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Journal articles on the topic 'Anglo-Russian relations'
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1
Saunders, David. "Icebreakers in Anglo-Russian Relations (1914–21)." International History Review 38, no. 4 (December 10, 2015): 814–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2015.1105277.
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Campbell, Heather A. "One hundred years on: the Russian revolution and Anglo-Russian relations today." Global Affairs 5, no. 1 (September 3, 2018): 41–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2018.1516115.
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Gusakova, Yuliya S., Tatyana L. Adrianovskaya, Valentina V. Chuksina, Aleksej N. Nifanov, and Michael V. Presnyakov. "Legal regulation of service and labor relations in various legal systems." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (July 10, 2021): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1064p.35-40.
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The article provides a comparative characteristic of the concepts of labor relations in some foreign countries. The article analyzes the legal regulation of labor relations, dividing states into two groups. The first includes Russia, France, Germany and a number of other European states. In the second - the USA, Great Britain, Australia and other countries of the Anglo-Saxon legal system. The author denotes the similarities and differences in choosing one of the two models, namely: European (continental) and Anglo-Saxon (Anglo-American). The conclusion is drawn that the borrowing of the experience of the countries adhering to the Anglo-Saxon model is unacceptable for the Russian state, since in them the labor contract is presented not as a tool capable of guaranteeing the rights of workers, but as a legal way to create conditions that can infringe on their interests. In turn, at the moment these countries are moving towards the socialization of labor relations.
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OTTE, T. G. "DÉTENTE 1914: SIR WILLIAM TYRRELL'S SECRET MISSION TO GERMANY." Historical Journal 56, no. 1 (February 1, 2013): 175–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200057x.
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ABSTRACTBased on hitherto unused archival material, this article reconstructs the genesis of a clandestine mission to Germany by Sir Edward Grey's private secretary, Sir William Tyrrell, planned for the summer of 1914. The mission remained abortive, but it offers fresh insights into a growing sense of détente in Great Power relations on the eve of the First World War. Although the episode involved key officials in London and Berlin, the article emphasizes that, pace many recent scholars of the period, the Anglo-German antagonism was not the central concern of British policy-makers. Rather, relations between the two countries were a function of Anglo-Russian relations, and the revival of Russian power after 1912 provides the proper context to the attempts by British and German officials to place relations between their countries on a friendlier footing. The article thus also calls into question criticisms of the British foreign secretary as irrevocably ententiste, and provides an antidote to assumptions of the First World War as somehow inevitable.
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Nish, Ian. "Politics, Trade and Communications in East Asia: Thoughts on Anglo-Russian Relations, 1861–1907." Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 4 (October 1987): 667–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00009276.
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As Britain saw it, trade was not the prime motivating force for Russian expansion in east Asia or, put another way, the Russian frontiersmen were not driven by the actual amount of their trade there or its future potentialities. While Russia was primarily concerned with the tea trade over land frontiers, Britain was concerned with the seaborne commerce of China. The customs revenue paid to China in the year 1894 worked out as follows:Judging from the returns of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Organization, British ships carried 83.5% of China's total trade. But Britain's commercial dominance affected her political stance because she wanted to preserve China's stability for most of the second half of the nineteenth century. This was at the root of the political tensions between Britain and Russia which emerged in China after 1860 and especially those which derived from the spate of railway building which took place from 1890 onwards. It would be foolish to deny that intense rivalry did exist in the area from time to time or that detailed observations of the actions of the one were regularly conducted by the other—what we should now call ‘intelligence operations’. But what I shall suggest in this paper is that, despite all the admitted antagonism and suspicion between Britain and Russia in east Asia, Britain regularly made efforts to reach accommodations with Russia in north-east Asia.
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MORRISON, ALEXANDER. "Beyond the ‘Great Game’: The Russian origins of the second Anglo–Afghan War." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (May 2017): 686–735. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x1500044x.
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AbstractDrawing on published documents and research in Russian, Uzbek, British, and Indian archives, this article explains how a hasty attempt by Russia to put pressure on the British in Central Asia unintentionally triggered the second Anglo–Afghan War of 1878–80. This conflict is usually interpreted within the framework of the so-called ‘Great Game’, which assumes that only the European ‘Great Powers’ had any agency in Central Asia, pursuing a coherent strategy with a clearly defined set of goals and mutually understood rules. The outbreak of the Second Anglo–Afghan war is usually seen as a deliberate attempt by the Russians to embroil the British disastrously in Afghan affairs, leading to the eventual installation of ‘Abd al-Rahman Khan, hosted for many years by the Russians in Samarkand, on the Afghan throne. In fact, the Russians did not foresee any of this. ‘Abd al-Rahman's ascent to the Afghan throne owed nothing to Russian support, and everything to British desperation. What at first seems like a classic ‘Great Game’ episode was a tale of blundering and unintended consequences on both sides. Central Asian rulers were not merely passive bystanders who provided a picturesque backdrop for Anglo–Russian relations, but important actors in their own right.
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Golyagina, Alena. "Importing a management accounting concept into the Russian language: a case of resistance from Russian academics." Journal of Accounting in Emerging Economies 11, no. 3 (March 23, 2021): 449–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jaee-02-2020-0025.
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PurposeDrawing on the semantic field theory, the paper aims to uncover the challenges of importing and translating a management accounting concept into the Russian language and the semantic nature of resistance towards the imported management accounting concept.Design/methodology/approachThe paper draws on the extensive literature review of the histories of accounting in the Soviet Union and the United States in the first part of the twentieth century and 17 interviews conducted with the Russian accounting academics.FindingsWe demonstrate the case of resistance in adopting the imported Anglo-Saxon management accounting concept. We also discuss historical underpinning and origins of this resistance in light of semantic field theory.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper calls for more research in the non-Anglo-Saxon contexts problematizing conventional assumptions and beliefs about objectivity and universality of accounting language.Practical implicationsThe study demonstrates the importance of understanding historical and cross-cultural developments of accounting language for accounting educators and practitioners. Critical awareness of the differences in semantic fields of accounting can help accounting researchers and educators to develop contextualized research projects and context-relevant teaching practices.Originality/valueThe study contributes to the literature on translations of accounting concepts by demonstrating that accounting concepts are not understood in isolation, instead, they are interpreted in relation to each other. The present study demonstrates that the relationship between the management accounting concept (the signifier) and its meanings (signifieds) is fluid, culturally and historically contingent. To understand this relationship, we should attend to the historical development of semantic fields and associative relations between concepts.
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Pagedas, C. A. "Counterpoint to Trafalgar: The Anglo-Russian Invasion of Naples, 1805-1806." Mediterranean Quarterly 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-16-1-120.
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Panichkin, Vyacheslav B., and Elena V. Panichkina. "TIME PERIOD CALCULATING PROCEDURES IN ROMANO-GERMANIC, RUSSIAN AND COMMON LAW AND THEIR LINK TO THE COMMORIENT FICTION." Law of succession 4 (December 24, 2020): 8–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2072-4179-2020-4-8-12.
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The article shows three models of calculating time in relation to civil law relations on the example of several jurisdictions representing the main private legal systems of the world. The author proves that adherence to the particular order of time computation is strongly related to the reception of one of the three traditional doctrines: Roman civil, Roman natural and Anglo-American. All three procedures of use of the order of time calculating are analyzed on the example of the institute of commorientes (heirs in simultaneous death and death in quick succession). Also author depicts the evolution of Russian Law and its transition from civil to natural time calculation in relation to the rules of succession by heirs in simultaneous death and death in quick succession.
