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1

Worsley, Howard. "Book Review: Anglican Schools Australia Ministry in Anglican Schools: Principles and Practicalities." Journal of Education and Christian Belief 17, no. 1 (March 2013): 131–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/205699711301700111.

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2

Wilson, Tom. "Hospitality and the Other: Anglican Schools as Places of Transformative Encounter." ANVIL 31, no. 1 (March 1, 2015): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/anv-2015-0004.

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Abstract This article argues that Anglican foundation schools have a positive impact on pupils’ sense of belonging to the wider community by creating safe spaces within which to encounter difference in a positive and transformative manner. The paper is divided into three main sections. First, the context in which the article was written is outlined. Details of the author's two years of fieldwork in a multi cultural Anglican primary school are set out and an understanding of Anglican schools as places which display an authentic outworking of a Christian worldview is explained. Second, the role of Anglican schools as places of encounter is discussed, with reference both to relevant Anglican literature and to the author's own experience of Anglican schools. This includes a substantial discussion of the Anglican understanding of hospitality as the foundation for creating safe spaces for transformative encounters. Hospitality is understood solely in a religious sense, of a Christian school acting as host to those of all faiths and none. Third, the core values of respect, forgiveness and freedom, which support the status of Anglican schools as safe spaces of encounter are elucidated. This involves both examples from the author's fieldwork and also published literature on the topic. Respect is discussed as a foundational value for any encounter with difference, which must be balanced with a willingness to forgive those who react negatively to such encounters. Freedom is understood specifically in the context of freedom of religious belief, reinforcing an understanding that Anglican schools do not engage in proselytising activity. The article concludes by reinforcing the central argument of the paper that Anglican faith schools contribute to a sense of belonging to a wider community through creating safe spaces to encounter the other and taking deliberate steps to engage with that other.
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3

Francis, Leslie J., David W. Lankshear, Mandy Robbins, Andrew Village, and Tania ap Siôn. "Defining and Measuring the Contribution of Anglican Secondary Schools to Students’ Religious, Personal and Social Values." Journal of Empirical Theology 27, no. 1 (June 6, 2014): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341294.

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The involvement of the Christian Churches within a state-maintained system of schools, as in the case of England and Wales, raises interesting and important questions regarding the concept of religion employed in this context and regarding defining and measuring the influence exerted by schools with a religious character on the students who attend such schools. Since the foundation of the National Society in 1811, Anglican schools have provided a significant contribution to the state-maintained sector of education in England and Wales and by the end of the twentieth century were providing about 25% of primary school places and nearly 5% of secondary school places. From the early 1970s, Francis and his colleagues have offered a series of studies profiling the attitudes and values of students attending Anglican schools as a way of defining and measuring the influence exerted by schools with a religious character. The present study extends previous research in three ways. It offers a comparative study by examining the responses of 1,097 year-nine and year-ten students from 4 Anglican schools with 20,348 students from 93 schools without a religious foundation. It examines a range of religious, social and personal values. It employs multilevel linear models to identify the contribution made by Anglican schools after taking into account differences within the students themselves. Of the 11 dependent variables tested, only one, self-esteem, showed any significant difference between Anglican schools and schools without a religious foundation. Students attending Anglican schools recorded a significantly lower level of self-esteem. On the other hand, there were no significant school effects identified in terms of rejection of drug use, endorsing illegal behaviours, racism, attitude toward school, conservative Christian belief or views on sexual morality (abortion, contraception, divorce, homosexuality, and sex outside marriage).
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4

Morrison, Graham. "Parental Reasons for Choosing Anglican Schools." Journal of Christian Education os-28, no. 2 (July 1985): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002196578502800206.

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5

Chadwick, Priscilla. "The Anglican Perspective on Church Schools." Oxford Review of Education 27, no. 4 (December 2001): 475–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03054980120086185.

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6

Francis, Leslie J. "The Domestic and the General Function of Anglican Schools in England and Wales." International Journal of Education and Religion 1, no. 1 (July 24, 2000): 100–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570-0623-90000006.

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This paper differentiates between two functions in education of Anglican Schools. The domestic function focuses on the inward looking concern to equip the children of the church to take their place in the Christian community. The general function focuses on the outward looking concern to serve the nation through its children. The paper puts the discussion about these functions against the background of the criticism on Church schools. For the three decades between 1970 and 1998 the Anglican Church emphasized, implicitly and explicitly, the Church's general role in education. A new prominence is suggested for the Church's domestic role in education at the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the new millennium.
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7

Moon, Paul. "The Rise, Success and Dismantling of New Zealand's Anglican-led Māori Education System, 1814–64." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.8.

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Anglican missionaries, serving under the auspices of the Church Missionary Society (CMS), were the first Europeans to settle in New Zealand. Within months of arriving in the country in 1814, they began to convert the language of the indigenous Māori into a written form in order to produce religious texts that would assist with Māori education and conversion. The CMS missionaries also established schools for Māori which later grew into a de facto state education system until the colonial government accelerated its plans for a secular school regime from the mid-1840s. Despite the sometimes awkward religious and cultural entanglements that accompanied missionary proselytizing in this era, the mission schools established by the CMS flourished in the succeeding decades, elevating Māori literacy levels and serving as a highly effective tool of Anglican evangelization. This article traces the arc of the CMS mission schools from their inception in 1814 to their demise in the early 1860s, a period during which the British, and later New Zealand, government's stance towards the mission schools went from ambivalence, through assistance, to antipathy.
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8

Chapman, Mark. "Exporting Godliness: The Church, Education and ‘Higher Civilization’ in the British Empire from the late Nineteenth Century." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 381–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.6.

