Relevant bibliographies by topics / Angola Foreign relations 1975-

Academic literature on the topic 'Angola Foreign relations 1975-'

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Published: 10 December 2022
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Journal articles on the topic "Angola Foreign relations 1975-"

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Jackson, Steven F. "China's Third World Foreign Policy: The Case of Angola and Mozambique, 1961–93." China Quarterly 142 (June 1995): 388–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000034986.

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The people who have triumphed in their own revolution should help those still struggling for liberation. This is our internationalist duty. Mao ZedongIn the middle of October 1975, a dusty column of South African troops, equipped with armoured cars and helicopters, rumbled north into Angola, further internationalizing the already complex civil war there. The South African attack not only broadened the war, prompting an even greater Cuban intervention, it also posed a dilemma for China, which supported the same Angolan parties as did South Africa: should China follow its policy of tit-for-tat opposition to Soviet expansion world-wide, even if it meant allying with the racist government of South Africa? Or should it follow the opinions of its fellow Third World nations in Africa, even if it led to a Soviet bloc advance? The difficulty China's leaders faced in the autumn of 1975 was one which had hidden origins in the different ways in which China viewed conflicts around the world, a difficulty that had lain dormant for years but which erupted in 1975 into full view, and with disastrous consequences for Chinese foreign policy in Africa. It is, moreover, a discrepancy which continues to exist in China's views of the world today.How does China view conflicts and revolutions in the Third World? How do the Chinese organize their relations with Third World revolutionary organizations and their post-independence governments? This article examines the tensions and shifts of Chinese policy towards two essentially simultaneous revolutionary struggles and their post-independence governments: Angola and Mozambique.
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Marcum, John A. "Angola: The Present Opportunity." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050078x.

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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the “principal” cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Cambodia reinforced this perception of Angola as the beginning of the end of detente.
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Ngwane, Trevor, and Patrick Bond. "South Africa’s Shrinking Sovereignty: Economic Crises, Ecological Damage, Sub-Imperialism and Social Resistances." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 67–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-1-67-83.

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The development of contemporary South Africa political economy occurred within the context of a global capitalist order characterized by increasingly unequal political and economic relations between and within countries. Before liberation in 1994, many people across the world actively supported the struggle against apartheid, with South Africa’s neighbouring states paying the highest price. The ‘sovereignty’ of the apartheid state was challenged by three processes: first, economic, cultural and sporting sanctions called for by Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress and other liberation movements, which from the 1960s-80s were increasingly effective in forcing change; second, solidaristic foreign governments including Sweden’s and the USSR’s provided material support to overthrowing the Pretoria Regime; and third, military defeat in Angola and the liberation of neighbouring Mozambique (1975), Zimbabwe (1980) and Namibia (1990) signalled the inevitability of change. But that state nevertheless maintained sufficient strength - e.g. defaulting on foreign debt and imposing exchange controls in 1985 - to ensure a transition to democracy that was largely determined by local forces. Since 1994, the shrinkage of sovereignty means the foreign influences of global capitalism amplify local socio-economic contradictions in a manner destructive to the vast majority of citizens. This is evident when considering economic, ecological, geopolitical and societal considerations.
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Hoekstra, Quint. "The effect of foreign state support to UNITA during the Angolan War (1975–1991)." Small Wars & Insurgencies 29, no. 5-6 (November 2, 2018): 981–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2018.1519312.

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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (October 2006): 98–146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.98.

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This article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978; and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to which Fidel Castro's policy was a function of Soviet demands, and the effect of Cuba's policy in Africa on relations with the United States. The concluding section offers an assessment of the costs and benefits of Cuba's policy.
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 2 (January 2006): 3–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.2.3.

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Drawing on thousands of pages of documents from the closed Cuban archives, from U.S. archives, and from the former East German archives, as well as published materials, this article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dramatic dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978 and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to which Fidel Castro's policy was a function of Soviet demands, and the effect of Cuba's policy in Africa on relations with the United States. The concluding section offers an assessment of the costs and benefits of Cuba's policy in Africa.
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Sobers, Candace. "Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism: Angola and the International System, 1974–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (April 2019): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00854.