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Smilianskaia, Elena Borisovna. "Catherine II’s Anglophilia and Lord Cathcart’s “Extraordinary Embassy” in St. Petersburg, 1768–1772." Journal of Modern Russian History and Historiography 12, no. 1 (September 23, 2019): 224–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102388-01201009.
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Looking at eighteenth-century relations between Russia and the West through the prism of diplomatic culture and rituals, this article concentrates on a “happy period” in Anglo-Russian contacts in 1768–1772, when Sir Charles Cathcart was dispatched to St. Petersburg to negotiate a treaty between the British and Russian Empires. The article argues that close relations between Great Britain and Russia at that time influenced ceremonial practices, individual contacts, and the transfer of the British culture to the Russian court. Study of the Cathcart’s archive points to the peculiar character of his mission – to the leading role that he, as British ambassador, played among diplomats in Russia; to the role of his wife, who became the first ambassadrice officially presented to Catherine ii; to their residence, which they transformed into an exemplar of “British taste” in St. Petersburg. The Cathcart case study opens up new perspectives on the diplomats in the Age of the Enlightenment.
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Williams, Andrew. "Canada and Anglo‐Soviet relations: The question of Russian trade at the 1932 Ottawa imperial conference." Diplomacy & Statecraft 1, no. 2 (July 1990): 185–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592299008405792.
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Martin, Vanessa, and Morteza Nouraei. "The Role of the Karguzar in the Foreign Relations of State and Society of Iran from the mid-nineteenth century to 1921. Part 1: Diplomatic Relations." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 15, no. 3 (November 2005): 261–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005286.
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AbstractThe foreign relations of Iran from 1800 to 1921 have on the whole been discussed in terms of diplomatic relations between states, of ‘Great Power’ policy, and of the impact of the world economy upon a comparatively weak and traditional society. A brief survey of the existing literature reveals that Iran's lack of progress has been attributed among other factors to her form of government, foreign interference and to her predicament as a buffer state between the British and Russian empires. The traditional power structures of Iran, as dominated by an absolute monarchy intent on personal interest with a concomitant lack of realism when engaging in war, was, in Ramazani's view, the origin of the country's weakness. Kazemzadeh saw the subject from the point of view of Anglo-Russian rivalry at the highest levels, and argued that both powers sought to impose hegemony on Iran by a variety of means, including, putting pressure on the Shah and chief ministers, using commercial concessions and exercising intimidation. The competition of Britain and Russia was so intense that each was determined to undermine any plan of development proposed by the other, opportunities were numerous, as, for example, in the introduction of railways. Yapp, to some extent, questioned this argument by pointing out that British interests were more complex than those of the Russians; on the one hand a stronger Iran was a more efficient buffer-state, but on the other hand it could undermine British influence in Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf. Yapp also noted that the British and Russian presence gave advantages to Iran in terms of the development of international trade, the control of internal disorder and in the imposition of regional security. Greaves saw Britain's diplomatic connections with Iran as dominated by her preoccupation with the defence of India, and believed that its attitudes to Iran were neither consistent nor strong. Issawi, in his study of economic development, also presented a more complex picture which emphasises the variety of the factors involved, and also the fluctuations in the economy over the period. He pointed out that trade did grow steadily, that the country benefited from new technology, for example the telegraph and the construction of the Suez Canal, and that it lived within its means. On the other hand, involvement in the international economy from 1890–1914 led to rapidly increasing foreign financial and political factors, which undermined the county's independence. Wright provided a different approach in that, while acknowledging the baleful effects of aspects of Anglo-Russian rivalry on Iran, he was more concerned with the experiences of a variety of ‘English’ amongst the Iranians, and thus offered a study of interaction between foreigners and Iranians at a level below that of international politics.
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Naumov, Alexander. "The role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system (based on the materials of new archival documents)." Международные отношения, no. 3 (March 2020): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.3.33013.
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This article reviews the role of Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1935 in escalation of crisis trends of the Versailles system. Leaning on the British Russian archival documents, which recently became available for the researchers, the author analyzes the reasons and consequences of conclusion of this agreement between the key European democratic power and Nazi Reich. Emphasis is placed on analyzing the moods within the political elite of the United Kingdom. It is proven that the agreement became a significant milestone in escalation of crisis trends in the Versailles model of international relations. It played a substantial role in establishment of the British appeasement policy with regards to revanchist powers in the interbellum; policy that objectively led to disintegration of the created in 1919 systemic mechanism, and thus, the beginning of the World War II. The novelty of this work is substantiated by articulation of the problem. This article is first within the Russian and foreign historiography to analyze execution of the Anglo-German Naval Agreement based on the previously unavailable archival materials. The conclusion is made that this agreement played a crucial role in the process of disintegration of interbellum system of international relations. Having officially sanctioned the violation of the articles of the Versailles Treaty of 1919 by Germany, Great Britain psychologically reconciled to the potential revenge of Germany, which found reflection in the infamous appeasement policy. This launched the mechanism for disruption of status quo that was established after the World War I in Europe. This resulted in collapse of the architecture of international security in the key region of the world, rapid deterioration of relations between the countries, and a new world conflict.
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Andreeva, T. "The Evolution of Britain's Approach to Crisis in Ukraine and UK–Russia Relations." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-56-66.
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This paper represents the second part of the previously published article. It covers Great Britain's role in generating of a consolidated international view on Russia's influence on the Ukrainian crisis during Petr Poroshenko's presidency (2014–2015), further explores the worsening of bilateral relations between the UK and Russia in a wide context of antagonism between the US and Russia. The author also investigates Britain's role in imposing of the gravest economic sanctions on Russian economy after the Malaysian aircraft crush, and their impact on the Western countries' economies, especially on the British economy key industries. The attention is given to popularity of Vladimir Putin and his policy in Russian society and business community, which rose after the introducing of western sanctions. The article examines the damage done to cooperation between Russian and British business by deterioration in bilateral political relations. Assessing the scope of this damage, the author notes that for quite a long time Britain disinclined to start a new Cold War with Russia. The author further scrutinizes the impact of the Ukrainian crisis on strengthening of Anglo-American “special relations”, on the revival of the NATO's strategic task of being a tool to hamper Russia's influence in the world: for this purpose joint military exercises in the Baltic region were organized, and special NATO Response Force was created. The main questions raised in this research are: when can the UK–Russia relations become better again, and what can help improve the relationship between two countries?
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Терновая, Ольга, and Olga Tyernovaya. "LEGAL STATUS OF MANAGEMENT BODIES IN SHARE HOLDING COMPANIES IN FRANCE AND IN RUSSIA." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 1, no. 5 (December 2, 2015): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/16137.
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The article reviews legal nature of joint stock companies’ corporate bodies in accordance with the French and Russian legislations. Despite the influence of Anglo-American approaches on the formation of the Russian corporate legislation, the author proposes to more actively take into account the positive experience of countries with the continental law as they are closer to the Russian juridical reality. In this context the author pays special attention to the French legislation on joint stock companies. The author notes two most powerful trends in the evolution of the French corporate legislation: on the one hand, these are major changes in the substantive legal framework for governance and relations between the participants and the company, and on the other hand — important changes in legal regulation over governance and relations between the company participants. Comparison of certain issues in the legal nature of joint stock companies’ corporate bodies (boards) in Russia and France allows making the conclusion that the French legislation regulates in more detail such topical issues as peculiarities of the joint stock companies’ governance models, powers of a sole executive body, basis for civil responsibility of persons who are part of corporate bodies of a joint stock company.