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This article discusses the impact of the educational method pioneered in the English public schools on the development of education in Anglican schools in the British empire, with a particular focus on the Indian subcontinent from the turn of the twentieth century until the outbreak of the First World War. It discusses how the focus of missionary activity changed from a desire for overt evangelism into a sense of the transmission of moral and ethical values though a system of education in the Christian virtues. An educational understanding of salvation began to supplant the doctrinal. This is connected with the thinking on ‘higher’ and ‘lower’ civilizations of the period. A central focus is on the preparatory work for, and discussions around, the Pan-Anglican Congress of 1908 and the role played by Bishop H. H. Montgomery.
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9

Yung, Tim. "Visions and Realities in Hong Kong Anglican Mission Schools, 1849–1941." Studies in Church History 57 (May 21, 2021): 254–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2021.13.

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This article explores the tension between missionary hopes for mass conversion through Christian education and the reality of operating mission schools in one colonial context: Hong Kong. Riding on the wave of British imperial expansion, George Smith, the first bishop of the diocese of Victoria, had a vision for mission schooling in colonial Hong Kong. In 1851, Smith established St Paul's College as an Anglo-Chinese missionary institution to educate, equip and send out Chinese young people who would subsequently participate in mission work before evangelizing the whole of China. However, Smith's vision failed to take institutional form as the college encountered operational difficulties and graduates opted for more lucrative employment instead of church work. Moreover, the colonial government moved from a laissez-faire to a more hands-on approach in supervising schools. The bishops of Victoria were compelled to reshape their schools towards more sustainable institutional forms while making compromises regarding their vision for Christian education.
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10

Marsden, Beth. "Aboriginal Mobility, Scholarships and Anglican Grammar Schools in Melbourne, 1958–65." Australian Historical Studies 51, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2019.1694549.

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11

Pieterse, Hendrik J. C., Johannes A. Van Der Ven, and Jaco S. Dreyer. "Social Location of Transformative Orientations Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 6, no. 1 (1999): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00010.

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AbstractIn the previous article we asked the question of to what extent a group of 538 Grade 11 students from Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region show transformative orientations in the fields of ecology, economics and politics. In this article we deal with the question of what the social location of these transformative orientations is. The more transformatively oriented students are to be found among female, ANCoriented, transethnically directed, postmaterialistic, self-controlling, non-religious, and sometimes Anglican (in each case non-Catholic) students who regard work as something interesting, participate in political communication and consensus building, and see politics and study as a value. Students who favour socio-economic equality more specifically are to be found among the more religiously inspired and motivated students.
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12

Young, Marisa. "From T.T. Reed’s Colonial Gentlemen to Trove: Rediscovering Anglican Clergymen in Australia’s Colonial Newspapers." ANZTLA EJournal, no. 11 (April 19, 2015): 74–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/anztla.vi11.268.

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T. T. Reed’s pioneering book on the lives of Anglican clergymen in South Australia is still an important guide to the contribution made by these men to the expansion of educational opportunities for children. However, the development of Trove by the National Library of Australia has provided new ways of tracing the educational activities of Anglican clergymen in Australia. Researchers have frequently acknowledged the importance of the roles played by Protestant ministers of religion in the expansion of primary and secondary education during the nineteenth century. Much of the focus of this research work in religious history and educational history has been linked to the contribution of Protestant clergymen in educational administrations, either through leadership roles as headmasters or through participation in activities established by school boards or councils. Numerous Protestant ministers of religion developed high profile roles during the early growth of non-government as well as government-supported primary and secondary schools in colonial South Australia. This article will emphasise the ways that information searches using Trove can highlight forgotten aspects of educational activities undertaken by clergymen. It will focus on the activities of three ministers from the Church of England who combined their parish duties in the Diocese of Adelaide with attempts to run schools funded by private fees. Their willingness to undertake teaching work in this way thrust them into the secular world of an emerging Australian education market, where promotional activity through continuous newspaper advertising was part of the evolution of early models of educational entrepreneurship. These clergymen faced considerable competition from private venture schools as well as government-supported schools in the colonial capital. This article will also highlight gender issues associated with their promotional activities, as each minister used different definitions of gender in order to build supportive social networks for their schools and attract attention to their teaching activities.
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Lankshear, David W., Leslie J. Francis, and Emma L. Eccles. "Monitoring attitude toward Christianity among year 5 and year 6 students attending Church in Wales primary schools." International Journal of Christianity & Education 22, no. 2 (March 2, 2018): 112–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2056997118756410.

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This study argues that assessment of student attitudes provides insight into the culture and climate of schools. The Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity was employed to explore the Christian culture and climate of Anglican church primary schools within the state-maintained sector across Wales. The analysis drew on responses from 1,899 students from year 5 and year 6. The data demonstrated that the majority of students held a positive attitude toward Christianity, that female students held a more positive attitude than did male students, and that a significant decline in positive attitude toward Christianity took place over the two year groups.
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14

Dixon, Nicholas. "The Political Dimension of the Education of the Poor in the National Society's Church of England Schools, 1811–37." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 290–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.33.