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This article explores the escalation of tensions surrounding Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975, when a protracted war of national liberation escalated sharply into an international crisis. Rather than see Angola as merely a proxy war, the article depicts the varied responses to Angolan anti-colonial nationalism as consequences of “internationalization,” or the deliberate and endogenous process of framing the struggle for Angolan independence in global terms. By establishing Angolan independence as part of a worldwide battle against imperialism, racism, and Western hegemony in the early 1960s, and by raising the issue in international forums, creating transnational support networks, and operating across borders and oceans, the Angolan national liberation movements created the ideological and political preconditions for the military interventions and Cold War political theater of the 1970s. Angola thus demonstrated how national liberation movements, as transnational actors, learned to operate within the international system to gain necessary material and moral support but also provoked the ire of more powerful external actors who had their own political and ideological reasons for opposing a pro-Soviet regime in Angola.
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Burlingham, Kate. "“Into the Thick of the Fray”." Social Sciences and Missions 28, no. 3-4 (2015): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-02803014.

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This article considers American foreign relations with Angola by exploring the application of so-called adaptive education. Beginning in 1919, black American missionaries at the Congregational Galangue mission station instituted systems of schooling originally developed among freedmen and women in the American South after the Civil War. These pedagogies were specifically designed to educate black Americans without upsetting dominant white structures. When transferred to Angola, these same teachings helped to empower Angolans economically and, ultimately, politically. And yet, they carried with them the unresolved legacy of American slavery. The success of Southern-inspired mission schools among Angolans opens up new questions about the legacies of slavery in US foreign relations with Angola and Africa.
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De Medeiros Carvalho, Pedro Miguel Amakasu Raposo. "Japan's Foreign Aid Policy to Angola and Mozambique." Politikon 38, no. 2 (August 2011): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.580131.

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Vos, Jelmer. "Coffee Frontier in Proto-Colonial and Colonial Angola." Commodity Frontiers, no. 2 (April 15, 2021): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.18174/cf.2021a18078.

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Coffee plantations were unquestionably one of the defining features of Angola’s colonial landscape. From the 1870s to independence, coffee was the main export of this former Portuguese colony, barring a couple of intervals during which rubber and diamonds held first place. During this time, Angola ranked consistently among the world’s largest robusta producers, which it might still have been today had the country’s civil war (1975-2002) not made commercial farming all but impossible. In Angolan popular memory, coffee occupies an ambivalent position: for some people it brings up memories of colonial forced labor, while others recollect stories of successful family farms. My research project, “Coffee and Colonialism in Angola, 1820-1960,” aims to reconstruct the multiple, intertwined realities behind these contrasting memories. Focusing on northern Angola, where smallholding and estate farming always coexisted, it investigates how African farmers, colonial settlers, foreign traders, and global consumers shaped one of the oldest commercial coffee frontiers in sub-Saharan Africa. In doing so, it reflects on the question to what extent “colonialism” is the proper lens through which to study the history of coffee cultivation in Angola.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Angola Foreign relations 1975-"

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Devraun, L. J. D. "South African foreign relations with Angola, 1975-1988 : a structural realist perspective." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/13877.

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Bibliography: leaves 176-202.
There are an enormous number of competing interpretations of South Africa's apartheid era policies both in the region and towards Angola. With South Africa's role in the Angolan civil war as its case study, this paper evaluates the relative utility of certain selected approaches to international relations theory. This paper evaluates the relative utility of system level versus unit level theories to explain the nature of South African involvement in the Angolan conflict. These two categories are represented by nee-realist structural theory and, secondly, by a variety of unit level theories typically concerned with South Africa's domestic environment. This dissertation demonstrates, through the actual events, the utility of these two distinct theoretical approaches. Given the above approach and objectives, the methodology consists firstly of a critical conceptual review and analysis of each paradigm as a useful explanation of South African foreign relations. It consists secondly, of a more "empirical" assessment of their value in accounting for or illuminating significant aspects of the internal and external sources of motivation for South Africa's military intervention. The empirical evidence is examined according to four stages: firstly; a review of the related literature, secondly; South Africa's initial intervention and the presence of US aid in 1975, thirdly; the widening of the conflict post 1978 under P. W. Botha, and fourthly; the departure of all the major foreign influences and final resolution of the Angolan conflict. This exercise extends until 1988 which, in December of that year, witnessed the cessation of all external intervention. The conclusion recommends further research in the form of empirical case studies which consider both the application of international relations theory as well as the military dimension of the conflict.
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Raimundo, Antonio Joaquim. "The Europeanisation of national foreign policy : Portuguese foreign policy towards Angola and Mozambique, 1978-2010." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/471/.

