrasco, Carlos Antonio. "L' intervention étrangère dans la guerre angolaise." Paris, INALCO, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996INAL0018.
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Othieno, Timothy. "Cuba's revolutionist and anti-imperialist foreign policy in Southern Africa: the case of Angola and Namibia." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003029.
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This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.
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Manickam, Ravindran. "The strategic role of the United States of America in South East Asia since 1975." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/114555.
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One of the constant features of the United States foreign policy is the maintenance of an
international environment in which the United States can survive and prosper. This is based on an
economic-strategic nexus. This has been emphasised since the time of the Truman administration
after the second World War. For instance Truman stated during the height of the Korean War and
other communist rebellions in the Southeast Asian region that the loss of any one of those
countries would mean the loss of freedom for millions of people, the loss of vital raw
materials,and the loss of points of critical strategic importance to the free world. This
perception was crystallised into the containment policy to halt the spread of communism. This
policy was also emphasised in the Southeast Asian region. However with the achievement of detente
with China and the Soviet Union in 1972, the containment policy transformed to maintenance of a
balance of power policy in the region.
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Katahara, Eiichi. "The U.S.-Japan security relationship, 1975-1985 : a Japanese perspective." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112048.
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Japan and the United States, two bitter wartime
enemies, have become two of the closest and perhaps most
important allies in the world today. Given the
dissimilarities between the two countries, the U.S.-Japan
alliance is, indeed, a remarkable achievement. In spite of
the marked differences in culture, tradition, language and
ethnicity, the two countries share a basic similarity in
that they are now industrial democracies, embracing
democratic values and a free economy. Although the post-war U .S .-Japanese relationship can be
viewed as a remarkable success, diverging national interests
and differing perceptions have troubled the relationship
from time to time. These create an ever-present potential
for mishandling and misunderstanding, as were the textile
dispute in 1969-71 and the "Nixon shocks" of 1971. Although
Japan has been the cornerstone of the U.S. strategy of
forward deployment in the Asia-Pacific region, recent
U .S .-Japanese relations have been strained by chronic
economic friction and U.S. demands for an increased Japanese
defence effort. This paper deals with the strategic aspects of the
current U .S .-Japanese relationship. It focusses on the
period from 1975 to the present because since the late
1970s, the U . S .-Japanese security relationship has entered a new phase. Recent trends indicate that Japan seems to be
increasingly integrated into the U.S. global alliance
system. Some indications of this are joint defence planning,
military technology cooperation and joint military
exercises. But questions which need to be answered remain.
Is Japan really prepared to meet the U.S. demands? What are
the implications of the deepening military ties between the
U.S. and Japan for the security of Japanese interests, or
for the stability of the Asia-Pacific region? How can a more
stable U,S.-Japanese security relationship be developed?
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Nadkarni, Vidya. "Soviet perceptions of the correlation of forces." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/27469.
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This thesis examines evolving Soviet perspectives on the "correlation of forces" between the socialist world and the capitalist countries in general and the Soviet Union and the United States in particular. The focus is on the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases of Soviet history. The term "correlation of forces" is primarily an analytic concept used by Soviet leaders and scholars to understand and interpret the pace of what they view as the inevitable historical development in favor of socialism. A rough Soviet equivalent of the Western concept of the "balance of power," "correlation of forces" as it is used by Soviet spokesmen encompasses economic, political, and military-security dimensions.
The methodology employed in the thesis in charting the chronological evolution of Soviet thinking regarding the correlation of forces consists of a careful and discriminating textual analysis of terminological variations in Soviet scholarly and official use of the concept over time, with due regard to contextual fluctuations in the domestic and international realms. For its source material, this study relied heavily on the speeches and writing of Soviet leaders as well as utilizing analyses of international developments published in Soviet scholarly journals. The differing stress on each of the three aspects of the correlation of forces—economic, political, and military—between the Khrushchev and Brezhnev periods allowed us to trace the change and evolution of the Soviet world view from a primary stress on economic factors of the distribution of power under Khrushchev, to an emphasis on the military dimension of the balance under Brezhnev. By monitoring terminological variations in the concept, we were able to identify periods of optimism and pessimism during both the Khrushchev and Brezhnev phases.
We also noted the important role played by the divergent personalities of Khrushchev and Brezhnev on Soviet portrayal of the correlation of forces. Whereas the exuberant Soviet optimism in the military area lacked any basis in fact under Khrushchev, the depiction of the military correlation, while more muted under Brezhnev, was solidly based. These and other such differences, we argued, were a function of the stamp superimposed on Soviet politics by the respective leaders of the time.
This study will, by clarifying the context within which the Soviet leadership makes its choices, contribute to an enhanced understanding of the general foreign policy trends of the USSR.<br>Arts, Faculty of<br>Political Science, Department of<br>Graduate
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Manini, Hector Leandro Manini. "An enquiry into Argentina's foreign policy towards Southern Africa since 2003 with specific reference to Angola and Mozambique." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/11427/31617.
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This study investigates the deepening relations between Argentina and Southern Africa with specific reference to Angola and Mozambique. The enquiry notes the early years of the 2000s as the turning point that saw a sea change in Argentina‟s foreign policy towards these two countries. From nearly non-existent bilateral relations to concerted efforts to strengthen economic ties with the two Southern African countries by Argentina, these changes in Argentina‟s foreign policy are compelling for consideration as subjects of academic enquiry. The study seeks to understand the key motivations behind this new approach in Argentina‟s foreign policy, and using a case study approach, the study delves into the historical developments and other politically significant sequences of events in each of the two African countries in question to account for said foreign policy changes. As a theory of international relations, realism serves as a key anchor of this study, providing a magnifying lens that allows us to uncover economic considerations to be the key motivating factors behind Argentina‟s foreign policy. Despite Angola and Mozambique being endowed with natural resources, which provides a natural allure for countries such as Argentina to want to exploit, trade remains the key pillar of bilateral economic relations between Argentina and the two Southern African countries. These have been blossoming and reaching new heights. All this was facilitated by political stability in the two countries following a long period of civil wars that left the economies of Mozambique and Angola in deprived and crippled economic conditions.
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Osoegawa, Taku. "Coping with Syria : international relations theory and the case of Lebanon from civil war to indirect rule (1975-2002)." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13847.
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This thesis is a study of international relations theory and the case of the Lebanese state's relations with Syria between 1975 and 2002. It aims to answer the following questions: (1) Why has Lebanon generally "bandwagoned" with Syria, a country which has managed to intervene in and subdue it at the expense of Lebanese sovereignty. (2) How have Lebanese state officials, along with other political actors, tried to manipulate Syria for their own interests, whether to defend Lebanese sovereignty, to maintain and increase their status, or to contain and appease their rivals and opponents. (3) Parallel to the discussions generated by these two questions, which kinds of theory are relevant to or best explain Lebanese relations with Syria. Specifically this study demonstrates that the behavior of a penetrated weak state, Lebanon, toward a regional middle power, Syria, cannot usefully be explained by simple realism's state-to-state power balancing model. Rather, it is necessary to differentiate the multitude of state (office-holders) and sub-state actors. In addition, their behavior can only be explained by a combination of factors identified in a variety of theories: reaction to an external threat (simple realism) which explain a very few cases; "omni-alignments" against interrelated threats (complex realism) which result from the weaknesses of the Lebanese state and which explain much more; still powerful transstate ties (constructivism) which themselves needed to be understood in terms of the contradiction between sovereignty and identity and which have some impact; and complex interdependence and shared interests (pluralism) which generally exist between Lebanese and Syrian elites.
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Perry, Jamie Kenneth John. "Chatham House, the United Nations Association and the politics of foreign policy, c.1945-1975." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2015. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/6097/.
