Academic literature on the topic 'Anglo Irish Bank'

The granting of a £7,000m bilateral loan by the British government to the Republic of Ireland in October 2010 highlights the banking co-dependence of modern Anglo-Irish relations. This article provides a Bank-of-England-centred perspective on the development of Irish monetary institutions from the granting of Irish monetary independence in December 1921 to the establishment of the Central Bank of Ireland in 1943. Irrespective of unresolved Anglo-Irish political issues, the Bank of England's Irish policy during this period was based on a strict adherence to Montagu Norman's key central banking principles of co-operation, exclusiveness and political autonomy. This article identifies that the application of these principles survived both the coming to power of Fianna Fáil (Soldiers of Destiny) in Southern Ireland in 1932 and the outbreak of war in 1939. This article also argues that Norman's adherence to a wider internationalist view of monetary relations played an important role in forcing the overwhelmingly Protestant and pro-union Irish commercial banks, headed by the Bank of Ireland, to come to terms with the reality of Irish monetary independence. In this context, Norman's approach to Southern Ireland parallels the transition from Empire to Commonwealth, which began to emerge in the interwar period.

Conspiracy theories have always accompanied the shadowy and ambiguous interventions of British intelligence in Irish affairs. Commentators in Ireland often accuse British intelligence and security agencies of being stubbornly hostile to Irish nationalist aspirations and inclined to oppose, and even sabotage, official British peace initiatives This attitude has a long heritage and can be traced back to the Anglo-Irish treaty negotiations in 1921. There was a widespread belief in Irish nationalist circles that intelligence officers were exercising a baleful influence on British politicians: at one point during the negotiations Michael Collins angrily brandished a warlike British military intelligence document that had fallen into his hands and claimed that the army was working to destroy the truce.

Abstract During the twentieth century almost all literary genres came back to prominence in different and alternative forms. The Gothic is no exception to this phenomenon as many a writer made an attempt at using this eighteenth-century genre once again, but adding to it some contemporary elements. Consequently, an abundance of new techniques have been introduced to Gothic fiction to evoke the feeling of horror and terror among the more and more demanding readers of modern times. Still, some writers prefer to return to the traditional concept of the Gothic – as does Iris Murdoch in her novel The Unicorn. The purpose of this article is to analyse the text from the perspective of the Irish Gothic. Those features of the genre which are traditional as well as local are going to be discussed in the context of space as the dominating aspect of the novel. The typical Irish landscape abounding in marshes, bogs and the sea will be contrasted with the inner space of the house, and its resemblance to the old Victorian mansions popular among the Anglo-Irish ascendancy of nineteenth-century Ireland. In what follows, the paper aims at showing how Murdoch’s skilful play with the spatial differentiation between the inside and the outside dislodges other more universal issues, such as the question of freedom, of social taboos and of the different anxieties still present in Irish society today.

This essay examines the representation of Ireland and Celtic culture within the British Isles in Shakespeare’s works. It argues that Shakespeare was interested in ideas of colonisation and savagery and based his perceptions on contemporary events, the history of the British Isles and important literary works such as William Baldwin’s prose fiction, Beware the Cat. His plays, notably The Comedy of Errors and Macbeth, represent Protestant England as an isolated culture surrounded by hostile Celtic forces which form a threatening shadowy state. The second part of the essay explores Shakespeare’s influence on Irish culture after his death, arguing that he was absorbed into Anglo-Irish culture and played a major role in establishing Ireland’s Anglophone literary identity. Shakespeare imported the culture of the British Isles into his works – and then, as his fame spread, his plays exported what he had understood back again, an important feature of Anglo-Irish literary identity, as many subsequent writers have understood.

ABSTRACTThe identity of eighteenth-century North Britons needs to be disaggregated: there were significant variations in North British attitudes to the Anglo-Scottish relationship in areas such as politics, economics, language, religion and manners. In the first-order spheres of politics and economics North Britons generally subscribed to an Anglo-British identity and tended to welcome anglicization of Scotland's feudal institutions and laws as an acceleration along the pathway of modernization. Although this crucial aspect of North British identity became widespread only from the 1730s its roots can be traced back to the sophisticated debates which hadprecededScottish agreement to incorporating Union. This adherence to an Anglo-British form of patriotism was a common feature of political discourse in the eighteenth-century British Atlantic world. North British patriotism also shared another prominent characteristic with Anglo-Irish and American identities. The aspiration to share English liberties to the full, when thwarted, could trigger anglophobic responses, as occurred in America in the 1760s and 70s, and in the Irish constitutional revolution of 1780–2. Among North Britons, a coherent Anglo-British ideology of improvement co-existed with a traditional Scottish chauvinism, which was normally dormant, but whose occasional eruptions tended to be provoked by perceived exclusions of North Britons from the liberties of Englishmen.