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After its transition to democracy and decolonisation in the mid-1970s, Portugal’s main external focus shifted from Africa and the Atlantic to Europe. However, past priorities continued to occupy an important place in its foreign policy. This thesis assesses the impact of European Union (EU) membership on Portuguese foreign policy by focusing on relations with Angola and Mozambique, the two largest former colonies of Portugal in sub-Saharan Africa. The thesis uses the concept of “Europeanisation”, comprising three relevant dimensions for examining possible changes in the foreign policy of an EU member state: national adaptation (a “top-down” process), national projection (“bottom-up”), and identity formation (socialisation process). In order to better control for the influence of other variables (beyond the EU) on Portuguese policy, the concept of Europeanisation is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach. The study focuses on the period between 1978 and 2010, and covers three policy areas: external trade, development aid and political-diplomatic issues. The application of this analytical framework produced significant evidence of Europeanisation, both in its dimension of national adaptation and, chiefly, national projection. The analysis also revealed variations across policy areas and country cases, with the strongest evidence of Europeanisation found for the domain of trade and for the case of Mozambique in general. These findings give support to studies stressing that EU membership “strengthened” Portugal’s postcolonial relations, but also add a more detailed and nuanced understanding of the EU’s impact on the national level.
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Sapalalo, Abraão. "Os vectores determinantes na condução da diplomacia da UNITA no período da guerra civil de Angola de 1975 a 2002: numa dimensão de relações internacionais." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/12105.