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Tomaselli, P. "C's Moscow station – The Anglo-Russian trade mission as cover for SIS in the early 1920s." Intelligence and National Security 17, no. 3 (September 2002): 173–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684520412331306600.
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Popova, S. B., and M. T. Shkapenko. "The functioning of a semantic calque токсичный in discursive practices of the modern russian language." Philology at MGIMO 6, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2410-2423-2020-4-24-156-166.
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The paper focuses on the semantic derivation of the adjective «toxic» in English, which underlies the neosemantization of the adjective “токсичный” in the Russian language. Due to exposing the seme of negative impact, the word “toxic” is subjected to metaphorization. It is actively used in various spheres of Anglo-American discourse. The universal character of the metaphor, in which the target domain is a person, and the source domain – toxic substances, explains the high frequency of its usage. The conceptualization of a person and the whole system of interpersonal relations in terms of metaphor “Man is a toxic substance” is considered as a verbal indicator of the real psychological state of Anglo-American society. The high frequency of the word in political discourse is characterized as a means of language manipulation. Attention is drawn to the ethnic specificity of the American feminist socioconstruct “toxic masculinity”, as a particular manifestation of the tendency to eliminate binary gender opposition. While examining the functioning of neosemantism “toxic” in the Russian language, a conclusion is made about the process of semantic calque, which proceeds in the form of exact copying the ways of its metaphorical usage in the donor language. In the speech practices of native Russian speakers the adjective “toxic” changes its traditional syntagmatics, including in the field of reference nouns with the meaning of a person or various types of human relationships. There are changes in the use of the adjective, which is becoming a fashionable attribute of the speech of politicians, financiers, and psychologists. It is emphasized that the semantic shift in the adjective “токсичный”, which is carried out under the influence of the donor language, is alien to the traditional system of values of Russian native speakers.
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Kaplan, Herbert H. "Observations on the Value of Russia's Overseas Commerce with Great Britain during the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century." Slavic Review 45, no. 1 (1986): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2497923.
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In a previous publication I demonstrated the enormous value of Russia's overseas commodity exports to Great Britain's industrial development during the second half of the eighteenth century. Yet when value is determined only by sheer volume of commodities, the determination, even when supported by impressive shipping data, might not be as convincing as a determination of value based on other factors, for example, on money value.Scholars continue to argue over specific aspects of Anglo-Russian trade, over the accuracy of British commercial records, and over the degree of British involvement in Russian overseas commerce. This article addresses these issues and suggests that historians should not forget to look at the broad trends in the value of that trade when they debate specific aspects of the commercial relations between the two nations. Moreover, it seems to me that value comprehended in English pounds sterling or Russian rubles would further demonstrate the significance of Russia's overseas commodity trade to Great Britain, since such a demonstration would rest, as it were, on a surer foundation.
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Brisov, Yu V. "Implementation of the Doctrine of Good Faith (Bona Fides) in Corporate Legal Relations." Actual Problems of Russian Law 1, no. 12 (January 20, 2020): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2019.109.12.070-080.
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Good faith (bona fides) is presented in the Civil Code of the Russian Federation as a general principle and presumption. In resolving corporate disputes, the courts are governed by general principles of good faith. However, corporate relations have a specificity due to, inter alia, the variety of corporate forms. It can be assumed that the application of good faith provisions should also vary taking into account the characteristics of corporate patterns, the types and forms of corporate relations, subjective internal corporate circumstances. Common law countries have developed a system of good faith elements and special tests to apply the required requirement of good faith according to the context. A special place is given to fiduciary relations as a product of bona fides. The author has carried out a comparative analysis of the provisions of the Plenums of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation and the law enforcement practice of Germany, the USA, Great Britain and Canada on the issues of good faith in the consideration of corporate disputes. Special attention is paid to the interrelation between corporate ethics and law. Examining a number of key cases from the law-enforcement practice of the courts of the Anglo-American system of law, the author substantiates the possibility of applying special tests, namely, objective and subjective good faith tests, to regulate matters related to the application of the rules of good faith from the Civil Code and special laws in dealing with corporate disputes. Special attention is paid to the role of courts and permissible discretion in the formation of standards of enforcement of blanket norms and general principles of law in corporate relations.
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Koole, Simeon. "Photography as Event: Power, the Kodak Camera, and Territoriality in Early Twentieth-Century Tibet." Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, no. 2 (April 2017): 310–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000068.
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AbstractThis article rethinks the nature of power and its relation to territory in the photographic event. Focusing on thousands of photographs taken during the British Younghusband Expedition to Lhasa between 1903 and 1904, it reorients understandings of photography as either reproducing or enabling the “negotiation” or contestation of power inequalities between participants. It shows how, in the transitory relations between Tibetans, Chinese, and Britons during and after photographic events, photography acted as a means by which participants constituted themselves as responsible agents—as capable of responding and as “accountable”—in relation to one another and to Tibet as a political entity. Whether in photographs of Tibetans protesting British looting or of their “reading” periodicals containing photographs of themselves, photography, especially Kodak photography, proposed potential new ways of being politically “Tibetan” at a time when the meaning of Tibet as a territory was especially indeterminate. This article therefore examines how the shifting territorial meaning of Tibet, transformed by an ascendant Dalai Lama, weakening Qing empire, and Anglo-Russian competition, converged with transformations in the means of visually reflecting upon it. If photography entailed always-indeterminate power relations through which participants constituted themselves in relation to Tibet, then it also compels our own rethinking of Tibet itself as an event contingent on every event of photography, rather than pre-existing or “constructed” by it.
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Skopenko, Oleg R., Yuri N. Andreev, Denis N. Latypov, Anna Rudavina, and Anna S. Shekhovtsova. "Linear objects as real estate objects: legislative approaches of Russia and foreign countries." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, Extra-D (July 10, 2021): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-622020217extra-d1065p.41-46.
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The purpose of the study is to theoretically develop the problem of attributing linear objects to real estate objects. To achieve this goal, a comprehensive analysis of Russian and foreign legislation was carried out in the framework of relations with linear facilities. At the same time, special attention is paid to the concepts and approaches related to the classification of linear objects as real estate objects in Russian law and in the countries of the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic legal systems. Considering the civil legislation of Germany, Russia, the USA and France, the authors concluded that there are no unified definitions of the concepts of "linear object" and "real estate"; only a listing of their types has been established. However, the declared concept can be identified based on the definition of the characteristics of real estate in these countries. In this regard, it can be argued that each country has its own understanding in assessing the concept of «linear object» and its attribution to real estate objects.
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Redvaldsen, David. "The Role of Britain in Late Modern Norwegian History: A Longitudinal Study." Britain and the World 9, no. 1 (March 2016): 10–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2016.0212.
