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Carey, Vincent P. "John Derricke’s Image of Irelande, Sir Henry Sidney, and the massacre at Mullaghmast, 1578." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 123 (May 1999): 305–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014176.
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One of the bitterest fruits of human conflict is the resort to massacre. From the St Bartholomew’s Day massacre in 1572 to ethnic cleansing in Bosnia, combatants have regularly attempted to defeat their enemies through acts of indiscriminate killing. The history of early modern European colonial expansion is replete with such incidents. The remembering and recounting of them has become the stuff of historical and political controversy. The aim of this article is not to review these painful episodes, but to examine the sixteenth-century context in which these resorts to massacre occurred; to focus on one particular atrocity that achieved some notoriety in Ireland in the early modern period; and to suggest that a now largely forgotten episode, at Mullaghmast in County Kildare in 1578, was part of a pattern of conquest which implicated not only the soldiers and settlers who served in the Gaelic localities, but also the upper echelons of the English administration in Ireland. This pattern was accompanied by an apologetic ideology of civility and savagery best reflected in a central text, John Derricke’s Image of Irelande (1581). Derricke’s Image provides us with sufficient evidence to suggest that indiscriminate slaughter was an accepted tool in the effort to subdue Gaelic Ireland. Indeed, Derricke’s text adds weight to the conclusion that the atrocity at Mullaghmast in 1578 implicates no less a figure than Sir Henry Sidney, the quintessential renaissance English official in Ireland. Mullaghmast is important not only because it demonstrates the officially sanctioned brutality of the conquest, but also because it raises the question of how memory and history are constructed.
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MORONEY, MARYCLAIRE. "Apocalypse, Ethnography, and Empire in John Derricke's Image of Irelande (1581) and Spenser's View of the Present State of Ireland (1596)." English Literary Renaissance 29, no. 3 (September 1999): 355–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-6757.1999.tb01141.x.
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Delahanty, Ian. "‘A Noble Empire in the West’: Young Ireland, the United States and Slavery." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0095.
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Young Ireland nationalists conciliated slaveholding and proslavery Americans in the mid-1840s by situating Irish debates over American slavery within a broader discussion of Ireland's status in the British Empire. As Irish nationalists sought to redefine Ireland's political relationship to Great Britain, many came to see material and rhetorical support from the United States as indispensable to their efforts. Unlike Daniel O'Connell, Young Irelanders proved willing to overlook slavery in the United States because they believed that an Irish-American alliance could be mobilised to critique British imperialism and potentially to gain greater autonomy for Ireland. Debates among Irish nationalists over accepting aid from slaveholding and proslavery Americans, therefore, bring into focus where O'Connell and Young Ireland differed with regard to Ireland's sufferings under the Union and involvement in the Empire.
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Chakravarty, Urvashi. "“Fitt for Faire Habitacion”: Kinship and Race in A Vewe of the Present State of Irelande." Spenser Studies 35 (January 1, 2021): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711962.
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HADFIELD, ANDREW. "RORY OGE O'MORE, THE MASSACRE AT MULLAGHMAST (1578), JOHN DERRICKE'S THE IMAGE OF IRELANDE (1581), AND SPENSER'S MALENGIN." Notes and Queries 47, no. 4 (December 1, 2000): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/47-4-423.
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HADFIELD, ANDREW. "RORY OGE O'MORE, THE MASSACRE AT MULLAGHMAST (1578), JOHN DERRICKE'S THE IMAGE OF IRELANDE (1581), AND SPENSER'S MALENGIN." Notes and Queries 47, no. 4 (2000): 423–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/47.4.423.
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Rudko, Serhii. "The Status of Northern Ireland after Brexit: Probable Models." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 5, no. 3-4 (December 20, 2018): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.5.3-4.9-15.
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The article highlights one of the main issues related to the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, Northern Ireland’s new status, in particular, the status of the border between NI and the Republic of Ireland. It has been an ‘apple of discord’ from the first stage and during the last stage of the Brexit negotiations. The future ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ Irish-British border is not a problem in the negotiations between the United Kingdom and the European Union only, but is also a serious domestic political challenge for Theresa May’s government. The article explains possible models of the future status of Northern Ireland. The most probable solutions are: a ‘reverse Greenland’, a ‘reverse Cyprus’ and a ‘German version’.
Following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the EU invested heavily in supporting border communities for the development of small business and industry, which improved the economic situation in the area of the former conflict and facilitated border dialogue. However, it led to the fact that many enterprises were oriented towards the EU market or border trade. The article concludes that the ‘reverse Greenland’ model would enable Northern Ireland to remain in the single market and customs union apart from the rest of Great Britain, which would prevent the establishment of a tight boundary between both Irelands. The author outlined the possible implications of the ‘reverse Cyprus’ model, which suggests that the United Kingdom would technically remain a part of the EU, and that the EU’s legislation would be suspended only on its separate parts (that is, Wales and England). The researcher emphasizes that the ‘German version’ could be applied in the case of future reunification of both Irelands, then Northern Ireland would remain a part of the EU until its new status on the referendum have been resolved.
The article summarized that no examples above provide a precise analogy, since Brexit is unprecedented event. The most likely models of the Northern Ireland’s future are the ‘reverse Greenland’ and the ‘reverse Cyprus’
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McGann, Michael, Mary P. Murphy, and Nuala Whelan. "Workfare redux? Pandemic unemployment, labour activation and the lessons of post-crisis welfare reform in Ireland." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 9/10 (September 18, 2020): 963–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-07-2020-0343.
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PurposeThis paper addresses the labour market impacts of Covid-19, the necessity of active labour policy reform in response to this pandemic unemployment crisis and what trajectory this reform is likely to take as countries shift attention from emergency income supports to stimulating employment recovery.Design/methodology/approachThe study draws on Ireland’s experience, as an illustrative case. This is motivated by the scale of Covid-related unemployment in Ireland, which is partly a function of strict lockdown measures but also the policy choices made in relation to the architecture of income supports. Also, Ireland was one of the countries most impacted by the Great Recession leading it to introduce sweeping reforms of its active labour policy architecture.FindingsThe analysis shows that the Covid unemployment crisis has far exceeded that of the last financial and banking crisis in Ireland. Moreover, Covid has also exposed the fragility of Ireland's recovery from the Great Recession and the fault-lines of poor public services, which intensify precarity in the context of low-paid employment growth precipitated by workfare policies implemented since 2010. While these policies had some short-term success in reducing the numbers on the Live Register, many cohorts were left behind by the reforms and these employment gains have now been almost entirely eroded.Originality/valueThe lessons from Ireland's experience of post-crisis activation reform speak to the challenges countries now face in adapting their welfare systems to facilitate a post-Covid recovery, and the risks of returning to “workfare” as usual.