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One of the most important spheres of activity in the early nineteenth-century Church of England was the establishment and support of schools for the poor. The primary agent of such activity was the National Society. Founded in 1811 by clergymen and philanthropists, this organization aimed to maintain Anglicanism as the ‘National Religion’ by instructing as many poor children as possible in church doctrine under clerical supervision. By 1837, almost a million children across England were being educated in Anglican charitable institutions. This remarkable effort has largely been the province of educational historians. Yet it was also a political enterprise. The creation of a national system of education along exclusively Anglican lines represented an assertive intervention in the contemporary debate about the relationship between church and nation-state. Using a wide range of neglected sources, this article discusses how such political concerns were manifested at a local level in National Society schools’ teaching, rituals and use as venues for political activism. It is argued that these aspects of the society's work afforded the church a powerful political platform. This analysis informs our broader understanding of the ways in which churches’ involvement in mass education has sustained religiously inflected conceptions of nationhood.
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15

Street, Roger William. "The impact ofThe Way Aheadon headteachers of Anglican voluntary‐aided secondary schools." Journal of Beliefs & Values 28, no. 2 (August 2007): 137–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13617670701485748.

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16

Akattu, E., M. A. J. Ndeda, and E. Gimode. "THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH OF KENYA TO THE TRANSFORMATION OF KIRINYAGA DISTRICT, 1910-2010." Chemchemi International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 11, no. 1 (April 23, 2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33886/cijhs.v11i1.138.

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Drawing on the theory of social capital, the initial attraction of Kirinyaga people to the Anglican Church of Kenya (ACK) mission centres were the schools, hospitals, demonstration gardens and artisan skills that imparted by missionaries. The ACK established Christian communities in Kirinyaga that became centres of early Christian converts and change. The Christian communities constituted “the germ of the missionary spirit.” The ‘new’ Christians would take a great deal of pleasure in spreading the “germ” to many communities in Kirinyaga, ‘infecting’the more susceptible of its members. Each Christian community endeavored to have a church, an elementary school, a hospital and a demonstration garden. This in itself was an extraordinary change. This study has presented evidence of Kirinyaga’s cultural, socio-economic and political homogeneity as fundamental part of traditional life. European settlement in Kenya made oppression and injustice virtually inevitable and mission response to African issues ranged from land and labor to taxation and wages. The Anglican CMS almost exclusively provided such public services as schooling, healthcare and agriculture. This study also discussed regionalization of ACK CCS as a concept of community development focusing on CCSMKE serving the whole community in Kirinyaga, with priority on the most disadvantaged parts of the region, whether or not there are any Anglican congregations in that region. One of the discussions advanced in this study, is that the Anglican Church in Kirinyaga should have concern for Kirinyaga people as the concern of her social gospel. The study articulates a “theology of development” which argues that social gospel that is based on exploitation and oppression of Kirinyaga people cannot be genuine social gospel.
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Jackson, David R. "The Evangelical Christian School: Some Critical Issues." Journal of Christian Education os-52, no. 2 (September 2009): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002196570905200204.

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The identification ‘Christian School’ covers a wide range of conceptions and models. Currently the rapid establishment of new schools, particularly by the Anglican diocese of Sydney, has highlighted some significant and fundamental difficulties. Having surveyed a range of leaders and models of Christian schooling in the Sydney area, this paper raises ten critical issues in the definition and planning of an evangelical Christian school and considers some of the challenges and difficulties that are currently cause for concern.
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18

Lofft, Jonathan S. "‘Two Young Ladies in Connection with a Certain School:’ The Watson-Ketcheson Affair of 1952–53 and the Remains of Eugene R. Fairweather." Journal of Anglican Studies 16, no. 1 (March 23, 2018): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355318000049.

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AbstractTwo young teachers posted at an Indian Residential School in Saskatchewan, Canada, sought to act as whistleblowers regarding abuse there in 1952–53. Theologian Eugene R. Fairweather of Trinity College, Toronto, acted as their advocate and spiritual advisor. A significant correspondence, mostly purged from the official record, considered the reports of the whistleblowers, their fate, and the fraught place of the Residential Schools in Canadian Anglicanism in the decades before the era of Truth and Reconciliation. This article examines the relevant correspondence, retained only in the archival remains of Fairweather at Trinity. The correspondence, which adds to existing narratives of Anglican complicity in and responses to abuse at the Schools, suggests that future research must scrutinize official as well as previously overlooked sources of information, particularly the archival repositories of universities and theological schools, in search of the truth.
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Rose, Craig. "Evangelical Philanthropy and Anglican Revival: The Charity Schools of Augustan London, 1698–1740." London Journal 16, no. 1 (May 1991): 35–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ldn.1991.16.1.35.

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20

Jennings, Bobby. "Book Review: Schools of Reconciliation — Issues in Joint Roman Catholic & Anglican Education." Journal of Education and Christian Belief 1, no. 1 (March 1997): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/205699719700100115.

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21

Smith, Mark. "The Roots of Resurgence: Evangelical Parish Ministry in the mid-Twentieth Century." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 318–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003685.