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This thesis details the purchase of liberal internationalism on elite and public opinion between 1945 and 1975 by examining two of its bastions, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, better known as Chatham House, and the United Nations Association, the successor organisation to the League of Nations Union. It reveals how liberal internationalism survived the collapse of the League of Nations and the Second World War by exploring the relationships Chatham House and UNA had with the public, media, Whitehall and the main political parties. Chatham House and UNA had a significant impact upon these groups, acting as democratising agents in foreign policy by extending debate over international affairs beyond Whitehall. Nonetheless, although elite and popular liberal internationalism survived past 1945, it struggled to do so and in order to fully appreciate how, it is necessary to simultaneously assess the confines they and their fellow NGOs worked within. Chatham House and UNA’s impact upon the politics of foreign policy must also be understood in connection with the formal and informal political structures that restricted their attempts to democratise foreign policy; structures that promoted the illusory bifurcation of domestic and international affairs.
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Diamonds, Herman Pule. "US foreign policy toward Southern Africa - 1975 to 1990: the case of the Namibian Independence struggle." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2007. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5719_1256719748.
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<p>This study, in contrast to contemporary held views relating to the US policy premises, aimed to look at the inherent disabilities and inconsistencies of the policies of succesive Washington administrations. More so, it investigated the US interventionist strategies to perceived threats from communist regimes and their allies, especially in Southern Africa. To be able to embark on such an investigation, Namibia and the Soviet-Cuban involvement in Southern Africa were selected as a special focus of this study</p>
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Butler, Shannon Rae. "Into the Storm: American Covert Involvement in the Angolan Civil War, 1974-1975." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195354.
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Angola’s civil war in the mid-1970s has an important role to play in the ongoing debate within the diplomatic history community over how best to explain American foreign policy. As such, this dissertation uses the Angolan crisis as a case study to investigate and unravel the reasons for the American covert intervention on behalf of two pro-Western liberation movements: the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA), led by Holden Roberto, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. That Angola is a late 20th century example of foreign intervention is not disputed. However, the more significant and difficult questions surrounding this Cold War episode, which are still debated and which directly relate to the purpose of this study, are first, “Why did the United States involve itself in Angola when it had previously ignored Portugal’s African colonies, preferring to side with its NATO partner and to maintain its distance from Angola’s national liberation movements?” Was it really, as the Ford Administration asserted, a case of the United States belatedly responding to Soviet expansionism and Kremlin-supported aggression by Agostinho Neto’s leftist Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Secondly, “Exactly when did the United States intervene, and was this intervention largely responsible for the ensuing escalation of violence and external involvement in Angola affairs?” In other words, as suggested by the House Select Committee on Intelligence, was the Soviet Union’s intervention in response to the American decision to allocate $300,000 to Holden Roberto’s National Front in January 1975? If so, then contrary to the Ford Administration’s official account of the crisis, the United States - and not the Soviet Union - was the initial provocateur in the conflict that left the resource-rich West African nation in a ruinous, perpetual state of warfare into the early 21st century.
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Zhang, Xiaotong. "The EU's trade relations with China, 1975-2008: a linkage power at work ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210151.
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The EU’s Trade Relations with China (1975-2008): <p>A Linkage Power at Work?<p><p>(Summary)<p><p>The central aim of this thesis is to improve our understanding of the EU’s power, in particular in its external trade relations/negotiations. Our hypothesis is that the EU is a distinctive kind of linkage power, defined as an actor relying on linkage as a crucial modus operandi in its external relations. We explored how, to what extent and in which distinctive ways the EU is such a linkage power. <p>Our analysis was based on three logically interrelated concepts – power resources, linkage and linkage power. Linkage refers to a leveraging strategy, with an aim of packaging relevant power resources, so as to increase leverage in bargaining, or more generally attain a policy objective. I identified seven types of linkages that the EU used: political-economic issue linkage, economic-economic issue linkage, conditionality, contextual linkage, linkage with a third party, cognitive linkage and synergistic linkage. Linkage can hardly work without proper power resources. The latter, as Dahl (1970) defined, refers to all the resources-opportunities, acts, objects etc – that an actor can exploit in order to affect the behaviour of another. So, linkage is a bridge between power resources and impacts – meaning affecting or changing the behaviour of another party. By putting linkage and power together, we created a new term – “linkage power”, referring to a power based on linkages. The EU, the US, China or any other power can all be such labelled, though these actors may diverge in power resources, linkage strategies and the variables affecting linkage effectiveness. When applying such an analytical framework to the EU, we gave particular attention to the implications of the EU’s sui generis nature on its linkage power.<p>Our case study is the EU’s trade relations with China (1975-2008), which were punctuated by two critical historical junctures – the Tian’anmen Square Incident in 1989 and the EU-China Textile Crisis in 2005. In 1975, The EEC’s successful strategy by linking political issues (Europe-China balancing the Soviet Union and recognising China’s sovereignty over Taiwan) with economic issues (signing the EEC-China Trade Agreement) played a crucial role in securing the establishment of diplomatic relations between the EEC and China. Different types of linkages were then applied to the EEC’s negotiations with Beijing on the 1978 Trade Agreement and the 1979 textile agreement, which effectively prompted the Chinese side to agree to the EU’s terms.<p>Immediately after the 1989 Tian’anmen Square Incident, the EC imposed economic sanctions with an aim of coercing China to accept Western world’s human rights conditions. This linkage did not last long or pay off due to divergent political and economic interests among the Member States and the EC’s institutional handicaps (foreign policy competence was largely in the hands of Member States, collective foreign policy action was non-binding), and soon de-linked.<p>Having realised that confrontational approach did not work well, the EC/EU and its Member States started to change their China policies in 1993-95. The period of 1993-2004 witnessed the EC/EU’s power through partnership. The strategic partnership was seen as a complex of different pairs of issue linkages, ranging from political-strategic issues to economic and human rights issues. The partnership, once established, had fostered new linkages and consolidated old ones. China’s WTO accession was seen as a once-in-a-century opportunity for the EU to exercise linkage through conditionality, so as to extract market access concessions from the Chinese side. Moreover, by linking with China could the European Commission garnered international support for advancing the Galileo project within the Union and ward off some of the US pressure in 2003. <p>The Year 2005 was singled out since an unprecedented trade row on textiles broke out, confronting the EU against China’s export prowess resulting from globalisation and China’s WTO accession. Linkages were used as a predominant strategy to help the EU to persuade and press the Chinese side firstly accept voluntary export restrictions and then share the burden of allowing the blocked textiles in European ports to be released. In 2006-08, the trade deficit problem emerged, coupled with a series political spats between Europe (France and Germany) and Beijing on the Tibet issue. As the EU-China honeymoon was over, the Commission toughened its approach towards China. Although linkage was again used to redress the trade deficit, its effects were not satisfactory, as the EU power resources were eroded. <p>Our conclusions are (1) linkage is a crucial modus operandi in the EU’s internal bargain and its external relations with China; (2) Linkage was generally effective vis-à-vis China, but with variations, either over time or across different linkage types; (3) The EU is a sui generis linkage power, resulting from its institutional characteristics and heterogeneity of interests among the Commission and Member States. We find that the EU’s increased institutionalisation (both regional and bilateral) and competences generally facilitated its use of linkage strategies. The EU’s sui generis structure and its internal interest divergences have mixed implications on its linkage effectiveness. On one hand, the EU’s linkage power was weakened accordingly. But on the other, the Commission could tactically make use of some Member State government’s row with Beijing and advance its own economic agenda (such as the EU-China High-level Economic and Trade Dialogue, HED). Moreover, our research also confirmed Andrew Moravcsik’s argument that issue linkage is more easily made within an issue-area than across issue-areas. But we differ from him on the reason behind that. We find that this was largely attributable to the EU’s pillar structure and competence divisions. <p>The theoretical contributions include: (1) Linkage power provides a distinctive prism to look into the EU’s concrete strategies in internal bargains, and external commercial negotiations. Linkage serves as a crucial strategy for the EU to handle its relations with a far-abroad country like China, including establishing diplomatic relations, negotiating trade deals, forging strategic partnerships and holding high-level dialogue. (2) Giving some insights to the EU’s actorness. We find that the EU, though institutionally not a unitary actor, was somehow able to present its power to the extent like a sovereign state on some occasions using linkage strategies. (3) Contributing to the understanding of the EU’s means to spread its governance model. We find that the EU’s norm-setting goals have often been achieved through non-normative ways – such as interest exchange and trade-off, and other deliberate ways of persuasion and even coercion, mainly based on linkage. (4) Shedding light on the interactions between the Commission and the Member State governments and on the Commission’s autonomy in external trade relations. <p> Two future directions of research have been identified: (1) comparative studies: the EU’s linkage practices vis-à-vis the US, Russia and middle powers, or other actors’ linkage strategies vis-à-vis China; (2) post-Lisbon linkage strategies used by the EU. <p><br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Rizzi, Kamilla Raquel. "Relações Brasil-Angola no pós-guerra fria : os condicionantes internos e a via multilateral." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/7721.