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McLoughlin, Emmet, James Hanrahan, Ann Duddy, and Séan Duffy. "European tourism indicator system for sustainable destination management in county Donegal, Ireland." European Journal of Tourism Research 20 (October 1, 2018): 78–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54055/ejtr.v20i.341.
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Tourism is one of Ireland's most important economic sectors. In 2017, the overall visits to the country have increased by over 10%. However, such growth if not managed correctly can present many challenges to destinations, particularly along Irelands 2500km driving route, the Wild Atlantic Way (WAW). This paper reports on the application of the European Tourism Indicator System for sustainable destination management in County Donegal, Ireland. While significant data was generated on tourism activity at local level, results do suggest that a number of the indicators would need further research going forward. This evidence informed approach to tourism planning can assist Local Authorities in future planning considerations, while also helping to protect the long-term sustainability of the tourism product in County Donegal.
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Williams, Brian, and Tom McErlean. "Maritime archaeology in Northern Ireland." Antiquity 76, no. 292 (June 2002): 505–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00090621.
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IntroductionThe study of maritime archaeology is a relatively new activity in Northern Ireland. This paper introduces the approach that has been adopted in investigating the maritime cultural landscape and takes a detailed look at the maritime archaeology of Strangford Lough.Only in the last decade has government in Northern Ireland been responsible for the management of maritime archaeology. The Department of the Environment agency, Environment and Heritage Service (EHS), administers the Protection of Wrecks Act 1973 in Northern Ireland's territorial waters. Having no knowledge of the subject and faced with the management of shipwrecks, EHS Grst created a register of known shipwrecks. A Senior Fellow, Colin Breen, was appointed in 1993 in the Institute of Irish Studies at Queen's University Belfast. Using docurnentary sourc:es such as Lloyd's List and Lloyd's Register, together with Parlianientary Sessional papers and many other documentary sources, he identified some 3000 wrecks around Northern Ireland’s short coastline (Breen 1996).
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Schiek, Dagmar. "Brexit on the island of Ireland: beyond unique circumstances." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 69, no. 3 (September 10, 2018): 367–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v69i3.174.
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This article offers an original analysis of Ireland’s and the UK’s common EU membership in the light of Brexit, identifies socio-economic decline and threats to the functionality of the Good Friday Agreement as decisive threats emanating from Brexit, and suggests that these can be counteracted by providing a sustainable legal framework for hybridity of Northern Ireland in the categories of citizenship and territory, as well as for deepening socio-economic and civic integration on the island of Ireland, alongside securing antidiscrimination law in Northern Ireland. Instead of protecting these elements, the Draft Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland to the EU–UK Draft Withdrawal Agreement sacrifices the indivisibility of the Internal Market by limiting Northern Ireland’s access to markets in goods. Concise changes to the draft are proposed to address these shortcomings and to secure participation of Northern Ireland’s representatives in its implementation.
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McEvoy, F. J. "Canada, Ireland and the Commonwealth: the declaration of the Irish republic, 1948-9." Irish Historical Studies 24, no. 96 (November 1985): 506–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400034490.
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The relationship of Ireland to the Commonwealth during the period of its membership was a tortuous one. Forced to accept dominion status under threat of the renewal of Anglo-Irish hostilities, Ireland was not an enthusiastic member of the club as were the older dominions. The Constitutional Amendment (No. 27) Bill, enacted on 11 December 1936, removed all references to the crown and governor general from the constitution while the Executive Authority (External Relations) Bill, enacted the next day, recognised the crown only for purposes of diplomatic representation and international agreements. These two measures, commonly referred to as the External Relations Act, left Ireland a more or less undeclared republic with ambiguous links to the Commonwealth. Wartime neutrality differentiated Ireland even further from the other dominions, aroused British anger and brought the question of Ireland's constitutional status into even greater prominence. Ireland was, the Canadian high commissioner in Dublin considered in 1944, a more or less unknown quantity' The Canadian government, though it would have preferred a different choice, respected Ireland's neutrality and resented British actions, taken without prior consultation, that might have contrived to drive Ireland from the Commonwealth. The end of the war removed a major cause of grievance but left Ireland's nosition unresolved.
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Cooney, Gabriel. "Opening the ground: archaeology and education in Ireland." Antiquity 74, no. 283 (March 2000): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00066370.
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In Ireland I think it could be said that while archaeology plays an important role in national identity, this role is implicit and not very welldefined. Images of monuments in mist or glorious sunshine and artefacts displayed as treasure or jewellery are very widely deployed. This constructed past serves a variety of different purposes for a rapidly changing present, from utilization as a symbol of the long tradition of Ireland's high technological expertise — nowadays being best expressed in the computing industry, as a backdrop for the sustained (as opposed to sustainable) drive to increase tourism, to the context for a call of a revitalization of Celtic spirituality (see discussion in Gibbons 1996). More traditionally, of course, material remains played a very important role in the construction of national identities in Ireland (e.g. Crooke 1999). For these varied reasons archaeology is seen in a positive light, as a positive project, both by political decision-makers and the public. One illustration of this is the Discovery Programme, a government-funded research initiative set up in 1991 to enhance knowledge of Ireland’s past through integrated programmes of archaeological research (Waddell 1997; Eogan 1998).
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Shonk, Kenneth L. "“Help, Given in a Disinterested Manner”." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (May 1, 2022): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566090.
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Abstract Documents contained in the Department of Foreign Affairs files in the National Archives of Ireland reveal that many global anticolonial nationalists visited Ireland in the 1950s and 1960s. These files elucidate efforts by nationalists from Africa and Asia to emulate Ireland’s nation-building frameworks including its constitution, housing and charitable programs, educational structures, and burgeoning industries. This article uses these documents to examine hitherto unstudied aspects of Ireland’s place within larger transnational intellectual networks. This paper adds greater nuance to Jean-François Bayart’s thesis of extraversion by demonstrating that African and Asian anticolonial nationalists consciously and explicitly looked to Ireland as a model for nation-building. Emerging nations in the 1950s and 1960s sent representatives to Ireland to study the nation’s economic and political frameworks, in turn offering a space for a dialogic experience in which the emulation of Ireland was extraversion in a positive sense.