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Os vectores determinantes na condução da diplomacia da UNITA no período da guerra civil de Angola de 1975 a 2002 – numa dimensão de Relações Internacionais. Depois de uma diplomacia itinerante feita nos países da europa do Leste, África e Ásia, sem ter obtido o sucesso desejado, Jonas Malheiro Savimbi concebe a ideia de criar a UNITA, em Champaix na Suíça, em conversa com Tony da Costa Fernandes e foi aí que os seus Estatutos foram redigidos por ambos em 1964. A criação da UNITA completava a estrutura tripartida do nacionalismo angolano para combater o colonialismo português, desenvolvendo uma acção diplomática de relevo que levo-o ocupar o lugar de membro observador da ONU em 1975, no combate contra o colonialismo português. Na última fase do conflito (1992-2002), houve uma derrocada da diplomacia que culminou em condenação pela ONU e a consequente morte do líder Jonas Malheiro Savimbi no combate 22.2.2002, na província e na localidade onde tinha constituído este Movimento há 36 anos; ### ABSTRACT: The vectors determining to the conduct of diplomacy of the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) during the civil war Angola from 1975 to 2002 – in a dimension of International Relations There have been analyzed the following aspects: after an unsuccessful itinerant diplomacy made with countries in East Europe, Africa and Asia, which did not achieved the goals intended, Jonas Malheiro Savimbi gave birth to the idea of creating the UNITA at Champaix in Switzerland during a conversation with Tony da Costa Fernandes, that´s where its constitutional by-laws were written by both in 1964. The creation of UNITA integrate the tripartite structure of Angola’s nationalism to fight the portuguese colonialism, developing a substantial diplomatic action, which led him to occupy a place as an observer state in the UN in 1975, in its combat against Portuguese colonialism. In the last period of the conflict (1992-2002), there was a collapse of its diplomacy and culminated its condemnation by UN and the death of the leader Jonas Malheiro Savimbi in combat on 02.22.02, in the province where this Movement had been created 36 years ago.
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Martinsen, Mari. "Oiling Development? A critical analysis of Norway's petroleum assistance to Angola." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6815.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: African affairs have traditionally not occupied a central place in Norway’s official foreign policy, and relations with countries in West Africa have been limited. However, in recent years, resource-rich countries such as Angola – Africa’s largest oil producer – have become the focus of Norwegian strategic interests. Private and public investments are increasing rapidly, paralleling a larger focus on aid. Today, Angola is a core country within Norway’s most prominent petroleum-related assistant programme, Oil for Development (OfD). This thesis will aim to contribute, by means of a critical political economy analysis, to a better understanding of Norway’s role in Angola through OfD. Specifically, this study aims to question who and what structures Norway really is aiding in Angola. Such an objective will be achieved by firstly using critical theory to demonstrate Norway’s role as a traditional middle power – through which Norway seeks to export an altruistic perception of a ‘do-good- image’ – is underpinned by a deeper national self-interest. Secondly, the thesis questions the theoretical foundation of OfD, and, thirdly, it attempts to identify whom the OfD programme is aiding. Ultimately, the thesis questions whether Norway is promoting sustainable development in Angola, or whether, instead, it is contributing to maintaining a status quo, from which Norway as a middle power continues to benefit. The study illustrates that Norway, as a middle power, has neither the capacity nor the national self-interest to achieve fundamental change in Angola. Norway’s commitment to the good governance agenda, and the belief in solutions offered by the resource curse thesis, is tackling the symptoms of Angola’s underdevelopment, rather than its root causes. OfD adopts a state-centric approach, which accepts the political economy structures in Angola, and gives limited attention to global structures and civil society. The thesis offers an alternative analysis, which illustrates how OfD is masking a neo-liberal development approach by incorporating Norwegian business interests and development goals in the same programme.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Afrika sake het tradisioneel nie 'n sentrale plek in Noorweë se amptelike buitelandse beleid beklee nie, en verhoudings met die westelike deel van die Afrika-kontinent is beperk. Tydens die afgelope jare het olie-ryk lande, soos Angola, egter die fokus van Noorweegse strategiese belange geword. Angola is vandag 'n kern land binne Noorweë se mees prominente petroleum-verwante hulpverleningsprogram, Oil for Development (OfD). Hierdie tesis het ten doel om, deur middel van 'n kritiese politieke ekonomie ontleding, by te dra tot ’n beter begrip van Noorweë se rol in Angola deur die OfD. Spesifiek bevraagteken hierdie studie aan wie en watter strukture in Angola Noorweë hulp verleen. Dit sal gedoen word deur eerstens gebruik te maak van kritiese teorie om te demonstreer dat Noorweë se rol as 'n tradisionele middelmoondheid – waardeur Noorweë poog om 'n altruïstiese persepsie van die staat uit te dra – onderskryf word deur 'n dieper nasionale selfbelang. Tweedens sal hierdie studie die teoretiese begronding van OfD bevraagteken, en derdens poog om te identifiseer wie deur die OfD program ondersteun word. Laastens sal die tesis bevraagteken of Noorweë volhoubare ontwikkeling in Angola bevorder, en eerder bydra tot die instandhouding van die status quo, waaruit Noorweë as 'n middelmoondheid voordeel trek. Die studie sal illustreer dat Noorweë, as ‘n middelmoondheid, nie die kapasiteit of die nasionale selfbelang het om fundamentele verandering in Angola te weeg te bring nie. Norweë se ondersteuning van die ‘good governance’ agenda, en oplossings wat deur die sogenaamde ‘hulpbronvloek’ tesis aangebied word, spreek die simptome van Angola se onder-ontwikkeldheid aan, eerder as die kernoorsake. OfD funksioneer op grond van ‘n staat-sentriese benadering, wat die politieke ekonomiese strukture in Angola aanvaar, en beperkte aandag aan globale strukture en die burgerlike samelewing gee. Hierdie tesis bied ‘n alternatiewe analise, wat wys hoe OfD eintlik ‘n neoliberale ontwikkelingsbenadering volg wat Noorweegse besigheids- en ontwikkelingsdoelwitte in dieselfde program inkorporeer.
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Lo, Sek-man, and 盧錫文. "Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31948625.

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Lo, Sek-man. "Vietnam's major foreign relations, 1975-1982." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12323676.

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Epimi, Guia Lucien. "Les relations entre l'Angola et le Congo-Kinshasa de 1975 à 2002." Paris 4, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009PA040061.