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Este estudo apresenta reflexões a respeito das relações Brasil-Angola no período compreendido entre os anos de 1990 e 2002. Tendo como ponto de partida o estabelecimento (e aprofundamento) das relações bilaterais no período entre os anos de 1975 e 1990, o presente estudo fornece subsídios que orientam o teor do contato Brasília-Luanda no período pós-Guerra Fria. Entre esses subsídios encontram-se os condicionantes internos, que em cada país influíram de modo determinante na sua respectiva atuação externa, aliados ao contexto de reestruturação internacional. Assim, pela relevância da adaptação por que passaram esses contatos bilaterais, o trabalho distingue essas relações entre diretas e indiretas, estas últimas efetivadas pela via multilateral, seja no cenário regional (notadamente na implantação da CPLP e possibilidade de concretização da ZOPACAS), seja no cenário internacional, com a atuação conjunta nas Nações Unidas.<br>This study presents some reflexions about the relations between Brazil and Angola during the period comprehended by the years 1990 to 2002. Having as it starting-point the establishment (and deepening) of the bilateral relations in the period of 1945 to 1990, this study supplies subsidies that orientate the drift of the Brazilia-Luanda contract in the post-Cold War. Among theses subsidies, there are the internal conditionings, that in each country influenced in a determining way in its respective external behaviour, allied with the context of international reestruction. Therefore, because of the relevance of the adaptation by which these bilateral contracts passed, this work distinguishes these relations in direct and indirect, the last ones achieved through the multilateal way, both in the regional (notably in the implementation of the CPLP and in the possibility of the materialization of the ZOPACAS) and internacional scenes, with a joint action in the United Nations.
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Lazar, Peter. "The Mansfield Amendments and the U.S. commitment in Europe, 1966-1975." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/961.
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Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited<br>This thesis explores international and domestic factors that constitute continuities in U.S. foreign and security policy regarding trans-Atlantic relations. Since the founding of the Atlantic Alliance burden sharing has been one of the major sources of conflict between the United States and its European NATO allies. Despite the reluctance to spend more than minimal amounts on military capabilities in most European NATO countries the issue did not become a major concern in the U.S. Congress between 1951 and 1966. It was only in the late 1960s and early 1970s that proposals - including the Mansfield Resolutions and Amendments - were introduced in the Senate calling for a substantial reduction in the number of U.S. troops in Europe. The debates provoked by these proposals threw light on the various determinants of U.S. policy towards Europe. The contemporary relevance of the issue resides in the fact that most of the elements responsible for the emergence of the Mansfield Amendments are still influential in U.S. foreign and security policy. This circumstance might lead to comparable proposals and debates in the near future.<br>Civilian, Hungarian Ministry of Defense
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Chartprasert, Kiattikhun. "Australia and the Kampuchean problem : Thai perspectives." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112144.
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Throughout recorded history, Indochina has experienced conflict, turbulence and violence. One of the first recorded conflicts was in the first century A. D. when the Hung Sisters led a revolt in Northern Vietnam against Chinese domination. Ever since, relations with China have included long periods of peace and stability broken by conflict, invasion and resistance. But it was not until the United States directly participated in Vietnamese affairs following the French withdrawal after the battle of Dien Bien Phu and the Geneva Settlement of 1954 that the region has been the scene of "superpower rivalry". The wars which have engulfed the Indochina states over the past 30 years have brought untold human suffering and misery. When hostilities finally ceased as a result of the communist victories in Indochina in mid 1970s, the world looked forward hopefully to a long period of peace in which the well-being of the people of the region could be advanced and assured. Unfortunately, conflicts and instability have broken out anew.
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Marques, Mauro Luiz Barbosa. "Entre ferro e fogo : os noticiários da imprensa sul-rio-grandense sobre o governo Agostinho Neto em Angola (1975-1979)." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/36123.
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Este trabalho analisa o conteúdo dos jornais Zero Hora e Correio do Povo entre os anos 1975 e 1979, quando estes jornais abordaram os acontecimentos em Angola e o governo de Agostinho Neto, líder do MPLA e chefe de Estado do primeiro governo independente angolano pós independência. Procura-se identificar a metodologia, os critérios, formas de abordagem e criticamente analisar o que os jornais divulgavam aqui no rio Grande do Sul em tempos de extrema polarização na política internacional e de regime conservador militar imperando aqui no Brasil. Para isso se pretende analisar prioritariamente as relações entre a censura e o conteúdo dos periódicos, o papel das Agências Internacionais e suas notícias, os artigos próprios ou republicados por estes jornais, bem como suas colunas, enviados especiais e outras formas de divulgação. Acontecimentos como a presença cubana em Angola, as relações angolanas com os EUA, as fronteiras angolanas e seus conflitos, a guerra civil interna contra FNLA e UNITA travada pelo MPLA de Neto, as crises políticas do MPLA, as avaliações e os balanços de Zero Hora e Correio do Povo sobre o contexto angolano, bem como as situações jurídicas internas e os reconhecimentos internacionais que Angola costurou são os principais alvos do noticiário deste período e objeto de crítica deste trabalho.<br>This research aims to analyze the content in the newspapers Zero Hora and Correio do Povo between the years 1975 and 1979, when these newspapers approached the events in Angola during Agostinho Netos’s government, MPLA’s leader and state’s head of the first independent government in Angola after independence. It seeks to identify the methodology, criteria, forms of approach and analyzes critically the content in the newspapers in Rio Grande do Sul in times of extreme polarization in the international politics, when there was a military conservative regime dominating Brazil. The aimis to analyze primarily the relation between censorship and the content of the journals, the role of the International Agencies and their news, own articles or republished by these newspapers and their columns, specially sent journalists and other means of communication. Events like the cuban presence in Angola, the relation between Angola and the USA, the angolan borders and their conflicts, the internal civil war against FNLA and UNITA headed by MPLA and Neto’s president, the political crises of the MPLA, the reviews and the political balance in Zero Hora and Correio do Povo about the angolan context, the internal juridical situation and the international recognition achieved for Angola are the main targets in the news of this period and the critical object of this research.
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Lawack, Marvin Sylvester. "Warlords in Africa : a comparative study of Jonas Savimbi and Farah Aideed." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/2025.
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Alvarenga, Rodrigues Daniel Guilherme. "China’s economic involvement in Mozambique and prospects for development : an analysis of the processes and impacts of major recent investments." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1608.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>The great intensification of China’s engagement with Africa in the beginning of the 21st
century has brought about an equally vast body of literature concerning the general
motives and features of the engagement. The broad nature of such literature begs for
more focused and localised analysis that are able to complement and inform the ongoing
debate. This thesis aims to better understand how China’s policy towards Mozambique
affects the latter’s economic development. With this objective in mind each of the four
empirical chapters provides a fresh view over some of the most salient dimensions and
recent processes related to China’s involvement with Mozambique. The following is
analysed: China’s trade and investment with Mozambique; the Asian power’s economic
involvement in Mozambique’ agriculture sector; the participation of the China-Exim
Bank in the Mphanda Nkuwa dam negotiation process; and finally the participation of
Mozambique in the China-sponsored multilateral organisation of the Macau Forum. The
methodology used is primarily reliant on the analysis of secondary material
supplemented by a small number of informal interviews. The core secondary material
includes government investment agencies statistics, analysis of official documents,
policies and analysis of material such as NGO reports, studies and media reports. The
analysis corroborates the view that it mostly depends upon Mozambique’s governance
actors to make China’s engagement work towards its economic development and that
there is not a static set of monolithic neo-colonial tendencies overriding China’s
commitments towards the African country.