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Historical analyses of twentieth-century evangelicalism have rarely focused on the experience of the parish. In many respects this is unsurprising. The renaissance in the historiography of evangelicalism since the 1970s has concentrated primarily on the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, leaving the twentieth – and especially the period after the Second World War – relatively unexplored. Where work has been done, it has tended to focus on ecclesiastical politics, activity in universities, and biographies of major leaders. Nor are more general histories particularly illuminating in this respect. Roger Lloyd, for example, concentrates on Anglo-Catholics and modernists rather than evangelicals and Paul Welsby, whose work devotes considerable space to pastoral ministry, is more concerned with its organization than with its practice. The consequence of this historiographical gap has not been so much to create a vacuum in relation to mid-twentieth century Anglican evangelicalism as to leave an impression of a rather elitist movement, dominated by the products of Public Schools and the Inter-Varsity Fellowship (IVF) and therefore almost irremediably middle class. Ironically, this impression has been reinforced by the one substantial study of mid-twentieth century parish evangelicalism so far in print – Alister Chapman’s study of the ministry of John Stott at All Souls, Langham Place: ‘Evangelical Anglicans,’ he notes, just as much if not more than other Anglicans, continued to be associated with the middle classes, and they had significant difficulties reaching people lower down the social scale.’
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Yates, Paula. "Saving Souls on a Shoestring: Welsh Circulating Schools in a Century of Change." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 274–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.32.

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This article examines the phenomenon of Welsh circulating schools from those of Griffith Jones in the mid-eighteenth century, which over nearly fifty years brought the basics of religious education to thousands of poor children and adults, to their successors later in the century under Thomas Charles and, in the nineteenth century, the Bevan Charity. It compares Jones's success with the relatively limited impact of the later schemes and seeks to demonstrate the importance of his flair for publicity, his connections, his use of Anglican networks and his organizational ability. The article considers how the changed political and social climate in the last decades of the eighteenth century and into the nineteenth affected the success of later schemes and describes how the schools had to adapt to changed expectations and new educational developments. It argues that the schools provide strong evidence against the view that the charity school movement was motivated primarily by the desire for social control.
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Walsh, John. "Religious Societies: Methodist and Evangelical 1738–1800." Studies in Church History 23 (1986): 279–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400010652.

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One does not have to believe in free trade to recognize that in religion as well as economic life the erosion of a monopoly can provoke an uprush of private enterprise. It must be more than coincidental that two modern ‘church in danger’ crises which accompanied an erosion of Anglican hegemony - the Revolution of 1688 and the constitutional crises of 1828–32 – were followed by bursts of voluntary activity. Clusters of private societies were formed to fill up part of the space vacated by the state, as it withdrew itself further from active support of the establishment. After the Toleration Act perceptive churchmen felt even more acutely the realities of religious pluralism and competition. Anglicanism was now approaching what looked uncomfortably like a market situation; needing to be promoted; actively sold. Despite the political and social advantages still enjoyed by the Church, the confessional state in its plenitude of power had gone, and Anglican pre-eminence had to be preserved by other means. One means was through voluntary societies. The Society for the Reformation of Manners hoped by private prosecutions to exert some of the social controls once more properly exercised by the Church courts. The S.P.G. sought to encourage Anglican piety in the plantations and the S.P.C.K. to extend it at home by promoting charity schools and disseminating godly tracts. It was a task of voluntarism to reassert, as far as possible, what authority remained to a church which, because it could not effectively coerce, had to persuade.
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Shaw, Alan. "Leading voluntary-aided faith schools in England: perspectives from Catholic, Anglican and Jewish headteachers." International Studies in Catholic Education 9, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 89–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19422539.2017.1286913.

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Odil, Jones U. "INDIGENOUS AGENTS AND THE SCHOOL APOSTOLATE IN UKWUANILAND, 1841–1941." Oral History Journal of South Africa 3, no. 2 (October 11, 2016): 69–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/339.

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In the 19th century, colonial educational policy reflected the hesitant approach of Britain to a field recognised in those days as the reserve of religious bodies, and for many years the missionary societies had the field of education to themselves. Education in C.M.S. mission schools in Nigeria received no aids in grants from the colonial government. This article is a historical reconstruction, which brings to light the well-articulated contributions of local people in their attempt to establish and fund schools using indigenous initiatives, personnel and resources. Resting on the self-propagating, self-supporting and self-governing policy of Henry Venn, the study reveals that, although the establishment of schools in Ukwuaniland 1841–1894 was originally the outcome of the expression of local needs, efforts and ideas, the Anglican churches there saw in them an agency for promoting evangelism. This article, an important contribution in the area of the history of religion and education, recommends that local initiatives, needs and aspirations should be taken into consideration in the formulation of education policy in Nigeria.
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Nagy, Rosemary, and Robinder Kaur Sehdev. "Introduction: Residential Schools and Decolonization." Canadian journal of law and society 27, no. 1 (April 2012): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjls.27.1.067.