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Ginty, Roger Mac, Rick Wilford, Lizanne Dowds, and Gillian Robinson. "Consenting Adults: The Principle of Consent and Northern Ireland's Constitutional Future." Government and Opposition 36, no. 4 (October 2001): 472–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00077.
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‘If A Majority Of People In Northern Ireland Ever Voted To become part of a United Ireland what would you do?’ At first sight the question may seem plucked from the realms of constitutional fantasy. A united Ireland seems an unlikely prospect, at least in anything but the long term. Even proponents of unity predict a 15–20 year wait. Yet the 1998 Good Friday Agreement empowers the people of Northern Ireland to decide their own constitutional future. As a result questions on Northern Ireland's future constitutional status, and public reactions to possible changes in that status, are relevant to current political debate.It is important to note that the principle of consent is not a new constitutional invention. It has had a long association with Northern Ireland. It is argued that the peace process and the 1998 Good Friday Agreement have refocused attention on the long-standing consent principle. While consent was part of the constitutional furniture it was often overlooked during the Troubles.This article re-examines consent in the light of the peace process. It draws on evidence from the 1998 and 1999/2000 Northern Ireland Life and Times surveys, as well as a number of in-depth interviews with senior politicians and policy-makers involved in the peace process and the negotiations on a political settlement. First it considers the changing significance of the consent principle to Northern Ireland's constitutional status, arguing that the principle has assumed a renewed immediacy. Secondly, the article reports the findings of the two most recent Northern Ireland Life and Times surveys in relation to constitutional preferences. While public attitudes towards a unitary Ireland or continued Union within the United Kingdom have been surveyed regularly, as far as the authors are aware no previous survey has asked whether people would accept or oppose constitutional change if it was supported by a majority of Northern Ireland's citizens. In other words, no survey has gauged the level of public acceptance of the consent principle. The key question is: would unionists be prepared to come quietly if a majority of Northern Ireland's citizens voted to accept a united Ireland?
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Elements and Czar Sepe. "Ireland Reimagined." Elements 17, no. 1 (March 22, 2022): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/eurj.v17i1.14895.
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Ireland's decade of centenaries (2012-2022) commemorates historial milestones that led to the country's independence from Great Britain and the creation of the Republic of Ireland. However, since the advent of the Irish nation, its history has always been a contested space - where opposing political social, and cultural groups negotiate between historical narratives - to lay claim to a 'true' Irish history. This paper presents the competing historiographies involved in the Irish government's decade of centenaries and identifies the socio-political agenda behind state commemorations. A historical analysis of the commemorations that took place in the 2010s proves that socio-political considerations factored in the way Ireland's founding was portrayed by the Government, the public, and civil society. Overall, this paper concluded that the Irish Government's chief aims were to strike a conciliatory tone with northern Ireland, 'crowd-out' opposing historical narratives, and project Ireland's economic progress through the irish proclamation. Neverthless, academic historians and the public intervened in this negotiation to create reimagined histories of Ireland.
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Rodden, John. "“The lever must be applied in Ireland”: Marx, Engels, and the Irish Question." Review of Politics 70, no. 4 (2008): 609–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050800079x.
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AbstractThis article integrates economic and social history, biography, and political theory as it explores how the personal ties of Marx and Engels to Ireland stamped their thought. Marx and Engels struggled to integrate Ireland into their theory of revolution, conceptualizing it as a “special case” of capitalist accumulation, a formulation partly motivated by their human sympathies for the Irish (especially strong in the case of Engels and Marx's daughters). Extended attention in this essay is thus devoted to the special place of Ireland in Marxist theory and praxis, which is pursued on two interconnected research fronts: Ireland's anomalous role in Marx's revolutionary vision and the Irish people's prominent role in the lives of Marx and Engels. While Marx's primary aim was always to capture the citadels of capitalism such as Great Britain, he and Engels concluded in the late 1860s that the thrust could not be administered frontally: they would have to strike at England's soft underbelly – Ireland. Throughout the life of the First International (1864–72), Ireland's place in Marx's strategic vision moved to the center, transforming Ireland into the “lever” of a European-wide revolution. For a half decade in the late 1860s to the early 1870s, Marx and Engels invested the Irish peasantry with this decisive geopolitical role; soon thereafter, their conception of Ireland's theoretical significance altered and dissolved alongside their fading hopes for a European socialist revolution.
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Mekhonoshina, Yu A. "THE EU ECONOMY MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN CONDITIONS OF ECONOMIC CRISIS. IRELAND’s CASE." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 462–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-462-466.
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In 2008 the world faced a powerful economic crisis, which led to significant problems in the EU. Some states, such us Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain, were on the verge of default. In such conditions the EU had to take appropriate measures to save European countries. The author reviewed the measures which concerned Ireland. At the beginning of the century Irish economy showed rapid growth. But in 2010 the default threatened “The Celtic tiger”. It was conditioned by the collapse of mortgage landing system and the rapid outflow of foreign capital. As far as Ireland participates in the euro zone the other European countries are interested in the stabilization of Ireland’s economy. All measures of saving Ireland’s economy could be divided to two groups. The first group includes the measures taken by the government of Ireland. This is state financing of bank sphere, which was done without being agreed with the EU (moreover, the European council reacted negatively), and changing of tax rate approved by the EU. The second group is represented by the measures of European institutes. It includes preferential credits and suppression of sanctions for violation of Maastricht criterion in exchange for austerity budget. In Ireland’s case such policy doesn’t seem really effective. The level of Ireland’s budget deficit is more than 3 % of GDP and its current economic growth does not permit to redeem the loans. Economic problems provide political instability, that’s why Ireland’s government cannot elaborate long-term financial policy. Though European institutes managed to find consensus between different national interests, the EU needs no less than 15 years to return to pre-depression economic level.
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An, Yongjae, Haijun Cao, and Cholu Kwon. "An Overview of Ireland’s Energy System Model and the Thinking for DPR Korea." E3S Web of Conferences 145 (2020): 02073. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202014502073.