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Blackburn, Robert M. (Robert Michael). "Mercenaries in Service to America: The "More Flags" Foreign Policy of the United States." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc332519/.
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On 23 April 1964, five months after assuming the office of President of the United States, Lyndon B. Johnson launched the "More Flags" program as United States policy. While the publicly stated purpose of.the "More Flags" program was to obtain as much non-military free world aid for the Republic of Vietnam as possible, the program's principle goal centered around Lyndon Johnson's desire to obtain an international consensus for America's policies toward Vietnam and Southeast Asia. The "More Flags" program continued to serve both goals for the remainder of Johnson's presidency. Although started with high expectations of success, the "More Flags" program never succeeded in achieving the levels of international cooperation Lyndon Johnson desired. In fact, the program's significant lack of success necessitated a number of changes, during the program's first year, in both its stated goals and in the methods used to prosecute it's implementation. The most important of these changes would be Washington's use of the program's beneficent objectives to mask it's use as the means through which the United States would purchase mercenary troops to fight in South Vietnam. "Mercenaries in Service to America: The 'More Flags' Foreign Policy of the United States," presents the available history of the "More Flags" program during the years of the Johnson Presidency, with an emphasis on the documentation of the program's use as a disguise for America's obtaining mercenary forces from the Republic of Korea, the Philippines, and Thailand. The non-mercenary troop contributions from Australia and New Zealand are likewise examined. The majority of documentary evidence comes from the original sources documents in the Lyndon Baines Johnson Presidential Library in Austin, Texas.
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Taraga, Petchompoo. "Thailand, ASEAN and the Kampuchean problem from 1979 to 1986." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110698.
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The situation in Kampuchea has been an interesting issue in
international politics. The Kampuchean people have been battered and
exposed to foreign domination for the past five hundred years. After
such a long period, however, peace is still not at hand. Moreover,since
the 1970s the country has faced three major events: US bombings that
started in 1970 and culminated in 1973; the inhumane evacuation of
towns and mass executions under the Pol Pot regime (1975-1978); and the
war between the SRV and the. Kampuchean resistance groups since 1979.
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Auran, Jean-François. "La politique étrangère des États-Unis en Afrique Australe de 1975 à 1995 : ses aspects-militaires, de l’indifférence indulgente, aux covert actions puis auCapacity Building." Thesis, Montpellier 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017MON30070/document.
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Les États-Unis ont traditionnellement été accusés de ne pas avoir de réelle politique africaine. Une période semble échapper à cette affirmation car elle a été particulièrement riche dans ce domaine. Il s’agit des années 1975 à 1995 et particulièrement de la zone de l’Afrique australe. Cette politique étrangère a néanmoins été fluctuante au gré des présidences et influencée tant par la guerre froide et par des impératifs de politique nationale.Après l’effondrement de l’empire portugais, les États-Unis sont pris au dépourvu dans cette région stratégique à divers titres. Avec la fin de la guerre du Viêt Nam, Cuba et l’URSS lancent une politique expansionniste en Afrique. Ces deux paramètres vont créer les conditions d’un regain d’intérêt pour cette région et donner à l’Afrique du sud une rôle central au moment où les opinions publiques s’invitent dans la lutte contre l’apartheid.Les caractéristiques et composantes de cette politique, le processus de décision, ses acteurs multiples et variés constituent un sujet d’étude particulièrement riche. Quelle est la réelle part d’approche régionale de celle plus globaliste ? Quelles spécificités entre administrations démocrates et républicaines ?Au niveau militaire, il y a eu une certaine indulgence vis-à-vis du programme nucléaire et biologique sud-africain ainsi que le maintien de liens très forts entre les militaires des deux pays. L’utilisation des covert-actions de la CIA, l’appui du Zaïre, l’implication de l’OTAN et la résistance des états de la ligne de front constituent autant d’aspects de cette histoire très riche<br>The United States has been traditionally accused of having no real African policy. A period seems to avoid this statement because it was particularly rich in this domain. It is the period covering the years 1975 to 1995 and particularly the Southern Africa area. This foreign policy has however been fluctuating according to presidencies and influenced so much by the cold war and by the imperatives of national politics.After the collapse of the Portuguese empire, the United States have been taken by surprise in this strategic region in various areas. With the end of the Vietnam war, Cuba and the USSR launched an expansionist policy in Africa. These two parameters will create the conditions for a resurgence of interest of this region and give South Africa a key role when public opinions started to be more engaged against apartheid.The features and components of this policy, the decision-making process with multiple and varied actors are a particularly rich subject of study. What is the real part of the regional approach to a more holistic one? What are the specificities of Democratic and Republican administrations?At the military level, there has been some leniency towards the South African nuclear and biological program and the maintenance of the strong linkage between the military of both countries. The use of the CIA's covert operations, Mobutu’s Zaire support, NATO's involvement and the resistance of the frontline states are all aspects of this rich history
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Klintworth, Gary. "New Taiwan, New China : Taiwan's changing role in the Asia-Pacific region." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151032.
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Filho, António Eduardo Silveira Teixeira. "As relações económicas Brasil - África subsaariana na perspectiva da nova geografia económica: o caso de Angola e de Moçambique." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3374.
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Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional<br>Nos últimos anos, as relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e Angola, e o Brasil e Moçambique, têm sido profundamente reforçadas com notáveis efeitos no campo económico. Tentar perceber essa tendência é a motivação principal desta dissertação. Do ponto de vista teórico, a Nova Geografia Económica emerge como uma nova abordagem económica amplamente recomendada. Além disso, este é um tema com grande relevância no actual cenário de expansão das relações internacionais brasileiras. Assim, o objectivo geral deste estudo centra-se em identificar os principais fluxos económicos e financeiros entre o Brasil e os países acima mencionados, numa tentativa de verificar se a NGE pode ajudar a explicar, de alguma forma, estas relações. Outros objectivos são a descrição do processo histórico brasileiro de aproximação a África como elemento de fundamentação para se explicar as actuais relações, e a demonstração dos principais aspectos que caracterizam estas ligações com Angola e Moçambique. O trabalho está dividido em três partes: i) o referencial teórico - com a apresentação da NGE e seus pressupostos ü) os dois estudos de caso - com a apresentação de dados sobre as relações comerciais e financeiras entre o Brasil e os países seleccionados, iii) a análise dos resultados - na tentativa de relacionar a teoria e as evidências empíricas. Observa-se que a Nova Geografia Económica, sozinha, não explica o aumento das relações entre os países, mas fornece elementos básicos que ajudam a fundamentar este crescimento. Por sua vez, outros campos de análise, tais como a Política Internacional, a Geopolítica e as Relações Internacionais, devem ser levados em conta para uma melhor compreensão de todo o processo investigado nesta dissertação.<br>In the last years, diplomatic relations between Brazil and Angola as well as Mozambique have been deeply strengthened with visible effects on the economic side. Trying to understand this tend is the main motivation of this dissertation. From a theoretical point of view, the New Economic Geography comes into context, as a new economic approach strongly recommended. Moreover, it is a theme with great relevance in the current scenario of Brazilian international relationship expansion. Thus, the overall aim of this study is to identify the main economic and financial flows between Brazil and the above mentioned countries, in an attempt to test whether the NEG can explain, in somehow, those relationships. Other objectives are the historical description process of the Brazilian approach to Africa as a background explanation for those relationships, and the display of the main aspects that characterize the relations with Angola and Mozambique. The work is divided into three parts: i) the theoretical framework with the presentation of the NEG and its assumptions ii) the two case studies - with the presentation of data about the commercial and financial relations between Brazil and the listed countries; iii) the analysis of the results, trying to link theory and empirical evidence. It appears that the NEG, alone, does not explain the increase in relations between countries, but provides basic elements that support the close ties which are on move. However, other fields of analysis, such as International Policy, Geopolitics and International Relations, should be taken in account to better understand the whole process under investigation in this dissertation.<br>Ces dernières années, les relations diplomatiques entre le Brésil et Angola, et le Brésil et Mozambique, se sont profondément renforcées avec pour conséquence des effets notables dans le domaine économique. Essayer de comprendre cette tendance est la motivation principale de cette dissertation. Du point de vue théorique, la Nouvelle Géographie Économique, surgit comme un nouvel abordage économique particulièrement recommandé. De plus, il s'agit d'un thème d'une grande relevance dans le scénario actuel d'expansion des relations internationales brésiliennes. Ainsi, l'objectif principal de ce travail est d'identifier les principaux flux financiers entre le Brésil et les pays sélectionnés, dans la tentative de mettre en évidence si la NGE peut aider à expliquer, en quelque sorte, ces relations. D'autres objectifs sont la description du procédé historique brésilien de rapprochement avec l'Afrique comme élément d'argumentation pour expliquer les relations actuelles et la démonstration des principaux aspects qui caractérisent ces liens avec Angola et Mozambique. Le travail est divisé en trois parties: i) l'encadrement théorique - avec la présentation de la NGE et de ses hypothèses; ii) les deux études de cas - avec la présentation des données concernant les relations commerciales et financières entre le Brésil et les pays sélectionnés; iii) l'analyse des résultats -dans la tentative de faire la liaison entre la théorie et les évidences empiriques. Nous pouvons vérifier que la NGE, par elle seule, ne justifie pas la croissance des relations entre les pays, mais fournit des éléments de base qui contribuent à éclaircir cette augmentation. Cependant, les autres champs d'analyse, tout comme la Politique Internationale, la Géopolitique et les Relations Internationales, doivent être pris en compte pour une meilleure compréhension de tout le processus étudié dans cette dissertation.