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Cette thèse étudie les relations entre l’Angola et le Congo-kinshasa de 1975 à 2002. Elle identifie et évalue, à travers une perspective historique des relations internationales, la nature et la portée de ces relations en interaction avec les conflits armés observés dans ces pays pendant et après la Guerre Froide. La thèse se propose d’étudier cette problématique autour de quatre axes : le contexte international et régional dans lesquels s’inscrivent ces relations, l’attitude du Congo-Zaïre face au conflit angolais, le comportement de l’Angola à l’égard du conflit du Congo-Kinshasa, les perspectives d’avenir. Ce travail montre d’une part, que depuis 1975 jusqu’à la chute du président Mobutu en mai 1997, les relations entre l’Angola et le Congo-Zaïre étaient essentiellement conflictuelles, et, d’autre part, elle souligne qu’avec la chute du président Mobutu et l’avènement des présidents Kabila au pouvoir au Congo-Kinshasa, la dynamique des conflits armés dans les deux pays a été à l’origine d’une normalisation de leurs relations
This dissertation studies the relations between Angola and Congo-Kinshasa from 1975 to 2002. It identifies and evaluates through a historical approach to international relations the nature and significance of those relations in interaction with the armed conflicts that took place in these countries during and after the Cold War. The main questions are examined along four axes: the international and regional contexts to which these relations belong, the position of Congo-Zaire about the Angolan conflict, Angola’s behavior toward the conflict in Congo-Kinshasa, the prospects for the future. This work first shows that from 1975 until President Mobutu’s fall in May 1997, the relations between Angola and Congo-Zaire were mainly conflicting, and second, that with President Mobutu’s fall and the arrival of the Kabila presidents in Congo-Kinshasa, the dynamics of the armed conflicts in both countries resulted in a normalization of their relations
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Nowosad, Orest J. W. "Weak power-great power relationships : Sino-Khmer Rouge relations 1975-1989." Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/110791.

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With the Khmer Rouge gaining control of Cambodia in 1975, the further development of a relationship between a weak and a strong power was to be seen.l The People's Republic of China (PRC) would become associated with a regime which would prove to be one of the most brutal and inhumane of the modern age.
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Anderson, Emily. "States of extraction : impacts of taxation on statebuilding in Angola and Mozambique, 1975-2013." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3071/.

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This PhD investigates the impacts of taxation on state capacity and accountability through comparative case studies of Angola and Mozambique between 1975 and 2013. Extremes of violence and economic dependency dominate the postcolonial histories of Angola and Mozambique. These cases provide an ideal setting for comparative analysis of how civil war and single resource dependence influence the links between taxation and statebuilding. The thesis demonstrates, in contrast to bellicist notions, that civil war did not strengthen the tax systems or create stronger states. Rather, transitions from the colonial capitalist regimes to socialism and then towards market capitalism, as well as the availability of autonomous income sources, were the central drivers of change in extractive processes. The research establishes taxation as both a critical explanation for development trajectories and a reflection of state capacity and accountability. Existing research on taxation and statebuilding in contemporary developing countries tends to treat tax as a catalyst for democracy, but I find that it provides political regimes with an equally powerful tool to expand power through neopatrimonial networks and consolidate control over the state. Analysis of the case studies concludes that, driven by extraverted elite accumulation strategies, vast oil resources in Angola and large-scale foreign aid in Mozambique worked similarly to disconnect state finances from society and undermine the potential links between revenue collection and redistribution, thereby reducing the possibility of enhanced state capacity or accountability.
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Galdino, Carolina Ferreira. "Moçambique e Angola na visão d'O Estado de S. Paulo (1975-1996) /." Marília, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152030.