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The Ireland’s Energy System Model, Irish TIMES model involved building, developing, calibrating, testing and running a partial equilibrium energy systems optimization model for Ireland. Ireland is an island country surrounded by the sea, so it has abundant water and wind resources. DPR Korea is also surrounded by the sea on three sides, with a total coastline of about 17,300 km (3,169 km for Ireland), so there are abundant resources of hydropower, wave power, tidal energy and wind power. On the basis of geographical conditions, DPR Korea’s energy system can learn from Ireland’s energy system model to achieve "good model" of energy policy modelling problems. The two key new perspectives this research project gives are: (i) a full energy-systems modelling approach and (ii) a focus on the GHGs mitigation for DPR Korea by 2030.
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Gibney, John. "Select document: A discourse of Ireland, 1695." Irish Historical Studies 34, no. 136 (November 2005): 449–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400006428.
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Ireland’s political and constitutional relationship to England remains a key theme of late medieval and early modern Irish history. Although it was a relationship in which Ireland was undoubtedly the subordinate kingdom, contemporary justifications for this subordination, and assertions of its basis, are often overshadowed by arguments directed against its validity. The text reproduced below is an assertion of that validity. It offers a highly selective analysis of English policy in Ireland from the twelfth century to the end of the seventeenth, based upon the assumption of Ireland’s legal and constitutional subordination to England. More particularly, it seeks to outline attitudes among the Protestant colonial community towards Ireland’s status, and does so at a precise juncture when such attitudes were deemed to be of imminent and crucial importance.
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Nic Shuibhne, Niamh. "Home?" Scottish Affairs 31, no. 4 (November 2022): 491–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0435.
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This contribution to the theme of ‘Scotland and the Two Irelands’ focusses, autobiographically, on the possible meanings of home. Outlining the undoubted differences between Scotland and Ireland, the Scots and the Irish, it concludes that these differences really do not matter
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Fraser, Alistair. "‘Nothing Less than its Eradication'? Ireland'S Hunger Task Force and the Production of Hunger." Human Geography 4, no. 3 (November 2011): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861100400303.
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A wide range of actors have intervened in the debate about the causes of hunger and what can be done to eradicate it. One example is a 2008 report by the Hunger Task Force, a group of development experts mandated by the Irish government to explain the root causes of hunger and identify ways for Ireland to play a leading role in eradicating it. In this paper, I present a critical review of what the HTF report says about the causes of hunger. I argue the report fails to live up to its aim of commemorating those who died in the Irish Famine in the 1840s because it refuses to consider the role of the corporate food regime in the production of hunger. Further, I position the report's flaws relative to Ireland by asking how the report balances Ireland's drive to eradicate hunger against its political and economic interests. I pay particular attention to Ireland's diplomatic proximity to the United States and to the emerging corporate foodscape within Ireland; both considerations shed light on Ireland's place within the structures and mechanisms that produce hunger in the contemporary period.
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Aiken, Abigail R. A., Elisa Padron, Kathleen Broussard, and Dana Johnson. "The impact of Northern Ireland’s abortion laws on women’s abortion decision-making and experiences." BMJ Sexual & Reproductive Health 45, no. 1 (October 19, 2018): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmjsrh-2018-200198.
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BackgroundIn Northern Ireland, abortion is illegal except in very limited circumstances to preserve a woman’s life or to prevent permanent or long-term injury to her physical or mental health. Abortions conducted outside the law are a criminal offence punishable by imprisonment. We assessed the impacts of Northern Ireland’s abortion laws on women’s decision-making and experiences in accessing abortion.MethodsBetween April 2017 and February 2018 we interviewed 30 women living in Northern Ireland who had sought abortion by travelling to a clinic in Great Britain or by using online telemedicine to self-manage a medication abortion at home. We interviewed women both before and after a policy change that allowed women from Northern Ireland access to free abortion services in Great Britain. We used a semi-structured in-depth approach and analysed the interviews using grounded theory methodology to identify key themes.ResultsFour key findings emerged from our analysis: (1) women experience multiple barriers to travelling for abortion services, even when abortion is provided without charge; (2) self-management is often preferred over travel, but its criminalisation engenders fear and isolation; (3) obstruction of import of abortion medications by Northern Ireland Customs contributes to stress, anxiety, a higher risk of complications, and trial of ineffective or unsafe methods; and (4) lack of clarity surrounding the obligations of healthcare professionals in Northern Ireland causes mistrust of the healthcare system.ConclusionsNorthern Ireland’s abortion laws negatively affect the quality and safety of women’s healthcare and can have serious implications for women’s physical and emotional health. Our findings offer new perspectives for the current policy debate over Northern Ireland’s abortion laws and suggest a public health rationale for decriminalising abortion.
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Flynn, Angela V. "Ireland's unequal health care system: How did we let this happen?" Boolean: Snapshots of Doctoral Research at University College Cork, no. 2014 (January 1, 2014): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/boolean.2014.6.
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Distinct and measurable health inequalities have been shown to persist in Ireland and these relate closely to the health system. The purpose of this research is to examine the previously taken for granted assumptions that exist in relation to Ireland’s health and welfare system so as to attempt to understand why it is that a deeply unequal health care system is tolerated. Specifically, this research considers the place of the social contract within the contemporary neoliberal order where it arguably has been replaced by a market contract. Furthermore, this study looks at the concept of solidarity in Ireland’s health and welfare systems. In order to do this it is necessary to adopt a historical perspective and to examine the context in which an unequal system of health care has emerged and has become established and normalised in Ireland. The intention is to interrogate evidence within Ireland’s health and welfare history ...
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Cronin, Michelle A. "The status of the harbour seal (Phoca vitulina) in Ireland." NAMMCO Scientific Publications 8 (September 1, 2010): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/3.2680.
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The status of Ireland’s harbour seal population and its relationship with that of Britain and Western Europe are poorly understood. Prior to 2003, limited research efforts and poor co-ordination of survey methods fell short at providing an accurate assessment of overall distribution and population size on a regional or national scale. However, in August 2003, the Republic of Ireland’s harbour seal population was assessed by means of a geographically extensive survey conducted during the annual moult, providing an up-to-date minimum population estimate and a reliable baseline for future surveys. Trends on a national scale could not be assessed due to absence of a reliable historic population estimate; however there is some evidence of local decreases and increases in harbour seal numbers in Northern Ireland and southwest Ireland respectively. Research effort to date on aspects of the ecology of the harbour seal in the Republic of Ireland is reviewed and current research and management priorities highlighted.