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Trinh, Thi Thu. "Le transport multimodal comme facteur d'insertion du Vietnam dans le commerce international." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211074.
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Wang, Yu Ting. "The evolution of US thinking on Taiwan issue and China's reunification." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554619.
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Bouillon, Pierre-Hubert. "Entre partenaires et adversaires, une ouverture asymétrique et stratégique : la France face à la Roumanie et à la Hongrie (1968-1977)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA010690.
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La France, durant la détente, mena une politique étrangère qui mit à profit les déviations internes de la Hongrie et internationales de la Roumanie par rapport à l'URSS. La politique française poursuivit des objectifs à la fois bilatéraux et multilatéraux : elle inscrivit son action dans un cadre hérité du passé, mais aussi dans un processus mouvant, celui d'Helsinki. Cette époque s'avéra une transition d'un point de vue aussi bien international que national : de la crise tchécoslovaque en 1968 au regain de tensions dans la seconde moitié des années 1970, les vecteurs d'influence de la France dans l'ancienne Europe centrale et oriental évoluèrent et s'enrichirent. Un partenariat difficile fut mis en place avec la Roumanie, qui avait entretenu de liens politiques étroits avec la France avant sa satellisation par l'URSS. Quant à la Hongrie, un dialogue naquit avec elle. Les limites des relations culturelles et militaires furent à l'inverse patentes. Ces deux démocraties populaires furent en effet perçues en France à travers tout un spectre de représentations, qui allait de l'adversaire militaire et idéologique au partenaire diplomatique pouvant converger avec l'Ouest. A contrario, les rapports économiques acquirent une signification croissante et furent encadrés par l'État. Ils répondirent à la volonté politique de développer les industries de haute-technologie en France, de s'opposer l'hégémonie des États-Unis en la matière, et de mettre à profit l'asymétrie de développement entre l'Est et l'Ouest pour saper la domination de l'URSS sur son glacis. En dépit de divergences au sein de l'État l'ouverture française fut ainsi menée de manière globalement cohérente<br>France, during the "détente", led a foreign policy which took advantage of Hungary's and Romania' peculiarities compared to the USSR, Bucharest as for the international and Budapest as for the domestic policies. The French aims were both bilateral and multilateral. The French policy was developed in framework inherited from the past, but in a more fast-changing framework too, the Helsinki process. The period appeared to be a transition from the international and national points of view: from the Czechoslovak crisis in 1968 to the new tensions du ring the second half of the 1970s, the French way to influence former Central European countries changed and was enhanced. A difficult partnership was set up with Romania which country France had politically influenced before 1945, and a dialog created with Hungary. However concerning cultural and military relations, limitations were obvious. Indeed, these two people's democracies were seen in France through a whole spectrum of representations, from a military and ideological adversary to a diplomatic partner which was maybe able to converge with the West. On the contrary, economic relation became more and more important and were strongly supported by the government. Those relations were linked to a political determination to develop high-technology industries in France, to resist the United State hegemony in those fields and to undermine the Soviet rule on its empire by taking advantage of the asymmetrical level of development between the East and the West. Therefore, in spite of differences am on the state's administrations, the way the French relations were opened up to the East proved to be mostly consistent
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Oliveira, de Araujo Kelly Cristina. "Politique et militarisme en Angola : les relations entre le Mouvement Populaire de Libération de l’Angola (MPLA) et l’Union des Républiques Socialistes Soviétiques (URSS) 1965-1985." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040209.
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L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du pays<br>Angola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country
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Chamberlin, Paul. "Preparing for Dawn: The United States and the Global Politics of Palestinian Resistance, 1967-1975." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243876457.
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Chehih-Ramdani, Fatma. "La position américaine lors des conférences onusiennes sur les femmes : 1975-1995." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030062.
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À partir des quatre conférences onusiennes sur les femmes organisées entre 1975 et 1995, cette thèse se propose d'analyser les relations entre les États-Unis et l'ONU sur les problèmes de population et de développement, plus particulièrement sur la question féminine. À l'interface de l'histoire intérieure et de la politique étrangère des États-Unis, notre sujet aborde une période décisive. Sur le plan intérieur, les années étudiées correspondent à l’affrontement entre, d’une part, un mouvement féministe galvanisé par le vote au Congrès de l’Equal Rights Amendment et par la légalisation de l’avortement, et, d’autre part, une droite chrétienne déterminée à imposer ses valeurs. En politique extérieure, le G77 parvient à défier la suprématie américaine et à installer son autorité politique dans l'arène internationale. C’est dans ce contexte que les organisations féministes utilisent l’ONU comme espace alternatif de revendications et réussissent progressivement à imposer leur agenda. En rendant compte de l'évolution du rôle des organisations féministes américaines dans l'élaboration du concept de santé reproductive, véritable épicentre du discours démographique dans les années 1990, notre analyse empirique donne un éclairage précis sur le processus interne de l’élaboration de la politique étrangère aux États-Unis, ainsi que dans sa dimension sociale. Elle démontre que le poids de la société civile dans la formulation du discours démographique est un nouveau paramètre des relations internationales de l'après-guerre froide<br>Using the four United Nations conferences organized between 1975 and 1995, the purpose of this dissertation is to analyse US and UN relations from a population and development perspective, and more specifically women’s issues. At the intersection of domestic policy and foreign policy, this study covers an interesting period. In the national arena, the time frame opposes the feminist movement and the Christian Right. The Equal Right Amendment vote by the Congress and the legalisation of abortion helped the feminist movement to change the social order and thus galvanized the Christian Right, making them determined to impose their values. In the international arena, the G77 new political authority challenged American supremacy. The feminist organizations then used the United Nations as an alternative claim arena and progressively succeeded in imposing their agenda. By focusing on the evolution of the specific role American feminist organizations played in the framing of the “reproductive right” concept at the core of the population discourse in the United Nations, this empirical study sheds some light on both American democracy at work at the United Nations and its broader social dimension. This new paradigm in the population discourse illustrates how civil society has become an important component in international policy framing
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Amupanda, Job Shipululo Kanandjembo. "A comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in the Southern African Development Community region : the case of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71597.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.<br>Includes bibliography<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously.
One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola.
The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis-
à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC.
This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland.
Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola.
Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later.
Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK.
Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.
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Gottwald, Carl H. "The Anglo-American Council on Productivity: 1948-1952 British Productivity and the Marshall Plan." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1999. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279256/.