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Concentrating on the strength of the mutual relationship, this article examines crucial periods in Anglo-Norwegian history since 1814. In the November Treaty (1855) Britain and France guaranteed the Swedish-Norwegian union's territory against Russian encroachment. Britain was not supportive of Norwegian independence in 1905, though she had wanted better terms for Norway within the union. From a Norwegian perspective, Britain was the most important signatory to the Integrity Treaty (1907) whereby the great powers guaranteed her territory. Due to her neutrality Norway could not openly support Britain, but many events prior to 1940 showed that she oriented her foreign policy primarily towards London. The German invasion and Norway's subsequent entry into the Second World War on the side of the Allies, fostered much warmer Anglo-Norwegian relations. These were cemented by the creation of NATO in 1949, in which both nations participated. In the 1950s even British officials occasionally described the ties as a ‘special relationship’. In that decade and in the 1960s, Britain preferred to work with the Scandinavian nations in multilateral organizations such as UNISCAN and EFTA. In 1973, however, Britain entered the EEC, whereas the Norwegian people had voted to reject the membership their government was recommending. The great power's interests shifted away from Scandinavia towards mainland Europe. Consequently, relations with Norway became more distant. Norway's second stalled bid to enter the EU in 1994 underlined that the two countries have drifted apart. The article nevertheless argues that Britain was Norway's lodestar between 1905 and 1973.
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Schweizer, K. W. "Anthony Cross. Anglo-Russica: Aspects of Cultural Relations between Great Britain and Russia in the Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Centuries. (Anglo-Russian Affinities Series.) Providence, R.I.: Berg Publishers. 1993. Pp. x, 269. $48.00." Albion 26, no. 1 (1994): 163–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4052131.
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Sukhodolov, Alexander, Tuvd Dorj, Yuriy Kuzmin, and Mikhail Rachkov. "The War of Khalkhin Gol in 1939 and the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact." Известия Байкальского государственного университета 28, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 585–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2018.28(4).585-594.
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For the first time in Russian historiography, the article draws attention to the connection of the War of Khalkhin Gol in 1939 and the conclusion of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact of 1939. For a long time, historical science considered these two major events in the history of the USSR and history of the world individually, without their historic relationship. The authors made an attempt to provide evidence of this relationship, showing the role that surrounding and defeating the Japanese army at Khalkhin Gol in August 1939 and signing in Moscow of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact played in the history of the world. The study analyzes the foreign policy of the USSR in Europe, the reasons for the failure in the conclusion of the Anglo-Franco-Soviet military union in 1939 and the circumstances of the Pact. It shows the interrelation between the defeat of the Japanese troops at Khalkhin Gol and the need for the Soviet-German treaty. The authors describe the historic consequences of the conclusion of the pact for the further development of the Japanese-German relations and the course of the Second World War. They also present the characteristics of the views of these historical events in the Russian historiography.
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Suzuki, Yu. "Anglo-Russian War-Scare and British Occupation of Kŏmundo, 1885–7: The Initial Phase of Globalisation of International Affairs Between Great Powers." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 47, no. 6 (July 16, 2019): 1100–1124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2019.1638629.
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Хохлов, Вадим, and Vadim Khokhlov. "Legally Significant Representations in Civil Law of Russia." Journal of Russian Law 4, no. 2 (February 5, 2016): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/17645.
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Legally meaningful assurances that are legally significant variety of applications and which are provided for in a new item 4312 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation, should be evaluated as an independent civil construction that is not included in the contract, but challenging its conclusion. It is argued that although regulatory structure representations of domestic law and received from the Anglo-American law, it has its own original character. The requirements to the information component of the assurances of the said article of the Civil Code are formulated. It is noted that the scope of representation is limited, as you can still use conventional instruments of influence, including the use of well-known remedies. Assurances do not create obligations, but give rise to enforcement relations. Another component representation — a sanction. The responsibility basis under this item of the Civil Code is not the weaknesses of goods or other violations of obligations, but namely unreliable information about certain circumstances.
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Ларин, А. Б. "The Ups and Downs of the Agreed Course: Russia, Britain and the Persian Crisis of 1911." Vestnik of Northern (Arctic) Federal University. Series Humanitarian and Social Sciences, no. 2 (April 10, 2021): 11–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/2687-1505-v083.
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This article covers the interaction between Russia and Great Britain on the Persian Question in 1911, when a number of internal and external factors caused a serious political crisis in Qajar Iran, which directly affected international relations in the Middle East. In late 1910 – early 1911, the Persian government initiated an invitation of foreign experts to reorganize the finances of Qajar Iran. As a result of a rather complex discussion between St. Petersburg, London and Tehran, it was decided to invite a group of American specialists headed by William Morgan Shuster, an American financial adviser who had previously been involved in similar activities in the Philippines. This choice was later proven unfortunate: in many ways, it was Shuster’s approach that provoked the emergence and contributed to the deepening of the 1911 crisis. In addition, the paper considers the main factors and stages of development of the crisis, Shuster’s role in the events, St. Petersburg’s and London’s policies on the issue, as well as the differences in the approaches of Russian and British diplomacy to its resolution. It is demonstrated that in the face of a significant threat to the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907, the Foreign Office (represented by Sir Edward Grey) displayed a willingness to make compromises on the Persian Question in order to prevent a break in diplomatic relations with Russia. At the same time, the crisis clearly demonstrated how fragile the balance of positions of the two Powers in the region was and how easily even a regional conflict can jeopardize the relationship between the two Powers in a wider context.
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Brisov, Yu V. "Responsibility of the Executive Body of a Legal Entity for Fraud." Actual Problems of Russian Law, no. 9 (October 5, 2019): 174–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1994-1471.2019.106.9.174-184.
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The paper discusses various legislative and enforcement approaches in the Russian Federation, USA, and Great Britain; compares the various provisions of the Plenums of the Supreme Arbitration Court of the Russian Federation and the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation on issues of good faith; analyzes the application of these provisions by the courts when considering issues of holding directors to account as a result of malpractice that entailed property damage. By the example of consideration of a number of key cases from the law enforcement practice of the courts of the Anglo-American system of law, the question of the use of tests is considered: objective and subjective integrity tests to regulate the issue of holding the executive body accountable. English and American courts resort to the criterion of good faith in very rare cases, and the fiduciary duty of directors in commercial companies was significantly limited. The approach used by the common law courts implies a minimal degree of court interference in the economic affairs of commercial companies. Holding the director accountable is allowed only in case of obvious neglect of duties or is considered in some cases based on the specific circumstances of the case. Russian courts often hold directors accountable not as a result of gross negligence or proven intentional actions by executive bodies to harm the company, but as a result of society not achieving the desired economic result. Besides, dishonesty compensates for obvious gaps in the internal corporate routine, which do not make it possible to precisely determine the boundaries of authority and the area of responsibility of the executive body. The author formulates a conclusion on the degree of admissible judicial discretion when applying the provisions on good faith to corporate relations as requiring special regulation.
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Artizov, A. N., and S. V. Kudryashov. "French Documents on the Beginning of the World War II." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(66) (July 28, 2019): 202–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2019-3-66-202-246.