Abstract. We present a case study of an omega band current system from 11 May 1998 using data from the Imaging Riometer for Ionospheric Studies (IRIS) in Finland. For the first time, images of a substorm-related omega band in cosmic noise absorption are shown. The substorm in question was one of a string that occurred on that day; inspection of geostationary satellite data indicates that this was a sawtooth event. Using a previously established statistical relationship, the IRIS data is used to provide maps of Hall conductance and compared with previous estimates utilising both HF and VHF coherent-scatter radars. Discrepancies are discussed with reference to precipitation spectrum and the geometry of the experimental set-up. The imaging riometer data provides a higher spatial resolution than the combined magnetometer-radar pairing for determining the Hall conductance and can also be used to identify the extent of the precipitation in the absence of optical data.

The following discussion highlights parallels between the narrators, Lemuel Gulliver of Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels (1726) and Freddie Montgomery of John Banville’s The Book of Evidence (1989). The argument calls on post-colonialism, Foucaultian theory of “will to truth” and the narrative theory of Shlomith Rimmon-Kenan to emphasize similarities in the rendering of mental degeneration in Gulliver and Montgomery. The colonial-induced mental breakdown of both narrators can be said to unravel, not so much in the tale these narrators think they are relating, but instead between the lines of their stories in narratives which continually focus attention back onto themselves. Despite the 260 years separating these works, the madness of both Gulliver and Montgomery can be interpreted as a reluctance on their respective parts to shed established colonial identities once the colonial stage has receded.

The early Anglo-Saxon Church felt that it possessed a special relationship with the papacy and Rome, going back (according to Bede) to the Gregorian mission of 597. Despite setbacks to this mission, unity with the Church of Rome triumphed over Irish traditions to become the keystone in the identity of the English Church. Imitation of Roman liturgical customs was a significant element in this union. In the early days of the Gregorian mission, liturgical uniformity had been unimportant, indeed Gregory specifically instructed Augustine to create a liturgy of mixed ancestry, taking the best from what he had experienced. But by the late seventh century, indifference had been overtaken by enthusiasm for the Roman chant: Bede tells us of the efforts of, for example, Benedict Biscop and Bishop Wilfrid to introduce Roman liturgical customs into their foundations. In 747, the Southumbrian Council of Clofesho decreed that the feasts of the Christian calendar and the monastic office should be performed in accordance with Roman texts and practices.

The decisive collapse of the Sunningdale initiative delivered a severe blow to the prospects for settlement in Northern Ireland, setting the negotiation process back for almost a decade. The stand-off between the parties was accompanied by continuing violence. Efforts to relaunch a political initiative began in the early 1980s, this time centred on a direct government-to-government axis. The outcome was the Anglo-Irish Agreement of 1985, which established machinery for involving the Irish government in the management of Northern Ireland. This chapter examines the perspective of officials on the two sides in arriving at an accommodation. In particular, it illustrates the manner in which civil servants sought to redefine the character of the new institutional architecture, designed to withstand unionist efforts to bring it down. The witness seminar at the core of the chapter provides a fascinating insight into the effective working relationship between civil servants at the highest levels within the two states, and their success in facilitating accommodation between their political leaders.

The Anglo-Irish writer Elizabeth Bowen has always presented a problem to critics who have wished to place her: politically conservative but socially liberated, she lived between two countries, feeling English in Ireland and Irish in England, and was, according to her one-time lover, the writer Seán Ó Faoláin, ‘heart-cloven and split-minded’ when it came to the question of national loyalty. She is, in this sense, an intensely complex writer of mediations. This essay will argue that we must read Bowen as a trans-Channel writer, not only as a frequent traveller across the English Channel (which she was) but one who moved constantly across St George’s Channel, the body of water that separates Ireland and the United Kingdom, sometimes called the Irish Channel. In their study of the literary channel and the invention of the novel, Margaret Cohen & Carolyn Dever argue for a liminal ‘Channel zone’ between England and France, where the novel takes shape as a form. I borrow this notion of a Channel zone as a liminal place where Bowen’s novels, stories, and essays flourish, and to recognize the importance of the English Channel and the Kent coastline for Bowen while also redirecting our attention to her many movements across the other, Irish Channel. My readings of Bowen’s crossings and correspondences counter Ó Faoláin’s metaphor of the split with the logic of the fold, focusing especially on Bowen's 1935 novel The House in Paris, in order to free her from the back-and-forth motion of the Anglo-Irish binary, and to open up the many passages, connections, and encounters her work enacts.

This chapter describes most of Ireland's larger towns, Viking seaports, and the process of urbanization in the country. It recounts the earlier cycle of urban growth in the thirteenth century when Anglo-Normans controlled the island, the slipping back of the urban share of Ireland's modest population in the early fourteenth century, and the large number of villages and small towns established during the seventeenth century in port hinterlands. Following this, the chapter presents the 'long' eighteenth century — from the 1660s to the 1820s — an era of deepening if unsteady commercialization of what had been a largely pre-market economy and, related to this, the transformation in size and function of a handful of very old urban centers. Finally, the chapter reviews North Munster and south-east Ireland's medieval urban system. It examines how the ports of London/Derry and Sligo developed strategically important urban functions during the eighteenth century within their respective hinterlands — west Ulster and north Connacht — and how they merit inclusion in the top group of urban communities.

The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.