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The United Kingdom's postwar economic recovery and the usefulness of Marshall Plan aid depended heavily on a rapid increase in exports by the country's manufacturing industries. American aid administrators, however, shocked to discover the British industry's inability to respond to the country's urgent need, insisted on aggressive action to improve productivity. In partial response, a joint venture, called the Anglo-American Council on Productivity (AACP), arranged for sixty-six teams involving nearly one thousand people to visit U.S. factories and bring back productivity improvement ideas. Analyses of team recommendations, and a brief review of the country's industrial history, offer compelling insights into the problems of relative industrial decline. This dissertation attempts to assess the reasons for British industry's inability to respond to the country's economic emergency or to maintain its competitive position faced with the challenge of newer industrializing countries.
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Hassoun, Abou Jaoudé Carmen. "La fondation du ministère des Affaires étrangères du Liban sous la présidence de Béchara El-Khoury (1943-1952) : l'institutionnalisation de la politique étrangère et ses limites." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010MON10061.
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Cette étude traite de la fondation du ministère des Affaires étrangères du Liban sous le mandat du président Béchara El-Khoury (septembre 1943-septembre 1952), premier chef d'État du Liban indépendant. La création de cette institution étatique a été un enjeu dans le processus d'affranchissement national qui a mis fin au mandat français. L'étude met en évidence la contribution du ministère des Affaires étrangères au parachèvement de l'indépendance et, en particulier, son rôle dans les négociations que le Liban a menées en 1946 en vue de l'évacuation des troupes franco-britanniques de son territoire et qui ont permis à la jeune diplomatie libanaise de faire ses premières preuves. Elle analyse l'oeuvre de structuration du ministère, l'organisation de son administration centrale, la formation de son cadre diplomatique et consulaire ainsi que la création de ses premières légations à l'étranger. Mais au-delà de l'institution étatique et en lien direct avec elle, l'étude s'intéresse à sa fonction, la politique étrangère, et sa transformation, sous le régime de l'indépendance, en politique publique à part entière. Elle met l'accent sur le champ politique, idéologique et social dans lequel le ministère des Affaires étrangères a évolué et la politique étrangère a été élaborée. Elle analyse les parcours et les motivations des "pères fondateurs" du Liban indépendant et les principes de base de leur politique étrangère qui ont guidé le ministère des Affaires étrangères de 1943 à 1952. L'étude tente, enfin, de montrer les limites de l'institutionnalisation de la politique étrangère libanaise à l'épreuve des crises régionales et internationales, notamment l'émergence de la Guerre froide et du conflit israélo-arabe, et leurs répercussions sur les équilibres nationaux institués par le Pacte de 1943<br>This study deals with the foundation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Lebanon under the Presidency of Bishara El-Khoury (September 1943-September 1952), the first President of the independent Lebanon. The formation of this institution was an important issue in the process that leads Lebanon to its independence and to the end of the French Mandate. The study focuses on the contribution of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in this struggle and particularly its role in the negotiations that Lebanon conducted for the evacuation of the French and British troops from its territory, which allowed the young Lebanese diplomacy to experiment its first success. The study also analyses the structuring work of the Ministry, the setting up of its central administration, the formation of its diplomatic and consular staff and the creation of its first diplomatic missions abroad. However, beyond the institution and in close connection with it, the study focuses on its function, the foreign policy, under the independence regime and its transformation into a full public policy. It emphasizes on the political, ideological and social ground in which the ministry was developed and the foreign policy elaborated. It analyses the political career and the motivations of the founding fathers of the independent Lebanon and the principles of their foreign policy that guided the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 1943 to 1952. The study, finally, try to show the limits of the institutionalization of the Lebanese foreign policy that experiments its first regional and international crisis, particularly the rise of the Cold war and the Israeli-Arab conflict, and their consequences on the national balance established by the Pact of 1943
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Schneider, Frederick W. (Frederick Walter) 1959. "Advising the ARVN: Lieutenant General Samuel T. Williams in Vietnam, 1955-1960." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc504626/.
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Beginning in 1954, the United States Army attempted to build a viable armed force in South Vietnam. Until the early 1960s, other areas commanded more American attention, yet this formative period was influential in later United States involvement in Vietnam. This thesis examines United States advisory efforts from 1955 to 1960 by analyzing the tenure of Lieutenant General Samuel T. Williams as Chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group in South Vietnam. During Williams's tenure, the communist forces in the north began the guerrilla insurgency in earnest. Williams's failure to respond to this change has been justly criticized; yet his actions were reflective of the United States Army's attitude toward insurgencies in the late 1950s.
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Kok, Chantelle. "Warlords in Africa’s “New Wars” Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4283.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The purpose of this study was to describe the factors that led to the creation of
warlords in Angola and Sierra Leone so as to better understand the dynamics and
origins of warlord politics. The two warlords that were focused on, and compared,
were Jonas Savimbi (Angola) and Charles Taylor (Liberia and Sierra Leone).
Authors like Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2006,
2007) and Collier and Hoeffler (2004) contributed toward the base of this study.
Their work captured the issues contributing toward the warlord phenomenon and
generated thought surrounding the context in which these warlords arose. John
Mackinlay (2000) was used to describe and analyse the origins of warlordism and
how the warlord phenomenon has changed with the onset of new wars, especially in
the late 20th and 21st centuries (Kaldor, 2006). Furthermore, the work of Thomas H.
Greene (1984) was used in guiding this thesis into a systematic study, focusing
mainly on the leadership, following, organization, techniques and external support of
both Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor as examples of contemporary warlords.
Through utilizing the contributions of the above authors on this topic, the similarities
and differences between the two warlords were explored. The study found that
while Jonas Savimbi and Charles Taylor emerged from different eras and contexts
(Savimbi out of the Cold War and Taylor as a result of globalization), they both
became typical warlords. Savimbi only became a warlord after 1992. Before, Savimbi
used Maoist ideology while an insurgent against Portugal, whereafter he became a
rebel in the Angolan civil war. Taylor was a warlord in diamond-rich neighbouring
Sierra Leone. Both used identity politics to gather a following while Taylor used brute
force and the manipulation of the youth. They both manipulated illicit criminal
networking and operated internationally, smuggling diamonds. The main difference,
however, is that Taylor was an insurgent in Liberia where he seized power in 1990
and became president in 1997, while a warlord in neighbouring Sierra Leone.
Savimbi, on the other hand, never attained presidential power even though he
participated in the 1992 Angolan elections which he lost, whereafter he ceased to be
a revolutionary, and became a real warlord without the external support he previously had. Savimbi was assassinated in 2002 and Taylor abdicated in 2003,
currently standing trial in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. He
stands trial for the human right atrocities committed in Sierra Leone. Their legacies
live on.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie studie was om die faktore te beskryf wat gely het tot die
ontstaan van krygshere (“warlords“)in Angola en Sierra Leone, en om die dinamika
van krygsheerpolitiek beter te verstaan. Die twee krygshere waarop gefokus en
vergelyk was, is Jonas Savimbi (Angola) en Charles Taylor (Liberië en Sierra Leone).
Die denke van skrywers soos Mary Kaldor (2006), William Reno (1995, 1997, 2000,
2001, 2002, 2006, 2007) en Collier & Hoeffler (2004) het bygedra tot die basis van
hierdie studie. Hulle werk het ingesluit die aspekte wat bygedra het tot die krygsheer
fenomeen, en het besinning aangemoedig oor die agtergrondsfaktore waaruit hierdie
twee krygshere ontstaan het.
John Mackinlay (2000) se werk is gebruik om die oorsprong van krygsheerpolitiek te
beskryf, asook hoe die krygsheerfenomeen verander het met die uitbreek van “nuwe
oorloë“ (Kaldor, 2006), veral aan die einde van die 20ste en 21ste eeue. Verder is
die werk van Thomas H. Greene (1984) gebruik om hierdie tesis ‘n sistematiese
struktuur te gee wat gefokus is op die leierskap, volgelinge, organisasie, tegnieke en
eksterne ondersteuning van Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor. Hierdie twee persone
is albei voorbeelde van kontemporêre krygshere in die jongste verlede.