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Darcy, Eamon. "Political Participation in Early Stuart Ireland." Journal of British Studies 56, no. 4 (September 27, 2017): 773–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2017.120.
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AbstractA consideration of political participation in early Stuart Ireland suggests modifications to the prospectus outlined by Peter Lake and Steven Pincus in “Rethinking the Public Sphere in Early Modern England.” By investigating the structures that facilitated public debates about politics in Ireland, as well as the factors that complicated it, this article challenges the periodization of the public sphere offered by Lake and Pincus and suggests that there is a clear need to integrate a transnational perspective. Unlike England, Scotland, and Wales, the majority of Ireland's population was Catholic. The flow of post-Tridentine Catholic ideas from the Continent and Anglo-Britannic political culture meant that competing ideas of what constituted the common good circulated widely in Ireland and led to debates about the nature of authority in the early modern Irish state. These divisions in Irish society created a distinctive kind of politics that created particularly unstable publics. Thus, Ireland's experience of the early modern public sphere differed considerably from concurrent developments in the wider archipelago.
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Coakley, Liam. "Ireland's White Paper to End Direct Provision and Establish a New International Support Service (2021) and the ‘sticky’ discourse of control." Irish Journal of Sociology 30, no. 1 (October 9, 2021): 110–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/07916035211046143.
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The Government of Ireland has published its plan to reorder the infrastructure it uses to accommodate and support migrants seeking International Protection (IP) in Ireland. This policy document - entitled The White Paper to End Direct Provision and Establish a New International Support Service - was published on 26th February, 2021. The White Paper proposes to replace Ireland's current but discredited system with a new IP accommodation and support process – to be entitled Ireland's International Protection Support Service. This new system is intended to “treat all applicants to the process with dignity and respect” (Government of Ireland, 2021: 7). Dissonances exist, however. The discursive framing of the IPSS and the spatialities inherent in the proposals suggest a potential rearticulation of state control rather that a diminution of same. I turn to the work of scholars inspired by Giorgio Agamben to help situate the spatialities of this shift, and suggest that the current ‘white paper’ should simply be seen as a mechanism deployed the Government of Ireland to ensure that its bio-political command and control processes can migrate from the spatially-defined set of control environments currently in effect to a diffuse construction of a spatially networked series of deterritorialised indistinctions.
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CANNY, NICHOLAS. "Historians, moral judgement and national communities: the Irish dilemma." European Review 14, no. 3 (June 8, 2006): 401–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279870600041x.
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This paper treats of the peculiarity of the Irish case. Professionalization of history came late to Ireland, and when it did happen, it was with a view to overcoming the inter-denominational and inter-communal point scoring that had energized most previous writing of Ireland's history. In tracing the further development of the history profession in Ireland, the paper alludes to the extent to which the posing of new questions and the employment of new methods were motivated by historical developments elsewhere in the western academic world. The outbreak of civil conflict in Northern Ireland inspired a new phase of introspective writing about Irish identity, sometimes given the semblance of universality through the invocation of post-colonial theory. This writing was usually presented in historical format, was composed mostly by academics employed by literature and social science departments, and was severely critical of what they described as the historical revisionism in which most professional historians in Ireland were believed to have engaged. It concludes with a consideration of how historians responded both to the challenge to their integrity and to various pressures to become more judgemental in writing about Ireland's past.
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Edwards, Owen Dudley. "Living in Brackets: Scotland and Ireland." Scottish Affairs 31, no. 4 (November 2022): 497–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0436.
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This contribution to the theme of ‘Scotland and the Two Irelands’ considers some of the overlooked ironies of the common bonds between Scotland and Ireland. Ranging between literary and political figures over the last two centuries it concludes that our intertwined histories are stronger than the borders between us.
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Murphy, Kenneth. "The regulation of video-sharing platforms and harmful content in Ireland and Europe." Journal of Digital Media & Policy 12, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 513–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jdmp_00080_7.
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The current commentary will provide an overview of Ireland’s proposed legislation for regulating video-sharing platform’s (VSPs) user-generated content and the proposed Irish national regulatory framework that will oversee it. Many of the largest VSPs, such as YouTube, Facebook and Twitter, designated for regulation under the revised Audiovisual Media Services Directive (EU) 2018/1808 (AVMSD), base their European operations in the Republic of Ireland. Thus, based on the country of origin (CoO) principle, the Irish National Regulatory Authority (NRA) will regulate the harmful user-generated content, and commercial content of the largest VSPs and platforms with in which shared video is a significant feature. The commentary will also address the concerns raised by Ireland’s political-economic model and the inferred light-touch regulation interpreted as an aspect of how the State competes for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). A low corporate tax regime, well-educated English-speaking population and access to the European Union has made Ireland a favoured location for primarily US-based technology companies. Alongside these attractions is a recent history of market-conforming governance that has left Ireland open to criticism of trading light-touch regulation for FDI. Ireland’s initial light-touch approach to Europe-wide data privacy regulation has been a case in point.
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Burns, Niamh. "Supporting the Barrister Profession in Northern Ireland: 100 Years and Counting." Legal Information Management 22, no. 3 (September 2022): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669622000275.
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AbstractThis article by Niamh Burns, Senior Manager for Library & Member Support Services at the Bar of Northern Ireland, provides a brief overview of the history of the Bar of Northern Ireland and an explanation of the Bar Library model and the services it provides. She provides an insight into some of the current issues facing the barrister profession in Northern Ireland, then focuses on what the Bar of Northern Ireland's Library & Information Service is doing to support members of the Bar Library in meeting some of their challenges.
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Ollerenshaw, Philip. "Northern Ireland and the British Empire–Commonwealth, 1923–61." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 142 (November 2008): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007057.
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Despite the unprecedented interest shown by historians in Ireland and empire in recent years, comparatively little research has focused on Northern Ireland’s connections to the British Empire-Commonwealth in the post-partition decades. This article utilises some new sources to throw light on both the centrifugal and centripetal aspects of the imperial relationship. The discussion begins with the imperial significance of visits to Northern Ireland by statesmen such as William Massey, Prime Minister of New Zealand, to his native Ulster in 1923, and that of Gordon Coates, also Prime Minister of New Zealand, three years later. At the end of the period, the visit of Canadian Prime Minister John Diefenbaker to both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland can add to our knowledge about the changing relationship between Northern Ireland and the Commonwealth.