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The Federal archival agency, the Russian Ministry of foreign affairs and the Russian Historical Society organized in 2018 a large-scale historical documentary project (an exhibition and online publication) on the background and consequences of the Munich Agreement (November 1937 – March 1938)11 This year marked by the 80th anniversary of the beginning of Second World War the project is to be continued in the form of an exhibition and an online publication of archival documents. We offer our readers some French documents. They are stored at the Russian State Military Archive in the fund «The Ministry of War of France. Military districts, fortified areas, army, corps, divisions, regiments, brigades, military educational institutions and other military organizations» (RGVA. F. 198k).) The fund contains materials on the activities of the French highest military bodies and their units, as well as documents on the headquarters and garrisons of the French military fortresses. These documents were moved from Germany to Moscow after the end of World War II and subsequently were incorporated into the foreign funds of RGVA. In 1993–1994 on the basis of bilateral intergovernmental agreement on cooperation in the field of state archives, identification and return of archival documents and on the basis of the Federal Law of April 15, 1998 No. 64-ФЗ «On Cultural Values Moved to the USSR as a Result of the Second World War and Located on the territory of the Russian Federation» the documents of the 198k fund were transferred to France. The most valuable of the them were microfilmed; their copies are kept in the RGVA on the rights of originals. The two documents being published in this issue of MGIMO Review of International Relations are part of the 198k fund (second inventory), containing documents from French military attachés in European countries, which focus on their political and economic situation, armed forces, countries occupied by Germany, foreign and domestic USSR policy, the state of the Red Army, as well as intelligence reports of the 2nd bureau of the General Staff of the French army. Both documents: Note by the French military attaché in the USSR O.-A. Palace to the Minister of National Defense and the Minister of War of France E. Daladier about the strategic situation in Eastern Europe and its influence on the position of the USSR government on the conclusion of the Anglo-Franco-Soviet agreement on mutual assistance of July 13, 1939 (RGVA. F. 198. Op. 2. D. 466. L. 43–50) and the Report of the French Military Attaché in Poland F. Musse to the Minister of National Defense and the Minister of War of France E. Daladier on the influence of Poland on the course and results of the Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations of August 24, 1939 (RGVA. F. 198k. Op.2. D. 292. L. 148–166) are published in Russian translation for the first time.
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PERKINS, JAMES. "THE CONGO OF EUROPE: THE BALKANS AND EMPIRE IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY BRITISH POLITICAL CULTURE." Historical Journal 58, no. 2 (May 11, 2015): 565–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000260.
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AbstractThis article explores early twentieth-century British political and humanitarian engagement with the Balkans. It focuses on the Balkan Committee, a liberal pressure group that served as the main hub for British interest in the region in the decade before the First World War. Whilst drawing attention to the specific challenges presented by the Balkans to the British liberal mind, it is argued that the Balkan Committee was part of a wider movement of humanitarianism and political activism that encompassed both continental and colonial questions. The issues around which the committee campaigned are related to humanitarian protests against the use of forced labour in Africa, in particular the Congo Reform Association, as well as to the Persia Committee, formed in protest against the 1907 Anglo-Russian agreement. This approach highlights how ‘Europe’ and empire were interconnected agendas within an overarching liberal-internationalist worldview and reformist conscience, despite the different cultural lenses through which humanitarian questions in different parts of the globe were viewed. It is suggested that research into British interaction with the Balkans offers a fruitful means by which to integrate historical analysis of the continental and imperial aspects of Britain's external relations in the ‘age of empire’.
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Smorchkova, Valeriya. "Dissemination of damaging information (defamation) as a type of civil tort: concept definition." Current Issues of the State and Law, no. 15 (2020): 378–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/2587-9340-2020-4-15-376-382.
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We consider such category as defamation, which is widespread in many foreign countries. Defamation is the dissemination of damaging information, which, however, is true. This concept has become widespread in the last century, many states have adopted special legislation that mediates relations in this area. For example, the United Kingdom has the “Defamation Act 1996” and Singapore has the “Defamation Ordinance 1960”. We emphasize that in the same 1960s in our country “the system of defamation seemed absolutely unacceptable and contrary to the spirit of society”. In the course of study, comparative legal methods are used to analyze the legislation of states with the Anglo-Saxon and Romano-Germanic legal system. Based on the study of the doctrinal points of view of scientists and the positions of higher courts, the definition of this category is formed from the position of civil tort. The following definition is proposed: “Defamation is a violation of civil legislation, which consists in the dissemination of false information damaging the honor, dignity and business reputation of a person and also the dissemination of truthful personal information, the disclosure of which violates the conservation law are listed in the intangible benefits of the citizens”. We analyze the provisions of the Resolution of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation of February 24, 2005 no. 3 “On judicial practice in cases of protecting the honor and dignity of citizens, as well as the business reputation of citizens and legal entities”. We conclude that the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation borrowed advanced provisions from the judgments of the European Court of Human Rights.
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Kaviaka, Iryna. "German Question, 1945–1990, in Anglo-American Historiography: Key Aspects of the Problem Study." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640013665-9.
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Understanding and, after the unification of Germany in 1990, rethinking the process of evolution of the German Question, in particular its main components, is an important scholarly task. The origins of the modern power of Germany, its desire to establish itself as a world power, were formed in 1945–1990 with the active participation of the United States and Great Britain. Therefore, the assessment of the development of the German Question by researchers from these countries is important for its understanding. The study of the problem contributes to a comprehensive analysis of the post-war international policy of Great Britain and the United States as well as their modern relations with the FRG. Special attention to the German Question in the publications of the United Kingdom and the United States was shown at the stages of its qualitative transformation: the creation of the FRG, its rearmament, the implementation of a new Eastern policy, as well as the unification of Germany. Each of these events required a prompt response from the academic and expert community and the development of a balanced model of foreign policy response. Anglo-American historiography of the German question has not previously been the object of a special study by Russian historians. The purpose of this article is to analyze the main aspects of the German problem study in the works of British and American researchers. The article identifies four key aspects of the German question, around which the study of the problem in Great Britain and the United States was concentrated. The historiographic core consists of the works devoted to the issues of denazification, West Germany rearmament, Ostpolitik, as well as the unification of Germany and its consequences. Each aspect study was of particular importance and relevance for determining the further foreign policy strategy of the Western countries in Europe, mainly in relation to the FRG and USSR. Changes in approaches to evaluation of the aspects during the post-war period are analyzed. Particular attention is paid to identifying and studying stable geopolitical models that accompanied the perception of the German question by academic and expert communities of Great Britain and the United States: the concepts of “Finlandization” and “Mitteleuropa”, as well as the “Rapallo complex”.
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Куценко, Б. О. "The Russo-English Dispute over the Pamir Boundary: an Unfought War of 1902." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 2(67) (July 23, 2020): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.67.2.007.