‘n Vergelykende studie verg dat ooreenkomste en verskille tussen die twee
krygshere verken word deur gebruik te maak van die bydraes van bogenoemde
skrywers. In die studie is bevind dat alhoewel Jonas Savimbi en Charles Taylor uit
verskillende eras en agtergrond kom (Savimbi uit die Koue Oorlog en Taylor as
gevolg van globalisasie), albei tipiese krygshere geword het. Savimbi het Maoistiese
ideologie gebruik terwyl hy ’n insurgent teen Portugal was. Daarná het hy ’n rebel in
die Angolese burgeroorlog geword. Hy het eers na 1992 ‘n krygsheer geword nadat
hy die verkiesing verloor het en sy buitelandse steun verloor het. Taylor, aan die
ander kant, was ‘n krygsheer in die diamantryke buurland, Sierra Leone. Altwee
krygshere het identiteitspolitiek gebruik om volgelinge te kry, terwyl Taylor ook
brutale krag en die manipulasie van die jeug gebruik het. Hulle het beide
internasionale diamante gesmokkel deur kriminele netwerke te gebruik. Die groot
vi
verskil is egter dat terwyl Taylor ‘n krygsheer in Sierra Leone was, was hy ook ‘n
insurgent in Liberië, waar hy in 1990 mag gekry het en in 1997 president geword
het.
Savimbi, aan die ander kant, het nooit presidensiële mag verkry nie, alhoewel hy
deelgeneem het aan die 1992 Angolese verkiesing. Hy het daarna opgehou om ‘n
revolusionêr en ‘n rebel te wees en het ‘n ware krygsheer geword (sonder die
eksterne ondersteuning wat hy voorheen gehad het). Savimbi is in 2002 vermoor en
Taylor het in 2003 abdikeer. Taylor is tans onder verhoor in Den Haag waar hy tereg
staan by die Internasionale Strafhof vir oorlogsmisdade en menseregteskendings in
Sierra Leone. Beide hierdie krygshere se nalatenskap leef egter voort.
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Gülstorff, Torben. "Trade follows Hallstein?" Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, Philosophische Fakultät I, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/17628.
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Die deutsche Außenpolitik zur Zeit des Kalten Krieges stellt in historischer wie politikwissenschaftlicher Hinsicht einen Gegenstand dar, der mit gutem Gewissen als wissenschaftlich erschlossen bezeichnet werden kann. Zahlreiche Aufsätze, Artikel und Bücher sind in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten erschienen, welche die deutsche Außenpolitik in Europa, Afrika, Asien, Ozeanien, Amerika, oder auch gleich der Welt als Ganzem, in den Blick genommen haben. Dies gilt sowohl für die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland als auch für diejenige der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik. Früh – wenn nicht sogar von Beginn an – kam hierbei eine zentrale These, eine Kernthese, zum Vorschein, die, ohne auf Widerstand zu stoßen, Eingang in den historischen und politikwissenschaftlichen Forschungskanon fand und ihn bereits nach kurzer Zeit zu dominieren begann. Die Rede ist von der die deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten angeblich bestimmenden Hallstein-Doktrin und dem mit ihr in engem Zusammenhang stehenden deutsch-deutschen Gegensatz. In dieser Arbeit wird dieser Kernthese, diesem ''Mythos'' der deutschen Außenpolitik, vehement widersprochen. Weder die Hallstein-Doktrin, noch der deutsch-deutsche Gegensatz, sondern nationale ökonomische und internationale geostrategische Interessen haben die deutsche Außenpolitik – und darüber hinaus auch die gesamten deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten, der BRD wie der DDR – maßgeblich bestimmt. Zur Stützung dieser Gegenthese werden in der vorliegenden Studie die staatlichen, wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Aktivitäten West- und Ostdeutschlands in neun zentralafrikanischen Staaten zwischen 1945 und 1975 kritisch dargelegt, umfassend analysiert und im Hinblick auf mehrere zentrale Thesen zu den deutschen Auslandsaktivitäten ausgewertet.<br>For decades articles and books have been published on the history of German foreign policy during Cold War. Regardless of whether Europe, Africa, Asia, Oceania, America or the world as a whole, the foreign affairs of the Western Federal Republic of Germany and the Eastern German Democratic Republic have been researched and analysed in context of a broad variety of locations. However, even though the list of publications continues to grow, the topic''s theses–especially its main thesis–do not show much progress. Already at an early stage, a central thesis–a core thesis–came to light, met no resistance and entered history''s and political science''s research canons on German foreign policy. This thesis reads: Inner German issues and the non-solved German question were so powerful, they dominated West and East German foreign affairs nearly right from the start. German foreign policy, that was the so-called Hallstein doctrine, that was the so-called German-German contradiction. And all studies–whether of history or political science, whether designed as a case study or as a global approach–confirm this thesis, use it as an integral part of their work–until today. But be that as it may. This study contradicts this thesis, this ''myth'' of German foreign policy. Instead it argues that neither the Hallstein doctrine nor the German-German contradiction, but national economic and international geostrategic interests dominated German foreign policy and German foreign activities–regarding the FRG, the GDR, and Germany as a whole. To proof this thesis, West and East German activities–of the two states, their economies and their societies–in nine Central African states between 1945 and 1975 are observed and analysed. More than a million file pages out of more than a dozen German archives were read to tackle this task–and shed some refreshing new light on the foreign policies of the two German states during Cold War.
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Nguyen, Thao Huong. "La Francophonie dans la politique extérieure du Vietnam de 1970 à 1997." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LYSE3066.
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Cette réflexion s’intéresse à évaluer la coopération historique entre le Vietnam et la Francophonie dans une perspective bilatérale surtout au niveau étatique mais aussi au niveau institutionnel. Elle sonde la place que la Francophonie occupe dans la politique étrangère vietnamienne depuis la naissance de l’Agence de coopération culturelle et technique (ACCT) en 1970 jusqu’en 1997 – le pic de la relation Vietnam-France-Francophonie. Cette ré-évaluation est nécessaire et impérative pour que nous puissions voir plus clairement l’utilité de la Francophonie pour le Vietnam face à la situation alarmante de la culture et de la langue françaises dans le pays actuellement. Prenant comme point de départ les théories de la politique étrangère des Petits Etats, cette étude nous fait découvrir les phases de développement du Vietnam depuis 1970, voire avant, jusqu’aux conséquences durables de la réunification. C’est en effet une étude chronologique qui part de l’idée d’une union des pays francophones sous la contrainte (Union française, 1946) puis de plein gré (années 1970), pour terminer sur la création d’une nouvelle organisation multilatérale l’(Agence/) Organisation internationale de la Francophone (OIF). Nous sondons ainsi l’attachement du gouvernement vietnamien socialiste avec la Francophonie en essayant de répondre à la question « Est-ce que la participation à la Francophonie relève des enjeux stratégiques liés à une politique étrangère globale, ou bien relève-t-elle plutôt de considérations tactiques pour sortir le Vietnam de son isolement ? ». Cette recherche contribue donc à l’étude de la Francophonie, en particulier l’ACCT – ignorée des recherches universitaires jusqu’alors – mais aussi à l’histoire et à la géopolitique de la République démocratique du Vietnam au sortir de sa guerre contre les Etats-Unis jusqu’à l’« ouverture » (Doi Moi, 1986) puis l’effondrement du bloc soviétique<br>This PhD memoire aims at reviewing in the past the cooperation between Vietnam and the Francophonie in a bilateral perspective especially at the state level but also at the institutional level. It wanted to assess the place that the Francophonie occupies in Vietnamese foreign policy since the birth of the Organization in 1970 until 1997 - the peak year of the relationship. This re-evaluation is necessary and imperative in the way that we can see more clearly the usefulness of the Francophonie for Vietnam in his current alarming situation. Using the theory of the foreign policy of the Small States, this thesis leads us to discover different historical stages of Vietnam since 1970, even before, until the moment of construction of an unified country, in which the Francophonie is considered as the main object of the research. It is indeed a chronological study that starts from the weaving of an idea of a union of the French-speaking countries by force then by pleasure, then the meeting between a new international organization and young governments that wanted to assert themselves, the study goes as far as the attachment of the Vietnamese socialist government to the Francophonie in trying to find the answer to the question "Is the participation in the Francophonie part of the foreign policy or, in fact, Vietnam’s diplomatical tactics ? ". This research contributes to the study of the Francophonie but also of the first years after the reunification (1975), to the Hanoi Summit (1997)
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Tijani, Hakeem Ibikunle. "Britain and the development of leftist ideology and organisations in West Africa: the Nigerian experience, 1945-1965." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/2025.