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“Home” to more than 150,000 children from the 1870s until 1996, the residential school system was aimed at “killing the Indian in the child” and assimilating First Nations, Métis, and Inuit children into white settler society. It was, in short, a genocidal policy, operated jointly by the federal government of Canada and the Catholic, Anglican, United, and Presbyterian Churches. Children as young as four years old were torn from their families and placed in institutions that were chronically underfunded; mismanaged; inadequately staffed; and rife with disease, malnutrition, poor ventilation, poor heating, neglect, and death. Sexual, emotional, and physical abuse was pervasive, and it was consistent policy to deny children their languages, their cultures, their families, and even their given names. While some children may have had positive experiences, many former students have found themselves caught between two worlds: deprived of their languages and traditions, they were left on their own to handle the trauma of their school experience and to try to readapt to the traditional way of life that they had been conditioned to reject. Life after residential school has been marred for many by alcohol and substance abuse, cycles of violence, suicide, anger, hopelessness, isolation, shame, guilt, and an inability to parent.First Nations leader Phil Fontaine catalysed the struggle for redress in 1990 when he stunned Canada by speaking about his residential-school experience. The second major catalyst was the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) of 1991–1996, which broadly exposed the horrors of residential schools to Canadians and called for a public inquiry.
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Scott, John T., and Ann Cheryl Armstrong. "The Shifting Sands of Centre and Periphery: Education and Anglican schools in New South Wales." Power and Education 6, no. 2 (January 2014): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2014.6.2.155.

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Francis, Leslie J., David W. Lankshear, and Mandy Robbins. "Psychological Types of Female Primary School Teachers in Anglican State-Maintained Schools in England and Wales: Implications for Continuing Professional Development." Research in Education 86, no. 1 (November 2011): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/rie.86.2.

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Francis, Leslie J., Gemma Penny, and Sylvia Baker. "Defining and Assessing Spiritual Health: A Comparative Study Among 13- to 15-Year-Old Pupils Attending Secular Schools, Anglican Schools, and Private Christian Schools in England and Wales." Peabody Journal of Education 87, no. 3 (July 2012): 351–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0161956x.2012.679590.

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Marriage, Guy, Robin Marriage, and Ian Bowman. "Stead Ellis, Architect." Architectural History Aotearoa 10 (December 8, 2013): 101–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/aha.v10i.7779.

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In December 1879, Stead Ellis landed in New Zealand, with family, seeking work as an architect in the South Island, along with his pupil, budding architect Joshua Charlesworth. Finding work in Nelson as the Architect for the Nelson Education Board in early 1880, Ellis was a key architect, along with Beatson, in the appearance of early Nelson's public buildings. Ellis was responsible for designing many school buildings in the Nelson region, and also other commissions such as the church at Motupiko. Very little remains of Ellis' lifetime of work, with most schools having replaced their buildings several times over, but some few scraps of Ellis' work remain - namely two buildings: the Bishops School, near the Nelson Cathedral, and the Anglican church at Motupiko. This paper will examine and trace remaining work of Stead Ellis.
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Van Der Ven, Johannes A., Hendrikj C. Pieterse, and Jaco S. Dreyer. "Transformative Orientations Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 5, no. 3 (1998): 239–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430198x00174.

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AbstractIn this article we ask the question of to what extent a group of 538 Grade 11 students from Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region show transformative orientations in the fields of ecology, economics and politics, and which population characteristics mark the more transformative students among them. The frame of reference is taken from Habermas's colonisation theory and the critical comment on it from the so-called culturalisation perspective. The students appear to be transformatively oriented in the ecological and economic domain, whereas their attitude towards politics is more or less ambivalent. The question of where the more transformatively oriented students may be found, what their characteristic are, and whether religion plays any role in that will be developed in the next article.
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Pieterse, Hendrik, Jaco Dreyer, and Johannes van der Ven. "The Evil of Violence: A Trigger for a Human Rights Culture?" Religion and Theology 13, no. 3-4 (2006): 264–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430106779024662.

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AbstractThis article seeks to answer the following question: to what extent does the interpretation of violence as evil contribute – positively, negatively or not at all – to a human rights culture among some 2000 grade 11 students at private (Catholic and Anglican) schools and Afrikaans medium public schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region on the basis of surveys conducted in 1995/1996 and 2000/2001? The regression analyses show that on a number of population characteristics controlled hamartiological interpretations of violence as evil have a mainly positive effect, especially those couched in terms of the divine apocalypse, provided it is construed in its positive dimension ('the new Jerusalem') rather than its negative dimension ('the last judgment'); this also applies to interpretations couched in terms of the institutional transmission of evil contributing to the world of evil. The other interpretations have a predominantly or purely negative effect, especially those relating to a primordial dualistic struggle between good and evil forces, divine retribution and intergeneration transmission of evil. Some population characteristics appear to be more powerful than the hamartiological interpretations, especially gender (female students are more in favour of human rights) and political and cultural attitudes.
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Doe, Norman. "The Teaching of Church Law: An Ecumenical Exploration Worldwide." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 15, no. 3 (August 15, 2013): 267–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x13000422.

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Religion law – the law of the state on religion – has been taught for generations in the law schools of continental Europe, though its introduction in those of the United Kingdom is relatively recent. By way of contrast, within the Anglican Communion there is very little teaching about Anglican canon law. The Church of England does not itself formally train clergy or legal officers in the canon and ecclesiastical laws that they administer. There is no requirement that these be studied for clerical formation in theological colleges or in continuing ministerial education. The same applies to Anglicanism globally – though there are some notable exceptions in a small number of provinces. This is in stark contrast to other ecclesiastical traditions: the Catholic, Orthodox, Lutheran, Methodist, Reformed, Presbyterian, Baptist and United churches all provide training for ministry candidates in their own systems of church law, polity or order. However, no study to date has compared the approaches of these traditions to the teaching of church law today. This article seeks to stimulate an ecumenical debate as to the provision, purposes, practices and principles of the teaching of church law across the ecclesiastical traditions of global Christianity. It does so by presenting examples of courses offered (institutions, purposes, subjects, methods and levels), the educative role of church law itself, requirements under church law for church officers to study the subject, and parallels from the secular world in terms of debate in the academy and practice on the nature of legal education, particularly the role played in it by the Critical Legal Studies movement.1
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Smith, Mark. "‘War to the knife’? The Anglican Clergy and Education at the End of the First World War." Studies in Church History 55 (June 2019): 530–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/stc.2018.22.