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Orientadora: Suzeley Kalil Mathias
Banca: Shiguenoli Miyamoto
Banca: Samuel Alves Soares
Banca: José Miguel Arias Neto
Banca: Acácio Almeida
Banca: Marina Vitelli
Banca: Eduardo Mei
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A redução de vulnerabilidades frente ao exterior, a elevação dos saldos das exportações, bem como, o significativo aumento dos investimentos externos diretos são os principais componentes da nova conjuntura vivenciada por diversos países emergentes de conflito situados do outro lado do Atlântico. Dentre os países africanos de língua portuguesa, Moçambique e Angola possuem papel de destaque nas relações bilaterais empreendidas pelo Brasil com o continente africano, sendo estes os principais receptores das iniciativas de cooperação empreendidas pelo Brasil. Não raramente, os meios de comunicação apresentam parte do continente africano através de uma perspectiva eurocentrada, cedendo especial atenção à suas vulnerabilidades em detrimento de suas potencialidades e impossibilitando o conhecimento efetivo da realidade daqueles países. A forma como o continente africano é apresentado pelos meios de comunicação contribui para a perpetuação de uma visão e um discurso específico. Todo discurso tem o poder de dialogar com múltiplos discursos, razão pela qual a grande imprensa exerce papel fundamental na representação da realidade. A presente tese objetiva analisar como a grande imprensa paulistana, representada nesta pesquisa pelo jornal O Estado de S. Paulo, apresentou Moçambique e Angola entre 1975 e 1996.
Abstract: Reducing vulnerabilities to the outside world, rising export balances, as well as the significant increase in direct foreign investment are the main components of the new situation experienced in several emerging countries of conflict located on the other side of the Atlantic. Among the Portuguese-speaking African countries, Mozambique and Angola play a prominent role in the bilateral relations undertaken by Brazil with the African continent, which are the main recipients of the cooperation initiatives undertaken by Brazil. Not infrequently, the media presents a part of the African continent through a Eurocentric perspective, giving special attention to its vulnerabilities to the detriment of its potentialities and making it impossible to know effectively the reality of those countries. Every speech has the power to dialogue with multiple discourses, which is why the major press plays a fundamental role in the representation of reality. This thesis aims to analyze how the press in Sao Paulo, represented in this research by O Estado de S. Paulo newspaper, presented Mozambique and Angola between 1975 and 1996.
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Books on the topic "Angola Foreign relations 1975-"

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Wright, George. U.S. policy towards Angola: The Kissinger years, 1974-76. Leeds, U.K: University of Leeds, African Studies Unit, Dept. of Politics, 1990.

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Portugal. Assembleia da República. Comissão de Negócios Estrangeiros, Comunidades Portuguesas e Cooperação. Audições sobre Angola: O recomeço da guerra em Outubro de 1992. Lisboa: Assembleia da República, 1994.

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Hatzky, Christine. Kubaner in Angola: Süd-Süd-Kooperation und Bildungstransfer 1976-1991. München: Oldenbourg, 2012.

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Notholt, Stuart. Angola: One step to peace in Southern Africa. London: Bow Group, 1988.

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Cubans in Angola: South-South cooperation and transfer of knowledge, 1976-1991. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2015.

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Vines, Alex. Angola and Mozambique: The aftermath of conflict. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism, 1995.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Africa. The quest for peace in Angola: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, November 16, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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Africa, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on. The quest for peace in Angola: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Third Congress, first session, November 16, 1993. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1994.

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A political history of the civil war in Angola, 1974-1990. New Brunswick, [N.J.], U.S.A: Transaction Publishers, 2011.

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Beloe solnt͡s︡e Angoly. Moskva: Vagrius, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Angola Foreign relations 1975-"

1

McDonough, Frank. "The Nature and Organisation of Conservative Foreign and Defence Questions at Westminster." In The Conservative Party and Anglo-German Relations, 1905–1914, 16–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230210912_2.

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McMahon, Robert J. "Nationalism and Regionalism in an Era of Globalization: US Relations with South and Southeast Asia, 1975-2000." In A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 440–54. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch24.

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Clerc, Louis. "The Finnish State and International Cultural Relations, 1945–1975." In Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 233–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_6.

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AbstractCulture was no exception in Finland’s foreign policy during the Cold War: international cultural relations were one more stage on which the basic play of Finland’s Cold War domestic and foreign policies was performed. In the maze of justifications for improving the state’s capacity to coordinate and direct Finland’s spontaneous cultural relations used by its main Finnish administrators, historical memories, conceptions of desirable directions for Finland’s national development, the necessities of Finland’s geopolitical situation and more concrete notions linked to commercial and economic development appeared fundamentally important. The slow institutionalization of this cultural diplomacy and the activities it conducted aimed at Finland’s geopolitical stabilization and participation in international developments, and the country’s state-led cultural modernization.
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Clerc, Louis. "Studying Finland’s Cultural Diplomacy from World War II to the CSCE." In Palgrave Macmillan Series in Global Public Diplomacy, 1–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12205-7_1.