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В статье анализируется военно-политическая ситуация, сложившаяся на территории Памира и в приграничных землях в период c 1885 по 1902 год. Проблемы, связанные с обострением англо-русского соперничества в Центральной Азии, как и с попытками держав установить свой контроль над пограничными территориями Туркестана, включая ханства Дарваз, Читрал, Рошан и другие, не потеряли своей актуальности в силу их недостаточной изученности. Наличие значительного числа белых пятен в освещении механизмов военно-политического давления на туземное население со стороны Российской и Британской империй, не позволяет в полной мере представить действительное состояние дел в Припамирье, без которого сложно оценить развитие международных отношений конца XIX — начала XX века в целом. На основе архивных документов, ряд из которых впервые вводится в научный оборот, предпринят анализ практических шагов британской и российской дипломатии в отношении пограничных азиатских ханств. Содержание архивных документов позволяет сделать вывод, что политика Великобритании и Российской империи в регионе Памира во многом была обусловлена стратегическими интересами держав как части глобальной политики по установлению своего влияния в регионе Центральной Азии. Автор приходит к выводу, что изменения в балансе военно-стратегического противостояния в регионе, произошедшие на рубеже XIX–XX веков, несли реальную угрозу прямого военного столкновения Российской и Британской империй, что могло стать прологом мировой войны. Несмотря на материальные потери, понесенные Великобританией в период решения памирского вопроса, британская дипломатия сумела извлечь выгоду из своего поражения, превратив памирский вопрос в инструмент давления на Петербург, что ограничило самостоятельность Российской империи при решении проблем в Юго-Восточной Азии и на Дальнем Востоке. The article analyzes the military and political situation in the Pamirs and adjacent regions in the period of 1885–1902. Anglo-Russian rivalry in Central Asia and the countriesʼ attempts to establish control over the territories adjacent to Turkestan (including the Darvaz Khanate, the Chitral Khanate, the Roshan Khanate and other territories) remain largely underinvestigated, and therefore, relevant. The mechanisms of military and political influence exerted by the Russian Empire and the British Empire on the indigenous population of the Pamir region have never been subjected to rigorous analysis. Hence, we cannot properly assess the real situation in the Pamirs, nor can we appreciate the development of international relations in the late 19th — early 20thcenturies. The analysis of previously unstudied archival materials enables the author to investigate practical measures adopted by British and Russian diplomats in relation to the Pamir and the adjoining khanates. The analysis of archival documents enables the author to conclude that the political strategies of both Britain and Russia were largely predetermined by the necessity to establish their dominance over Central Asia. The author concludes that the change in the military and strategic balance in the region at the turn of the 19th– 20th centuries threatened to trigger off an open confrontation between the British Empire and the Russian Empire and could eventually lead to the global military conflict. Despite military losses sustained by Great Britain in an attempt to resolve the Pamir dispute, British diplomats managed to achieve gains by transforming the Pamir dispute into a tool of exerting influence over Russia, which significantly limited the influence of the Russian Empire in Southeast Asia and in the Far East.
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Linkova, Elena V., and Marc De Bollivier. "French historiography of the Crimean war (1853-1856): main trends and tendencies." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 240–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-240-253.
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This article is devoted to the study of the French historiographical tradition of studying the Crimean war. Due to the fact that the French historiography of the Crimean campaign has diff erences from the Russian or Anglo-Saxon, it is interesting to turn to the study of the features that are characteristic for the works of French historians. One of the key theses of this article is the statement of the following situation in French historical science: since the second half of the 19th century the Crimean war was studied in the framework of studies on the history of the Second Empire. In the late twentieth century the scientifi c tradition has undergone certain changes, as a result of which the events of 1853-1856 became the subject of separate studies on the military history of France and historical anthropology. This feature infl uenced the perception of the war in French public opinion and the scientifi c community and led to the diff erentiation of certain problems and subjects directly related to the history of the Crimean war. The study of French historiography allows us to determine the themes that prevailed in the scientifi c thought of France during the second half of the 19th - 20th centuries, as well as those trends that are currently key in discussing the prerequisites, the nature, the results of the military campaign of 1853-1856. The authors conclude that the scientifi c and possibly public interest in the Crimean war in France is much lower than in Russia. The events of 1853-1856, largely overshadowed by the discussions and memory of the First World war, gradually turn into a little-known period of French history. However, the jubilee years associated with the Crimean war and the siege of Sevastopol are an important point that allows us to revisit the study of both the military campaign and diplomacy, and in general the history of Russian-French relations.
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Artamonov, V., V. Lukin, and T. Musienko. "Strategic culture: to the question of the evolution theory." National Security and Strategic Planning 2020, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37468/2307-1400-2020-3-5-15.
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Status of the issue. The development of the theory of strategic culture began more than seven decades ago. To date, the theory has evolved from the theoretical justification of the behavioral styles of elites representing institutions and security services, to the development of models for the use of national strategic cultures as an important tool for political struggle at the global and regional levels. It should be noted that Russian political science is significantly lagging behind foreign science in the theoretical understanding of the problem and in the development of effective models for countering the Anglo-Saxon strategic culture, which has an openly aggressive Russophobic content.
Results. In the course of political analysis of the evolution of the theory of strategic culture, four stages of its development and their features were identified.
At the first stage-the 40-60s of the XX century, the main content was the study of national styles in strategic planning in the field of national security, caused by a military clash during the World War II. Stereotyping of the initial grounds and a certain ethnocentrism as the main features of the stage, were subjected to reasonable criticism and stimulated the further development of theoretical provisions of the problem.
At the second stage – the 70-90s of the XX century researchers developed a methodology for structural and functional analysis, institutionalism and modeling of competitive relations between regional actors. This was caused by the advent of the era of nuclear deterrence.
The third stage of the wave of research on strategic culture is formed at the turn of the XX and XXI centuries. Theoretical and methodological research is carried out during this period in the framework of a critical rethinking of previous approaches and the formation of a trend towards neorealism. On the basis of comparative analysis, distinctions and justifications of different types of strategic culture and corresponding strategic thinking, as well as the behavior of actors, were identified.
At the present stage of theory evolution, the main attention of researchers is focused on the dynamics of changing strategic culture under the influence of threats and risks of globalization and specific events, identifying competing narratives within countries themselves, searching for effective models for changing existing national strategic cultures in the interests of the dominant regional strategic cultures – Anglo-Saxon, European, Asian (Chinese). The effectiveness of applying the results of Western research programs in political practice is proved by the process of reformatting, for example, the Ukrainian strategic culture with an anti-Russian trend.
Application. Political science – in order to continue the debate on strategic culture, the further development of the theory in the light of modern conditions of the clash of strategic cultures on a global level, and also political practice of compromise to minimize the challenges, risks and threats in international relations at the regional and global levels.
Conclusions. Further development of the theory of strategic culture is actualized by the sharp aggravation of the confrontation between national and regional strategic cultures in different geopolitical strategic regions of the planet.
This confrontation is caused by two main factors: the presence and strengthening of a number of national strategic cultures and the desire to dominate individual national and regional strategic cultures.
In the context of using national strategic cultures as an important tool of political struggle, the development of models for interaction of strategic cultures based on compromise can help to minimize risks in international relations.
The level of modern theoretical understanding of the problem does not correspond to the complexity of tasks to ensure national, regional and global security.
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Miglietta, Nicola, and Enrico Battisti. "Financial System and Corporate Governance Around the World. Lessons for Emerging Markets." Journal of Corporate Finance Research / Корпоративные Финансы | ISSN: 2073-0438 7, no. 1 (April 26, 2013): 59–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/j.jcfr.2073-0438.7.1.2013.59-70.
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Authors: Nicola Miglietta
Enrico Battisti
This work explores the main features of the models of Corporate Governance around the world. The goal is to verify the existence of an optimal model of Corporate Governance that could be a datum point for Emerging Markets. Corporate Governance is deeply tied to different Financial Systems. Usually a Corporation is a kind of partnership amongst managers – employees who operate the firm and commit human resource instead of financial capital – and outside investors. Its financial objective is to maximize shareholders’ value. According to United States and United Kingdom Corporation Law, managers are legally required to act in the interests of the shareholders. In this sense, the Board of Directors is supposed to represent shareholders’ interest, however laws and traditions differ from country to country and it is common to distinguish in between market-based and bank-based systems.We could divide the article in two parts. The first part explores the relations between Corporate Finance and Corporate Governance. The second one examines the Developed Markets’ Corporate Governance Models (Anglo-Saxon Countries, Germany, Japan, Italy) and the Emerging one (most notably Brazil, Russian Federation, India and China) in order to identify if the differences between countries can be regarded as more or less relevant. In conclusion, the work highlights the key elements of a Corporate Governance pointing out social and company’ benefits and it identifies in a system of Network Governance, founded on a more active involvement of all stakeholders, a reference point for the Emerging Markets.