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In 1918 Charles Gore, the bishop of Oxford, issued queries preparatory to an episcopal visitation, including a series of questions about the future of church schools and religious education more generally. Coming some sixteen years after the restructuring of the dual system of state- and church-supported education by the Balfour Education Act of 1902, this material yields valuable insights into the views of approximately six hundred clergy regarding the successes and dysfunctions of the system at parish level. Set within the context of recent historiography on the trajectory of English Christianity in the1920s, this article uses this material to discuss the clergy's views on the value and purposes of school-based religious education, the prospects for sustaining these after almost four years of war and the compromises that might be required in order to preserve them.
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Franken, Leni. "Kerk, staat en religieonderwijs." Religie & Samenleving 16, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 28–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.54195/rs.11472.

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In Belgium and in the Netherlands, religious education (RE) in state schools as well as in faith-based schools is organized by the (recognized) religious communities/ schools and not by the state. Although RE is in both countries largely secularized and pluralized, it is officially organized in a denominational way. This is different in Scandinavia and in the UK, where the state is responsible for RE which is, accordingly, non-denominational. Also in France and in Luxembourg is the situation different, as RE is no part of the state school curriculum in these nations. In this contribution, I will illustrate how these different RE models are largely influenced by different church-state relations. In order to do so, I will make a distinction between (1) Lutheran and Anglican nations (non-denominational and non- confessional RE); Roman-Catholic nations with a strict separation between church and state (no RE as a separate school subject); and Roman-Catholic and mixed (Catholic + Lutheran/Calvinist) nations with a regime of ‘mutual independence’ between church and state (denominational and often also confessional RE). In a final part, I will illustrate how both in Belgium and in the Netherlands RE policy can change in a more pragmatic way, without institutional changes of their respective church- state regimes. Therefore three strategies are mentioned: (1) denominational and non-confessional RE; (2) a core curriculum RE; and (3 creative constitutional interpretations.
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Dreyer, Jaco S., Hendrik J. C. Pieterse, and Johannes A. Van Der Ven. "Attitudes Towards Human Rights Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 7, no. 2 (2000): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430100x00018.

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AbstractIn this article we examine the attitudes towards human rights of a group of 538 Grade 11 students from Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region. A distinction is made between civil, political and judicial ('first generation') human rights, socio-economic ('second generation') rights, and environmental ('third generation') rights. The frame of reference is Ricoeur's theory of human rights. This forms part of his institution theory, which in its turn is embedded in his moral theory of the good life. The students displayed positive attitudes towards socio-economic and environmental rights, ambivalent attitudes towards civil and political rights, and negative attitudes towards judicial rights. The question about where one should look for more positively, more ambivalently and more negatively oriented students, what their characteristics are, and whether religion plays any role in this regard will be explored in the next article.
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Pieterse, HENDRIR J. C., Jaco S. Dreyer, and Johannes A. Van Der Ven. "Attitudes Towards Human Rights Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 7, no. 4 (2000): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430100x00342.

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AbstractIn this article we examine the attitudes towards human rights of a group of 538 Grade 11 students from Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region. A distinction is made between civil, political and judicial (first generation') human rights, socio-economic ('second generation') rights, and environmental ('thirdgeneration') rights. The frame of reference is Ricoeur's theory of human rights. This forms part of his institution theory, which in its turn is embedded in his moral theory of the good life. The students displayed positive attitudes towards socio-economic and environmental rights, ambivalent attitudes towards civil and political rights, and negative attitudes towards judicial rights. The question about where one should look for more positively, more ambivalently and more negatively oriented students, what their characteristics are, and whether religion plays any role in this regard will be explored in the next article.
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38

Muriithi, Peter Njiru, Titus Mwanthi, and Nathan Chiroma. "The Triple Bottom Line and Church Sustainability in Kenya." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 5 (September 29, 2022): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.5.290.

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The religion of Christianity was firmly established in Kenya by European missionaries in AD 1844 and since then, it has grown to be the religion for 85.5% of the population. After Kenya gained political independence in AD 1964, numerous Christian denominations have established church congregations in all parts of the country and the competition for congregation members is high. The Anglican Church of Kenya (ACK) and other mainline churches are experiencing declining congregations due to the entry of the Pentecostal churches but the earlier Pentecostal churches are also experiencing the same phenomenon due to the new denominations which are being established in all parts of the country. This paper examines how the church can retain its relevance and sustainability in the country by operationalizing the Triple Bottom Line (TBL) model to gain and retain its congregations. The model approaches sustainability by considering an organization’s social, economic, and environmental strategies. These are what made the early missionaries to penetrate the African market as they established schools, technical and agriculture training institutions and health centers. At their schools and churches, they taught about the need to live in a clean environment and set an example with their church compounds. This paper discusses how the TBL is operationalized in the ACK to resolve the declining phenomenon.
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Wild-Wood, Emma. "An Introduction to an Oral History and Archive Project by the Anglican Church of Congo." History in Africa 28 (2001): 445–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172229.