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AbstractBetween 1945 and the Helsinki CSCE meeting in 1975, personalities and institutions in Finland’s government discussed the role of the state in the country’s international cultural relations, both in the frame of the Cold War and in the context of a rapidly changing welfare state. After a period of war, the reality of Finland’s opening up to the world could be seen in the emergence of new cultural forms, new movements of population, new economic activities, and a surge in international trade contacts. Behind these spontaneous changes, one could also discern the handiwork of a series of public institutions and personalities that worked to change and modernize Finland’s society and its position in the world. This book is an effort to understand what international cultural relations meant for Finland’s foreign policy managers, and to document the development of state activism in this domain during the first three decades of the Cold War.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "19. The Decline of the Cold War, 1985–9." In International Relations Since 1945, 439–60. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780198807612.003.0019.

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This chapter examines the decline of the Cold War during the period 1985–9. It begins with a discussion of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s ‘new diplomacy’, a more flexible, less ideological foreign policy based on his belief that ‘a less confrontational stance towards the outside world would provide greater security than endless rearming’. It then considers Gorbachev’s reforms, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty signed in December 1987 by Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, and US–Soviet relations under George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev. It also analyses the end of the Cold War in less developed countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, and Cambodia, before concluding with an assessment of the demise of Soviet communism in Eastern Europe.
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Young, John W., and John Kent. "19. The Decline of the Cold War, 1985–9." In International Relations Since 1945. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hepl/9780199693061.003.0024.

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This chapter examines the decline of the Cold War during the period 1985–1989. It begins with a discussion of Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s ‘new diplomacy’, a more flexible, less ideological foreign policy based on his belief that ‘a less confrontational stance towards the outside world would provide greater security than endless rearming’. It then considers Gorbachev’s reforms, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty signed in December 1987 by Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan, and US–Soviet relations under George H. W. Bush and Gorbachev. It also analyses the end of the Cold War in less developed countries such as Afghanistan, Angola, and Cambodia before concluding with an assessment of the demise of Soviet communism in Eastern Europe.
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"Australia’s Relations with Japan [1975]." In Japanese Foreign Policy and Understanding Japanese Politics, 263–71. Global Oriental, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004227101_020.

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Lomas, Daniel W. B. "The special relationship? Ministers, atomic espionage and Anglo-American relations." In Intelligence, Security and the Attlee Governments, 1945-51. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719099144.003.0006.

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Chapter Five studies Ministerial reactions to the spy scandals that threatened Anglo-American nuclear exchanges. Considering the cases of Alan Nunn May, Klaus Fuchs, Bruno Pontecorvo, Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean, it argues that Ministers were sensitive to claims from the United States that Britain was weak in the field of security. After the Fuchs and Pontecorvo scandals, Ministers reacted quickly to repair any damage to transatlantic relations by introducing new security procedures known as ‘Positive Vetting’. The chapter also uses newly released archival material to shed light on Ministerial reactions to the disapperance of the Foreign Office diplomats, Guy Burgess and Donald Maclean, in the spring of 1951. Their defection provoked widespread outrage and, once again, prompted a review of security in government, on this occasion the Foreign Office, on the instructions of the Foreign Secretary, Herbert Morrison, now Foreign Secretary, which is explored here for the first time.
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"CHAPTER NINE Foreign Relations, 1977-78: Warfare, Weapons, and Wildlife." In The Pol Pot Regime ... 1975-79, 357–85. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780300142990-014.

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Robb, Thomas K. "Embracing the Special Relationship, 1977–8." In Jimmy Carter and the Anglo-American 'Special Relationship'. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474407014.003.0003.

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This chapter surveys the first year of Carter’s handling of the Anglo-American relationship. The new president brought a bold agenda to both foreign relations and to the Anglo-American relationship as he sought to bring about a majority rule settlement in Rhodesia as well as solve the “Troubles” inside Northern Ireland. Such efforts created difficulties with London, not least as both sides had competing ideas as to how best to balance concerns with morality and pragmatism in settling this questions. This chapter also demonstrates how the institutional aspects of the special relationship, those concerned with nuclear and intelligence cooperation continued to be maintained.
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