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Kelly-Holmes, Helen, and Veronica O'Regan. "“The spoilt children of Europe”." Journal of Language and Politics 3, no. 1 (May 27, 2004): 81–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.3.1.07kel.
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Ireland’s rejection of the Nice Treaty in a referendum in June 2001 led to intense media discourse about this “no” vote and speculation about the outcome of the second referendum to ratify the Treaty in October 2002. The German media, traditionally positive in their portrayal of Ireland, were particularly critical, with the Irish electorate being characterised as anti-Eastern enlargement and Ireland recast in the role of “bad” European. This study of German press coverage of the two referenda points to a consensus in the negative representation of Ireland across all strands of media opinions and ideologies. The corpus of texts analysed also highlights the construction of a “them and us” divide between a morally superior in-group (the Germans) and a defective out-group (the Irish). Whilst much of the reporting still takes place within a received map of meaning (Hall et al. 1978), the established reference points are now used to de-legitimise Ireland’s role and to reassert Germany’s position as a “big” country within Europe in order to restore normal power relations.
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Scott, Dave. "A Letter to My Son." Scottish Affairs 31, no. 4 (November 2022): 486–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2022.0434.
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This contribution to the theme of ‘Scotland and the Two Irelands’ takes the form of a letter from an Antrim-born father to his Scottish-born son. It offers an (autobiographical) account of the political changes in Scotland and Northern Ireland since the late 1990s, and outlines how it is the people we love that makes places home.
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Grubgeld, Elizabeth. "Memoirs of Sight Loss from Post-Independence Ireland." Irish University Review 47, no. 2 (November 2017): 266–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2017.0280.
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Life writing by disabled people in Ireland during the post-independence period constitutes a culturally specific narrative emphasizing the relationship between disability and class and the shaping forces of social and geographical insularity. Because of the often contentious history of activist blind workers in Ireland, as well as the ongoing association between ocular impairments and Ireland's political and economic history, memoirs of sight loss provide a particularly rich field of inquiry into the relationship among disability, class, and the impact of colonialism. Key to this investigation are Sean O'Casey's I Knock at the Door (1939) and Joe Bollard's memoir of mid-century Ireland Out of Sight (1998).
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Evershed, Jonathan. "A war that stopped a war? The necropolitics of (Northern) Ireland’s First World War centenary." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 537–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/263168919x15671868126815.
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The recent ‘recovery’ of First World War memory in Ireland has been much discussed and widely celebrated. What has been represented as Ireland’s centennial reacquaintance with its Great War heritage has been framed by a wider ‘Decade of Centenaries’: a policy construct through which a more reconciliatory approach to commemorating the violent events which gave birth to the two states on the island of Ireland has been promoted. The Decade has seen the ascendance of joint British–Irish First World War commemorations, and attempts have been made to use commemoration to bridge the ‘communal’ divide between unionism and nationalism. In this article, I interrogate this new commemorative dispensation and the assumptions that underwrite it. I argue that the reconciliatory reorientation of commemoration in Ireland during the Decade of Centenaries is based on an ethically contradictory and militaristic reframing of the First World War as ‘a war that stopped a war’. Eliding the ways in which the War has actually long been remembered in nationalist Ireland, this reframing is representative of and acts to reinforce the wider anti-political project in which the British and Irish states have been jointly involved since the advent of the peace process. Arguing that the (necro)politics of Ireland’s First World War centenary have represented the slaughter of Irishmen on Flanders’ fields as a symbolic sacrifice for a particular, neoliberal ‘peace’ in (Northern) Ireland, I will conclude that the limits of this project have been radically revealed by recent political events which have called its future hegemony into doubt.
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Sen, Malcolm. "Risk and Refuge: Contemplating Precarity in Irish Fiction." Irish University Review 49, no. 1 (May 2019): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2019.0376.
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Financial speculation and capitalist accumulation leave spatial and temporal traces. When the waves of the global financial collapse reached Ireland and culminated in the extreme measure of the comprehensive state guarantee, the receding excesses of the Celtic Tiger revealed a landscape that was gentrified and alienating. The spectrality of the ghost estates of Ireland became a synecdochal signifier of Ireland's ignominious fall from the podium of neoliberal grace and the focus of both popular lament and critical intervention. This essay provides a deferred assessment of the uncanniness of dwelling in post-Celtic Tiger Ireland by concentrating on the socioecological fallout of ruins and the longterm casualties of land speculation: that is, transformations of landscape into real estate, and of place into property. Reading Ireland's ghost estates as ‘imperial formations’ that ‘register the ongoing quality of processes of decimation, displacement, and reclamation’ – to use Ann Laura Stoler's term – the essay brings to the fore questions of dwelling and homeliness that suggest more protracted imperial processes which ‘saturate the subsoil of people's lives and persist, sometimes subjacently, over a longer durée’. To demonstrate these arguments the essay will analyse works by Kevin Barry, Sara Baume, and Claire Keegan.
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BAILEY, CRAIG. "Micro-credit, misappropriation and morality: British responses to Irish distress, 1822–1831." Continuity and Change 21, no. 3 (December 2006): 455–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416006006047.
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This article charts the vicissitudes of an economic experiment that aimed to eradicate distress in early-nineteenth-century Ireland. The London Committee for Irish Relief was formed in 1822 and was the first large-scale, charitable response in Britain to famine conditions in Ireland. The Committee believed that poverty was the cause rather than the effect of ‘the Irish problem’ and tried to initiate change by providing the poor with financial resources. Despite some initial successes, allegations over misappropriation of funds created a climate of distrust about the Committee's policies. These allegations mounted over the decade, and when Ireland once again faced extreme distress, in 1831, they caused a rift in London's charitable circles, producing two organizations: the Irish Distress Committee, which argued that poverty was the causal factor, and the Western Committee for Irish Relief, which identified Catholicism as the source of Ireland's problems. This division reflected a more general loss of confidence in plans to solve Ireland's endemic poverty through the promotion of economic activity. These events coincided with hardening attitudes towards Catholics and the poor throughout the British Isles and played an important role in the development of policies on Irish relief in the nineteenth century.
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Brazys, Samuel, and Aidan Regan. "The Politics of Capitalist Diversity in Europe: Explaining Ireland’s Divergent Recovery from the Euro Crisis." Perspectives on Politics 15, no. 2 (June 2017): 411–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592717000093.