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Congo has for decades faced sustained neglect of all its institutions and now suffers a protracted conflict. Most Congolese attempt to survive hunger, sickness, and war. In this context the preservation of historical information is fraught with difficulties. Nevertheless, the oral history and archive project detailed in this paper set out to collect historical sources from one Christian denomination in Congo. It is but a small part of a huge depository of historical data held by churches in the country.Mission and Church bodies have significantly contributed to nation-building and the establishment of social structures throughout the twentieth century. In Congo the churches continue to run many of the schools, hospitals, and community development programs in the country and provide a conduit for relief aid. They are involved in the daily negotiations for survival on which life depends. While there is significant overlapping of religious adherence between ‘traditional’ beliefs, Christianity, and Islam, over 90% of the population acknowledge allegiance to a Christian denomination. For this reason church bodies provide invaluable resources to the historian. This project sought not only to protect the bureaucratic documents produced by one particular denomination, but to gather oral testimonies from a wide range of individuals connected with that church in order to begin a process of historical reflection. When finally collated and cataloged, it will be of use to Africanists and social anthropologists interested in the eastern half of Congo, as well as those with a particular interest in church history in Africa.
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ap Siôn, Tania. "Insights from Adolescents’ Prayer Requests within a Christian Ethos School: A Qualitative Perspective." Journal of Empirical Theology 34, no. 1 (June 25, 2021): 49–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15709256-12341416.

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Abstract State-maintained Christian ethos schools are a prominent part of the educational landscape of England and Wales, and a growing body of empirical research has sought to access, study and interpret the voices of their students in order to contribute to a fuller understanding of life within these schools and their place in contemporary Britain. As part of this endeavour, this study focuses on what may be learnt from students’ prayer in a joint Anglican and Catholic Christian ethos secondary school. Following the identification of the school prayer board and intercessory prayers within school Eucharists as offering a significant contribution to the Christian ethos school, this study set out to explore and evaluate these prayer requests composed by students. Taking a sample of 212 prayers, an established analytic framework for the analysis and classification of intercessory prayer (the apSAFIP) was employed and other notable characteristics identified (including prayer type, ‘proclamations’, drawings, liturgical language and style). The findings draw attention to the distinctive profile of the prayer requests offered within the school in terms of the issues for which prayers are offered, and the religious language, expressions, and themes that shape these prayers. The study concludes by appraising the performance of the apSAFIP in this new context and by considering what may be learnt from these themes and linguistic forms about the spiritual and religious lives of the students.
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Johnson, Helen. "Using a Catholic model: the consequences of the changing strategic purpose of Anglican faith schools and the contrasting interpretations within liberalism." School Leadership & Management 23, no. 4 (November 2003): 469–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1363243032000150980.

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42

Van Der Ven, Johannes A., Hendrik J. C. Pieterse, and Jaco S. Dreyer. "Interreligious Orientations Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 6, no. 2 (1999): 194–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430199x00137.

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AbstractIn this article we investigate the interreligious orientations of a sample of 538 students from Standard 9 (Grade 11) who attended Anglican and Catholic schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region during 1995. In the first part of the article we describe the religious diversity of South Africa. This religious diversity was neglected in the past, but due to the establishment of the first democratically elected parliament and the adoption of a new constitution, we have entered a new situation in South Africa. Despite these changes, we still face the challenge to realise the democratic vision. Against this background, we direct our attention to two questions: What are the interreligious orientations of the South African youth, and how do they evaluate these interreligious orientations? Based on theological models of the meeting between religions we conceptualised four interreligious orientations: exclusivistic, inclusivistic, relativistic and dialogic. The relativistic orientation receives empirical support, but these students do not distinguish between exclusivistic and inclusivistic interreligious orientations. An unexpected finding is the distinction between subjective and objective dialogic orientations. These students are negative towards an absolutistic (exclusivistic and inclusivistic) orientation, and favour a relativistic interreligious orientation.
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Smith, John T. "The real milch cow? The work of Anglican, Catholic and Wesleyan clergymen in elementary schools in the second half of the nineteenth century." History of Education 31, no. 2 (March 2002): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00467600110109249.

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44

Van Der Ven, Johannes A., Hendrik J. C. Pieterse, and Jaco S. Dreyer. "Social Location of Attitudes Towards Human Rights Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 7, no. 3 (2000): 249–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430100x00180.

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AbstractIn the previous article we inquired into the attitudes towards human rights of a group of 538 Grade 11 students in Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoria region. We distinguished between civil, political and judicial rights, socio-economic rights, and environmental rights. In this article we examine the social location of these attitudes. We arrived at the following profile of students who favour human rights: they are female, come from the official indigenous language groups, and have been raised by parents who have a relatively high educational and occupational level, and are not self-employed. They prefer the ANC to other political parties, and are transethnically and post-materialistically oriented. Their attitude towards work is interest-oriented, definitely not money-oriented. They participate in a political culture of communication. With regard to religious characteristics, which are particularly relevant to their attitudes towards socio-economic rights, they are religiously socialised, involved in religious praxis and have open religious communication with their parents; but they are not intensely tied to a particular denomination nor do they regularly attend church services. At the same time, those who display these last two characteristics reject civil rights. With regard to interreligious interactions, the students who favour human rights, display multireligious orientations and reject monoreligious ones.
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45

Pieterse, HENDRIK J. C., Jaco S. Dreyer, and Johannes A. Van Der Ven. "Social Location of Attitudes Towards Human Rights Among South African Youth." Religion and Theology 7, no. 4 (2000): 249–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157430100x00423.