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Макарова, Радмила, and Radmila Makarova. "MORALITY AS A PRIMARY REGULATOR OF CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS IN THE FRAMEWORK OF A NORMATIVE THEORY OF PROMISES IN A LEGAL DISCOURSE OF THE COMMON LAW COUNTRIES." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 4 (August 23, 2017): 114–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_598063fb445c89.22310477.
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This article describes the main provisions of the normative theory of promises in the Anglo-American legal discourse. Under this theory, which going back to the origins of natural law concepts, the nature of a civil contract expresses in the volitional act, and the reasons of the obligation of promises are the principles of morality.
The author has made a critical evaluation of the position of the normative theory of promises which puts the morality as the primary regulator of the Institute of the contract. As a result the author shows that only morality in a legal dimension, namely the dimension of justice, may act as regulators of the private law. The concept of justice evolves, and today in a civilized society is expressed in two maxima: equality and freedom. And if the first dimension is known back to Roman law and its details was developed by Aristotle, but the humanity has realized the individual freedom as the manifestation of justice not so long ago.
The question on relationship of morality and law is as relevant as ever for Russian legal reality, which has been subject of expansion of the good faith principle. Violation of the good faith principle in law enforcement often means the moral condemnation of the behavior of the civil turnover participant. Thus, the morality often goes beyond the justice, and, therefore, outside the scope of legal regulation.
In present article the author proves the inadmissibility of such approach. The assumption of morality in the regulation of private legal relations enhances the feeling of legal uncertainty, and becomes a reason of a number of practical problems, in particular, the problem of the source of attitudes, which were conventionally recognized as a moral attitudes, and the problem of the court decision in case of presence of antagonistic moral attitudes, which are equally recognized by the law enforcement authority.
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Young, John. "Talking to Tito: the Eden visit to Yugoslavia, September 1952." Review of International Studies 12, no. 1 (January 1986): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114111.
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Josip Tito first met a leading British statesman, in August 1944, when he had discussions in Naples with Winston Churchill about the future of the Yugoslav resistance movements.1 After the war however the Yugoslav communist leader did not meet another leading statesman from the West until September 1952. The visitor on that occasion was Churchill's Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden. Between the two dates there had been remarkable changes in Anglo-Yugoslav relations. In the years 1944–1948, as the world slipped towards Cold War, the British aid given to Tito's guerillas in wartime seemed to have been wasted; Yugoslavia apparently became firmly rooted in the Soviet bloc. Many now argue that Churchill ought to have supported other Yugoslav resistance groups who were supporters of the Yugoslav monarchy and, presumably, more pro-western. British support for Tito during the war, however, had logical force: Tito was popular with his countrymen and able to unite them, a capable leader who knew how to use the geography of his country against its enemies, and a man who was ultimately able to liberate Yugoslavia without large-scale Soviet assistance.2 And, in 1948, to the surprise of many in the West he proved that he was no mere Russian puppet either. He opposed attempts from Moscow to extend its influence over Yugoslav government and politics and, in June, was expelled by Stalin from the Soviet-led ‘Cominform’ Faced by economic blockade from the East, Tito turned increasingly to the West for support. In November 1951 he took a major step by accepting American military aid. As yet there were limits to his western commitment: he was still a communist, on poor terms with some of his western neighbours (especially Italy), and determined, whilst accepting western aid, to keep his distance from both power blocs. But it seemed that he could be won over securely to the West in the long-term. Recently released British files on the Eden visit reveal much about the state of Tito's relationship with the West at this time.
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de Moor, J. A. "Counterpoint to Trafalgar: The Anglo-Russian Invasion of Naples, 1805–1806 William Henry Flayhart III Gainesville, University Press of Florida, 2004 (first edition, Columbia, University of South Carolina Press, 1992), 198 pages ISBN 0 8130 2795 0." European Review 13, no. 3 (July 2005): 500–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798705220598.
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ARBEKOV, A. B. "IN ADDITION TO THE DEBATE ON THE MILITARY AND POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF N. G. STOLETOV'S SUMMER MISSION TO AFGHANISTAN IN 1878." JOURNAL OF PUBLIC AND MUNICIPAL ADMINISTRATION 10, no. 2 (2021): 70–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2225-8272-2021-10-2-70-80.
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The article analyzes the events that led to the beginning of the Second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-1881). In particular, the military and political side of the Anglo-Russian conflict at the final stage of the Eastern crisis (1875-1878) is sub-jected to a more detailed study. The author examines in details a particular episode – the departure to Afghanistan in the summer of 1878 the diplomatic mission of Major-General N. G. Stoletov to conclude an alliance against England, which was accompanied with a military demon-stration of the Russian army in relation to British India. Based on the comparison of the domestic and foreign researcher’s points of view, as well as by involving various groups of historical sources, an attempt is made to give an objective assessment of these events and to identify their influence on the genesis of the second Anglo-Afghan war, which became a natural consequence of the Anglo-Russian rivalry in the East at the end of the XIX century.
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Erokhin, Alexander. "Cold War literary modernists in a dialogue under oppression." Translation and Interpreting Studies 15, no. 3 (September 16, 2020): 380–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/tis.20075.ero.
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Abstract The article deals with selected aspects of the cultural appropriation of post-Stalinist Soviet poetry by Anglo-American poets and translators. The article focuses on Yevgeny Yevtushenko and Andrei Voznesensky, two eminent representatives of Russian lyric poetry of the “Thaw.” English translations of Yevtushenko’s and Voznesensky’s poems are discussed in relation to Cold War issues and imagery, such as the themes of the Second World War, the Holocaust, and the rediscovery of America. The article demonstrates that the Soviet-Russian authors and their Anglo-American translators appealed to their governments and audiences over the moral and aesthetic barriers imposed by the Cold War. The opportunity for independent, liberal, romantic, or leftist English-speaking authors to collaborate with the post-Stalinist Russian poets of the Thaw was made possible by the latters’ willingness to break the cultural isolation of the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death.
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Чилингир and E. Chilingir. "Phenomenon of Socio-cultural Adaptation of Anglo-Saxon PR-communications in Russia." Modern Communication Studies 5, no. 2 (April 18, 2016): 52–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/18968.
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This article describes the process of the English term “public relations” entering
the Russian language and culture; there is the term (and its Russian
synonyms) frequency statistics in Russian texts as well. Analysis of spelling
usage of the English term (in official documents, professional sphere, and
informal contexts) has been done. The article also provides a forecast that
in some time the term пиар (in Russian spelling) will become neutral, and
will possibly remain the only one name for that sphere of activity.
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Medvedik, Irina Semenovna. "ACTIVITY OF BRITISH PERSIA COMMITTEE IN RELATION TO ANGLO-RUSSIAN RIVALRY IN PERSIA (1908-1913)." Manuscript, no. 12-1 (December 2018): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30853/manuscript.2018-12-1.9.
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Sergeev, Evgeny. "Anglo-Soviet Relations in the Context of the Baltic Problem, 1918–1922." Lithuanian Historical Studies 21, no. 1 (2017): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-02101004.