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The 2008 financial crisis hit few places harder than the Euro periphery. Faced with high levels of public debt, Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece, and Spain were each compelled to implement harsh austerity reforms. Yet despite this common policy response, the recoveries have shown significantdivergence.In particular, Ireland seems to have managed to succeed economically in a way that the other peripheral countries have not. The prevailing narrative is that Ireland’s recovery from the crisis is due to “austerity” and improved “cost competitiveness.” Drawing upon theories from the study of comparative capitalism we challenge this narrative, and argue that the Irish recovery is an outcome of a state-ledenterprise policyaimed at nurturing a close relationship with corporate firms from Silicon Valley. Using qualitative and quantitative investigation we find evidence that this state-led FDI growth model, rather than austerity induced competitiveness, kick-started Ireland’s recovery from crisis. As Ireland is a critical case for the “success” story of austerity in Europe, our findings represent a significant challenge to the politics of adjustment. It suggests the strategies of business-state elites, and not simply the workings of electoral coalitions, explains the politics of adjustment in advanced capitalism.
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Maguire, Kelly, and Emmet McLoughlin. "An evidence informed approach to planning for event management in Ireland." Journal of Place Management and Development 13, no. 1 (September 11, 2019): 47–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jpmd-06-2019-0041.
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Purpose Events are a significant component of Ireland’s tourism offering. They are an important source of economic activity and an incremental driver of social change and development throughout the country. However, the visual and physical impacts often created by event activities to the environmental and social resource base upon which, events depend, have begun to draw attention to the way events are planned and managed. Although the concept of sustainability has become the topic of much discussion and debate in event management literature, there exist many gaps in relation to its practical application in event management planning in Ireland. This is despite the statutory obligation of local authorities in Ireland to license events and to facilitate the process of planning for large-scale outdoor public events in Ireland. Yet, with the continued expansion of Ireland’s event industry, there is a fundamental need for an evidence-informed approach to planning for event management. Through the application of the European tourism indicator system (ETIS), the long-term sustainability and competitiveness of the national event industry in Ireland could be secured. This paper aims to examine and discuss the application of the ETIS as a possible tool to facilitate greater levels of sustainability and accountability within the events industry in Ireland. Design/methodology/approach This study used a quantitative content analysis approach involving a complete population sample of local authorities in the Republic of Ireland to determine the application of the ETIS within the legal process of planning for event management in Ireland. Findings While the findings have identified a basic provision for event management within a number of local authority legally required County Development Plans, none, however, were using the ETIS to monitor the impacts of events at the local level. This lack of data collection and benchmarking highlights the need for greater levels of sustainability and accountability within the legal process of planning for event management in Ireland. Originality/value This study suggests the ETIS as an easy, cost effective and viable solution to facilitate an evidence-informed approach to planning for event management at the local level. However, the lessons learned from this study may also have implications for destination planners and event managers outside of Ireland.
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Kelly, Marie, Siobhán O’Gorman, and Áine Phillips. "Performing Ireland: Now, then, now …" Scene 8, no. 1-2 (December 1, 2020): 7–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/scene_00020_1.
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This article offers a comprehensive, research-informed reflection on the contents of the Special Double Issue of Scene, ‘Performance and Ireland’, conceptualized within a sense of looped temporalities (now, then, now), a concept borrowed from Irish multidisciplinary performance company, ANU Productions. From the perspectives of performance studies and visual culture, we connect and contextualize for an international readership articles concerning such topics as: Ireland’s colonial history; race, ethnicity and racism in relation to Ireland; performing the Irish diaspora; feminist activism; performing LGBTQ+ identities; the Troubles and the border in Northern Ireland; Ireland as a global brand; the Gaelic Athletics Association (GAA); and artistic engagements with hidden histories. This introductory article provides an overview of the discourses on performance studies and Ireland to date, and draws on theories of performance as they intersect with Irish studies, postcolonialism, commemoration and gender and sexuality, to situate the volume within pertinent contemporary and historical contexts from the Irish Famine (1845–49) to Covid-19. ‘Performing Ireland’ in the context of the current pandemic is considered specifically towards the end of the article.
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Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "Analysing the Irish Supreme Court judgement of Sweeney v Governor of Loughan House Open Centre and Others in the light of the European Court of Human Rights’ Jurisprudence on the Transfer of Sentenced Persons." European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice 23, no. 1 (February 18, 2015): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718174-23012059.
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The majority of Irish nationals transferred from abroad to serve their sentences in Ireland are transferred from the United Kingdom. Likewise, the majority of foreign nationals transferred from Ireland to serve their sentences in their countries of nationality are transferred to the United Kingdom. This means that the United Kingdom is Ireland’s major prisoner receiving and sending country. In July 2014 the Supreme Court of Ireland held that an offender who had been sentenced to 16 years’ imprisonment in the United Kingdom and transferred to serve his sentence in Ireland must be released after serving in Ireland the custodial sentence he would have served had he not been transferred to serve his sentence in Ireland. To reach this conclusion, the Supreme Court referred to the Transfer of Sentenced Persons Act, the Convention on the Transfer of Sentenced Persons Act and to the relevant English law. This article highlights the implications of this judgement for the transfer of offenders between Ireland and the United Kingdom in particular and other countries in general. In order to put the discussion in context, the article first deals with the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights on the transfer of offenders.
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Murray, Colin, and Clare Rice. "Beyond trade: implementing the Ireland/Northern Ireland Protocol’s human rights and equalities provisions." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 72, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v72i1.886.
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The protections for rights and equality might be placed at the forefront of the EU/UK Withdrawal Agreement’s Protocol on Ireland/Northern Ireland, but they have been overshadowed by debates over the Protocol’s trade provisions. This marginalisation of these elements of the Protocol is problematic. Rights and equalities protections have long been a contested aspect of Northern Ireland’s constitutional arrangements, and there is thus every possibility that the limits of these new arrangements will be tested upon their entry into force. Moreover, unlike the aspects of the Protocol relating to trade, which can ultimately be terminated by the Northern Ireland Assembly, the rights and equalities aspects of the Protocol will continue in force independent of such a vote. As such, these provisions could even be said to provide the kernel of an (uncodified) Northern Ireland Bill of Rights.
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Thornton, Liam. "Clashing Interpretations of EU Rights in Domestic Courts." European Public Law 26, Issue 2 (June 1, 2020): 243–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2020043.