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Although organised Marxist organisations did not emerge in Nigeria until the mid-1940s, leftist ideology had been prevalent among nationalist and labour leaders since the late 1920s. Both official documents and oral histories indicate deep-rooted support for leftism in Nigeria and anxiety among British colonial officials that this support threatened the Colonial Office's own timetable for gradual decolonisation. This study analyses the development of leftist ideology and attempts to establish a nationwide leftist organisation in colonial and post-independent Nigeria.
The role of the Zikist movement is retold in light of new evidence, while other leftist organisations are salvaged from the footnotes of Nigeria nationalist history. More importantly, the adaptability of Marxist-Leninist ideology to colonial reality by the different leftist groups in Nigeria is emphasized. The reaction of Anglo-American officials in Lagos and the metropolis towards the Communist Party of Great Britain and other leftist organisations' sponsorship of Marxist groups in Nigeria are discussed. Lastly, the continuity between the departing colonial power and the Balewa administration is addressed to juxtapose the linkage between the two governments. The study thus provides a lucid explanation for the failure of leftist ideology and organisations in Nigeria during the twentieth century.
In this eight-chapter thesis I consistently argue, based on official documents from England, Nigeria, and the United States, that the role of Marxists and Soviet Cold War interests in colonial territories are relevant to nationalism and decolonisation in Nigeria; that the issue is not to determine or measure whether or not Anglo-American policies are direct response to Soviet interests; that there are political, economic, and diplomatic policies carried out as part of the transfer of power process; and that the success of these is partly a result of collaboration with local subaltern leaders and official resolve to institutionalise imperial preferences before independence on October 1, 1960.<br>History<br>D.Litt. et Phil. (History)
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Hsiao, Tzu-Chen, and 蕭子宸. "The Foreign Relations between China and Vietnam (1975-2017)." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/95f3zw.
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碩士<br>淡江大學<br>亞洲研究所碩士班<br>106<br>When the North Vietnam has unified South Vietnam in 1975, Vietnam''s foreign policy towards China had a bigger changed. The China- Vietnam bilateral diplomatic relations changed from the friendly to the opposing. The main reasons why it had been causing the opposing diplomatic relations between Vietnam and China in 1975 were the international factors、Vietnam''s strong nationalism that let it sense change from inferiority to distracting China. Additionally, China rejected the Vietnam''s dream of regional domination, let Vietnam chose decisively the former U.S.S.R. rather than China. There were the events of the anti-Chinese happened in Vietnam and bullied the Chinese who lived in Vietnam；besides, Vietnam took the high profit method to fight the islands with China in the South China Sea. China declared war against Vietnam after the Vietnam intruded Cambodia in 1978.
The former U.S.S.R. reduced providing the goods and money to Vietnam and the U.S.A. executed economic sanctions to Vietnam caused Vietnam to become a poverty country. In 1986, let Vietnam has reformed and opened it door to the whole world, switched the diplomatic policy and repaired the diplomatic relations with China. In 1991 The Vietnamese army left Cambodia, the bilateral foreign relations between China and Vietnam became normalization. The same year, Vietnam and China built formal relations politically, economically, and socially.
Entering the new century, Vietnam become the both friend and enemy diplomatic relations with China. They have been continuing their cooperation, but they have the obviously competitive relations in economic and the South China Sea issue. Vietnam keep the Major powers to check and balance America、Japan and Russia for promoting its economic interest and military power in the South China Sea that prevents China''s military threat and maintains the both friend and enemy diplomatic relations between China and Vietnam.
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Baba, Gurol. "The wavy cross : Australia, Turkey and the US 1945-1975." Phd thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150120.
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Tati, Raul. "Incidências da guerra fria na política externa de Angola : 1975-1992." Doctoral thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.14/27911.
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A presente dissertação tem como tema ´´Incidências da Guerra Fria na
Política Externa de Angola (1975-1992)´´. Trata-se de uma pesquisa que vai
incidir num período importante para a História política de Angola, na medida em
que o mesmo marca o nascimento do novo Estado-nação de Angola e a sua luta
interna e externa para a preservação da sua independência e soberania perante
as ameaças constantes. Este período em análise marcou ainda a vigência da
Guerra Fria em cujas ciladas o Estado de Angola não escapou ao transformarse
num campo de disputa entre as duas superpotências da época (Estados
Unidos da América e União Soviética). O objectivo desta pesquisa consiste em
avaliar o papel que ambas superpotências desempenharam concretamente no
âmbito da política externa de Angola e aferir igualmente o paradigma que norteou
as decisões e as opções dos dirigentes angolanos nesse contexto. Com efeito,
a presente pesquisa tem o foco no seguinte problema: qual foi o papel ou
influência da Guerra Fria na política externa de Angola no período entre 1975 e
1992? Admitimos como hipóteses de trabalho as seguintes: a) A Guerra Fria foi
determinante nas decisões e escolhas políticas dos dirigentes angolanos; b) As
estratégias das superpotências para o Terceiro Mundo condicionaram
indirectamente o ambiente da implementação da política externa angolana; c)
Diante da multiplicidade de actores internacionais com interesses em Angola, os
dirigentes políticos optaram por um paradigma político defensivo para a
salvaguarda da sua independência e soberania. Ao longo da pesquisa constatouse
que essas hipóteses não eram disjuntivas porque todas elas têm parte da
verdade que fomos em busca. Por conseguinte, verificou-se que efectivamente
a política externa de Angola foi influenciada pela Guerra Fria, mas que Angola
não foi uma simples ´´marioneta´´ de actores externos. Os dirigentes angolanos,
no contexto dessa conjuntura internacional, optaram por uma política externa
pragmática, embora nem sempre eficaz. Ficou demonstrada ainda que o fim da
Guerra Fria trouxe um novo ambiente na política internacional cujos ventos
sopraram favoravelmente para as mudanças políticas em Angola com a
substituição do sistema de partido único então vigente pelo sistema de
democracia multipartidária.<br>The theme of the present dissertation is: ''Incidences of the Cold War in the
Foreign Policy of Angola (1975-1992) ''. It is a research that will focus on an
important period for Angola’s political history that marks the birth of the new
nation-state of Angola and its internal and external struggle for the preservation
of its independence and sovereignty to the constant threats. This period in
analysis also marks the validity of the Cold War in which the Angolan State did
not escape when it became a field of dispute between the two superpowers of
the time (United States of America and Soviet Union). The purpose of this
research is to assess the role that both superpowers have played concretely in
the context of Angola's foreign policy and also to gauge the paradigm that guided
the decisions and options of the Angolan leaders in this context. In fact, the
present research focuses on the following problem: what was the role or influence
of the Cold War in Angola's foreign policy in the period between 1975 and 1992?
We assumed as working hypotheses the following: a) The Cold War was a key
for decisions and political choices of the Angolan leaders; b) The strategies of the
superpowers for the Third World indirectly conditioned the environment of the
implementation of Angolan foreign policy; c) Given the multiplicity of international
actors with interests in Angola, the political leaders opted for a defensive political
paradigm to safeguard the country´s independence and sovereignty. Throughout
the research it was found that these hypotheses were not disjunctive because
they all have part of the truth that we were looking for. Therefore, it was verified
that Angola's foreign policy was indeed influenced by the Cold War, but that
Angola was not a mere "marioneta" of external actors. The Angolan leaders, in
the context of this international environment, opted for a pragmatic, albeit not
always effective, foreign policy. It was also demonstrated that the end of the Cold
War brought a new environment in international politics whose winds blew
favorably for political changes in Angola with the replacement of the single party
system then in effect by the system of multiparty democracy.
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Adigbuo, Ebere Richard. "Nigeria's national role conceptions: the case of Namibia, 1975-1990." Thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/1367.
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