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The paper deals with the main trends in relations between Great Britain and Soviet Russia in the context of the ‘Baltic problem’, which emerged on the international agenda right after the collapse of the Russian Empire, in the process of the Bolsheviks assuming power and conducting a war against the Whites, the troops of the Entente, and the armies of the new independent states. The author focuses on subsequent stages in the decision-making process, and actual steps taken by London and Moscow with regard to the three new east Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, taking the latter as a special case. In conclusion, a transition can be traced from the first attempts by Britain to guarantee mere self-governing status for the countries in question, to full recognition of their independence, supported by the Bolshevik government, which, however, opposed the emergence of the Baltic League (or Federation) under the indirect patronage of Britain supported by the League of Nations.
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van der Oye, David Schimmelpenninck. "From Cooperation to Confrontation? Reflections on the Russian-American Encounter on the Pacific." Itinerario 22, no. 3 (November 1998): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009578.
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Towards the end of his lengthy study of the United States, De la démocratic en Amérique, the early nineteenth-century French liberal Alexis de Tocque-ville wrote:Il y a aujourd'hui sur la terre deux grands peuples qui […] semblent s'avancer vers le même but: ce sont les Russes et les Anglo-Américains. Leur point de départ est différent, leurs voies sont diverses; néamoins, chacun d'eux semble appelé pas un dessein secret de la Providence à tenir un jour dans ses mains les destinées de la moitié du monde.
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Levene, Frank, and Malcolm Higgs. "Leadership and change implementation in a Russian context." Journal of General Management 44, no. 1 (October 2018): 5–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306307018780406.
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Leadership literature suggests that the transfer of leadership theory to non-US/Anglo-centric cultures may lead to findings that are different from current ones. Indeed, it is proposed that a dominant national culture will impact both the enacted leadership style and the followers’ expectations and acceptance of such a leadership style. Within the emerging literature on relational and change leadership, there is little consideration of the differing impact of leader behaviours in non-Western cultures. This study addresses both these gaps, through a case study that explores leadership styles and strategic change implementation within a Russian context that is seen as being directive and autocratic. The nature and impact of leadership in the context of change in Russian organizations is explored in this article, using a case-study design. Based on 20 interviews conducted in three organizations, we report findings which suggest, in a Russian context, that a more relational leadership style is more effective, and more likely to be accepted by followers, in implementing strategic change than a more ‘typical’ autocratic and directive style. The article contributes to leadership theory by providing clear empirical evidence of the value of a relational style in non-Western settings in ensuring effective change implementation.
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Chereshneva, Irina. "Estoppel in Russia: to articulation of the problem." Право и политика, no. 9 (September 2020): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.9.33913.
Full textAbstract:
Due to continuing interest of legal community to the problematic of preventing contradictory behavior or in the Anglo-American legal tradition – estoppel, the subject of this research is an attempt of determination of legal nature of the so-called norms of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation on estoppel. The selected topic is relevant due to the fact that there is no unanimity of opinions regarding the nature of estoppel; it is viewed as interdisciplinary principle, doctrine, institution of law, sanction for violation of the principle of good faith, one of the manifestations of the principle of good faith, legal mechanisms etc. An attempt is made to view estoppel from different perspectives: through the prism of the English promissory stopper, from the position of continental maxim “venire contra factum proprium", in relation with the principle of good faith. The conclusion is made that the so-called norms on estoppel in the Civil Code of the Russian Federation represent a special case of the doctrine of noncontradictory behavior, known to the continental legal order through the maxim “venire contra factum proprium", which is a manifestation of the principle of good faith. Based on this fact, it is inappropriate to designate the aforementioned norms as estoppel, since even in Anglo-American tradition, the variety of estoppels does not allow considering it a universal principle, and understanding of estoppel thereof does not correspond with its Russian interpretation. Moreover, being a part of Romano-Germanic legal family, there is no need for the Russian legal order to borrow foreign legal phenomena, especially when the evolution of similar legal constructs can be traced in the fold of continental system of law, which Russia belongs to.
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Skipin, Nikolay S. "Russian Culture as Alternative to Global and European Continental Culture in the Context of the Civilizational Approach and “Ideology” and “Post-ideology” Phenomena." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 58 (October 1, 2020): 258–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2020-0-3-258-264.
Full textAbstract:
The article offers a concise analysis of three cultures (global (Anglo-American), European continental and Russian) in the context of the civilizational approach and such phenomena as ideology (national-wide) and post-ideology. The author gives the analysis of the metamorphosis of ideology into post-ideology, as well as their connection to the concept of “cultural code”. He explains how in the course of the transition from ideology to post-ideology, there happens the “rise from the depths of culture” of the values that have not changed since pre-political times, and constitute the cultural code. He also explains why, when ideology is transformed into post-ideology, the “death of the ideologue” occurs and some values and rights become “natural”. The differences between the three cultures under consideration are shown by the example of some traits-values, and the intermediate (buffer) state of the European continental culture in relation to the global and Russian culture. The author suggests to study the “cultural code” using sociological and political science tools, as well as philosophical analysis of texts. The manifestation of the cultural code is associated with the response of its carriers to an external challenge - a situation.
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Dragicevic, Rajna. "Serbian lexicology today: Current achievements and perspectives." Juznoslovenski filolog 73, no. 3-4 (2017): 259–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1704259d.
Full textAbstract:
At the turn of 21st century Serbian lexicology is under the influence of the Slavic (predominantly Russian) and Anglo-Saxon semanticists. Different semantic theories are used in language analyses in Serbian papers. Since the 1970s componential analysis had been a leading theory, but as of the 1990s Serbian lexicology has come under the influence of cognitive linguistics. There are more and more interdisciplinary investigations where linguistics is interwoven with psychology, communicology, and sociology. Often, lexicology is interwoven with other linguistic disciplines, such as syntax, word formation, morphology, stylistics, etc. Recently, some semantic studies have been conducted from the pragmatic viewpoint. Depending on the object of the analysis and the theory chosen, different research methods are used, such as collocational, associative, and additionally, various types of syntactic and semantic approaches are taken. The focus of interest is semantics of words, and less frequent of morphemes or sentences. The future of Serbian lexicology lies in promoting an interdisciplinary approach, and its relation with other linguistic disciplines and other nonlinguistic sciences.
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Feonichev, A. B., and K. Yu Meleshin. "Theoretical and Methodological Features of the Analysis of the Basic Concepts of the Modern Theory of National Security." Administrative Consulting, no. 1 (March 22, 2021): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1726-1139-2021-1-32-42.
Full textAbstract:
The article discusses the basic concepts of modern security theory: “danger”, “threat”, “challenge”, “risk” and “interest”. Based on the analysis of the content and correlation of these terms, the essence, nature and causes of threats to the national security of the Russian Federation are consider. The authors propose a revised definition of “threat to national security” as “a potential problem situation, which, without timely detection and resolution may lead to violation of stable operation or the destruction of the state”. Analysis of modern scientific literature on national security issues has shown that the term “call”, used in the meaning of “signal messages”, does not coincide with the original meaning of the term, understood as “challenge” — a problem C Based on this, the concepts of “threat” and “challenge” (understood as a problem situation) are synonymous. As a result, the authors concluded that there are two different conceptual approaches to security. Eurasian, which is characterize by the “threat — danger — damage” model, and Anglo-Saxon, which considers the mechanism of threat development through the “interest — control — lack of control — challenge — risk” model. In this case, interest and control are consider in relation to resources, territories, technologies, challenge as a problem situation that needs to be solved and risk as a possibility of lost profits.