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This article examines Ireland’s implementation of the right to work for protection applicants, post Ireland’s opt-in to the EU Reception Conditions Directive Recast (RCDr) in 2018. Ireland sought to exclude persons potentially subject to Dublin Regulation transfers from accessing the labour market. Competing legal interpretations on this issue, now exist in Ireland, between the International Protection Appeals Tribunal (IPAT) and the High Court. Engaging in an analysis of the legislative intent and emerging domestic case-law, it is argued that Ireland’s wholescale exclusion of persons potentially subject to a Dublin transfer from the labour market is not permitted under EU law. With this ultimately to be decided by the Court of Justice, it is argued that the legal interpretation of IPAT, which would grant protection applicants within the Dublin transfer process an entitlement to enter the labour market, is to be preferred to the interpretation of the RCDr proffered by the Irish High Court. The focus of the High Court on ‘abuse of rights’ obfuscated key legal protections EU law provides to protection applicants. International protection, Common European Asylum System, Dublin III Regulation, Reception Conditions Directive (recast), Labour Market, Abuse of Rights.
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Beatty, Aidan, Sharae Deckard, Maurice Coakley, and Denis O'Hearn. "Ireland in the World-System: An Interview with Denis O'Hearn." Journal of World-Systems Research 22, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2016.635.
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In this interview, Denis O’Hearn presents his views of Ireland’s historical and contemporary status in the capitalist world-system and which countries Ireland could be profitably compared with. He discusses how Ireland has changed since the publication of his well-known work on "The Atlantic Economy" (2001) and addresses questions related to the European Union and the looming break-up of Britain as well as contemporary Irish politics on both sides of the border. O’Hearn also touches on the current state of Irish academia.
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Sleeman, Andrew G. "The Palaeontological Collections of The Geological Survey Of Ireland." Geological Curator 5, no. 7 (February 1992): 283–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.55468/gc679.
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The origin of the Geological Survey of Ireland's Palaeontological Collections dates back to the launch of a geological survey by the Ordnance Survey of Ireland in 1825. The history of geological mapping by the Ordnance Survey and later in the nineteenth century by the Geological Survey of Ireland has been covered in detail by Berries Davies (1983); only a brief appraisal of this history, based largely on Davies' work, is given here, as it relates to the formation and growth of the Palaeontological Collections.
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Lydon, Andrea. "Source – Uncovering Stories of Art in Ireland: digitizing Irish art research collections in the National Gallery of Ireland." Art Libraries Journal 45, no. 2 (April 2020): 55–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/alj.2020.3.
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In 2017 the National Gallery of Ireland was awarded funding from the Department of Culture, Heritage and the Gaeltacht (DCHG) for the development of an online resource, focusing on its Irish art research collections. Entitled Source – Uncovering Stories of Art in Ireland, this multi-annual project aims to catalogue and digitise the collections in the ESB CSIA and ensure that these valuable collections relating to Ireland's artistic history and memory are preserved and can be easily accessed by researchers. Now in its penultimate year, Source will be launched in 2021.
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Draper, Nicholas. "‘Dependent on precarious subsistences’: Ireland's Slave-owners at the Time of Emancipation." Britain and the World 6, no. 2 (September 2013): 220–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2013.0097.
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When the United Kingdom Parliament abolished slavery in most of its colonies in 1833, it provided £20 million to compensate the slave-owners. At least half of the compensation payments for the Caribbean were made to absentee owners and creditors living in Britain and Ireland. While slave-ownership was only one way in which the Atlantic slave-economy came home to Ireland, the records of such payments, now digitised and available online at www.ucl.ac.uk/lbs/ , allow analysis of the structure of slave-ownership in Ireland at the end of the colonial slave-system. In contrast to England and, especially, to Scotland, slave-owners of Irish origin showed a much lower propensity to return home as absentees. Nevertheless, both in Ireland and within the Irish diaspora in London, Liverpool and Glasgow are striking instances of slave-owners whose legacies helped shape Ireland's commercial, cultural and physical fabric in the early nineteenth century.
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Perceval-Maxwell, M. "Ireland and the Monarchy in the Early Stuart Multiple Kingdom." Historical Journal 34, no. 2 (June 1991): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0001414x.
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Ireland's position as a kingdom in early modern Europe was, in some respects, unique, and this eccentricity sheds light upon the complexity of governing a multiple kingdom during the seventeenth century. The framework for looking at the way Ireland operated as a kingdom is provided, first by an article by Conrad Russell on ‘The British problem and the English civil war’ and secondly by an article by H. G. Koenigsberger entitled ‘Monarchies and parliaments in early modern Europe – dominium regale or dominium politicum et regale’. Russell listed six problems that faced multiple kingdoms: resentment at the king's absence, disposal of offices, sharing of war costs, trade and colonies, foreign intervention and religion. Koenigsberger used Sir John Fortescue's two phrases of the 1470s to distinguish between constitutional, or limited monarchies, and more authoritarian ones during the early modern period. Both these contributions are valuable in looking at the way the monarchy operated in Ireland because the application of the constitution there was deeply influenced by Ireland's position as part of a multiple kingdom and because Englishmen, looking at Ireland, wanted her to be like England, but, at the same time, did not wish her to exercise the type of independence that they claimed for England.
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Zách, Lili. "‘The first of the small nations’: the significance of central European small states in Irish nationalist political rhetoric, 1918–22." Irish Historical Studies 44, no. 165 (May 2020): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2020.3.
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AbstractOffering new insights into Irish links with the wider world, this article explores and contextualises Irish nationalist perceptions of and links with central European small states in the immediate aftermath of the First World War. The belief that any small nation like Ireland, oppressed by a dominant neighbour, had the right to self-determination was of key importance in nationalist political rhetoric during the revolutionary years. Given the similarity of circumstances among newly independent small states, Irish commentators were aware of the struggles Ireland shared with the successors of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Personal encounters on the continent, as well as news regarding small nations in central Europe, shaped Irish opinions of the region. Certainly, the images presented by Irish commentators reflected their own political agendas and were therefore often deliberately idealistic. Nonetheless, they served a specific purpose as they were meant to further Ireland's interest on the international stage. Looking beyond Ireland for lessons and examples to follow became a frequent part of Irish nationalist political rhetoric. By directing scholarly attention to a hitherto less explored aspect of Irish historiography, this article aims to highlight the complexity of Ireland's connection with the continent within the framework of small nations, from a transnational perspective.