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AbstractIn the previous article we inquired into the attitudes towards human rights of a group of 538 Grade 11 students in Anglican and Catholic church-affiliated schools in the Johannesburg/Pretoricz region. We distinguished between civil, political and judicial rights, socio-economic rights, and environmental rights. In this article we examine the social location of these attitudes. We arrived at the following profile of students who favour human rights: they are female, come from the official indigenous language groups, and have been raised by parents who have a relatively high educational and occupational level, and are not self-employed. They prefer the ANC to other political parties, and are transethnically and post-materialistically oriented. Their attitude towards work is interest-oriented, definitely not money-oriented. They participate in a political culture of communication. With regard to religious characteristics, which are particularly relevant to their attitudes towards socio-economic rights, they are religiously socialised, involved in religious praxis and have open religious communication with their parents; but they are not intensely tied to a particular denomination nor do they regularly attend church services. At the same time, those who display these last two characteristics reject civil rights. With regard to interreligious interactions, the students who favour human rights, display multireligious. orientations and reject monoreligious ones.
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46

Brooks Holifield, E. "Let the Children Come: The Religion of the Protestant Child in Early America." Church History 76, no. 4 (December 2007): 750–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500043.

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In 1844, the Congregationalist minister Enoch Pond in Bangor, Maine, reminded his fellow clergy that they had been commissioned not only to feed the sheep of their flocks but also to nurture the lambs. Under no circumstances, he cautioned, would a good minister neglect the children, for both Christian parents and their pastors felt “the deepest anxiety” that the children of American parishes would not “receive that wise government, that faithful discipline, that Christian instruction and restraint, which, by the blessing of God, shall result in their speedy conversion, and bring them early and truly into the fold of Christ.” He called for pastors to pray for the children, to convene meetings of praying parents, to pay attention to children during pastoral visits, to impart special instruction to children from the pulpit, to visit their schools, to institute Sunday schools, to teach children the Bible, and to offer catechetical instruction. The devoted pastor would acquaint himself with children, “enter into their feelings, and interest himself in their affairs; and thus engage their affections, and win their confidence.“Christian clergy in America had long heeded such admonitions. Seventeenth-century Puritan ministers made serious, if sporadic, efforts to teach the catechism, often invited groups of children into their homes for instruction, contended over the implications of the baptismal covenant, and urged parents to teach their offspring religious truths and Christian practices. Eighteenth-century Anglican clergy made similar efforts to instruct children, and their revivalist counter-parts in New England and the Middle Colonies encouraged the conversion of children at younger than customary ages. Jonathan Edwards devoted careful attention to his four-year-old convert Phebe Bartlet, who followed in the path of her converted eleven-year-old brother by announcing, after anguished prayers and cries for mercy, that “the kingdom of God had come” to her.
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Harding, John. "The Prayer-Book Roots of Griffith Jones's Evangelism*." Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.6.1.1.

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This article discusses Griffith Jones (1683–1761) an influential Church of England rector in West Wales from 1711, who is usually described as a precursor of Welsh Methodism and Evangelicalism. It refers to an undated, damaged notebook, in the National Library of Wales, containing sermon notes in Jones's own hand. The article seeks to trace the source of his evangelistic outlook, noting his conformist loyalty to the Church of England's doctrine, order and worship. Contrary to the opinion which attributes his pursuit of evangelism, with its seeking of conversions, to supposed Puritan influences, the article shows that the Book of Common Prayer was its inspiration. Preaching is discussed as the predominant component of worship. Jones's thought as a popular evangelist is examined, with reference to the brief sermon outlines in Welsh. The article discusses Jones's view of the defiance of Christian standards and ignorance of the faith, in Wales. Jones's practice was to summon people to faith. He preached this to those within the 'visible' national Church, which included infants, adding a strong demand for moral conformity. His concept of 'membership' was not postEnlightenment voluntarism, but of a statutory and biblical duty. For Griffith Jones the liturgy was not a disincentive to piety, contrary to some Dissenters' misgivings. His wish was for spiritual and moral renewal, not further reformation of Anglican doctrine or practice. He saw catechizing as a means against schismatical vagaries. His famous Circulating Schools reinforced this policy.
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Francis, Leslie J., John Fisher, David W. Lankshear, and Emma L. Eccles. "Modelling the effect of worship attendance and personal prayer on spiritual well-being among 9- to 11-year-old students attending Anglican church schools in Wales." International Journal of Children's Spirituality 23, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 30–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1364436x.2017.1419938.

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Okkenhaug, Inger Marie. "'She Loves Books & Ideas, & Strides along in Low Shoes Like an Englishwoman': British models and graduates from the Anglican girls' secondary schools in Palestine, 1918-48." Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 13, no. 4 (October 2002): 461–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0959641022000016429.

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50

Ellis, Anthony. "The Anglican School Chaplain." Journal of Christian Education os-31, no. 2 (July 1988): 21–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002196578803100205.

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