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Journal articles on the topic 'Ancient Judaism'

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Ancient Judaism.

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Schwartz, Seth. "How Many Judaisms Were There?" Journal of Ancient Judaism 2, no. 2 (May 6, 2011): 208–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00202004.

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This article assesses two hypotheses connected with ancient Judaism: the view that Judaism was so diverse in antiquity that it is best understood as a multiple phenomenon (“Judaisms”), and the view that “Judaism” itself is a problematic concept for antiquity, in that there was no disembedded category for religion in antiquity, and thus ancient Jewishness can be understood only in ethnic, and not religious, terms. The dual concepts of “Judaisms” and “Judaismlessness” reflect larger assumptions with respect to definition, treatment of ancient sources, and scholarly commitments. Attention to the contributions of Jacob Neusner, Jonathan Z. Smith, Steve Mason, and Daniel Boyarin provide a context for analysis and critique, culminating in the argument for a radical narrowing of the scholarly definition of “religion.”

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2

Formicki, Leandro. "A profecia e a glossolalia como fenômenos extáticos." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 9, no. 14 (April 12, 2016): 367. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v9i14.290.

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Esse artigo analisa o fenômeno da profecia e da glossolalia no Judaísmo do Segundo Templo, o qual, por um lado, sofreu as influências das tradições israelitas antigas e do Judaísmo do Segundo Templo e, por outro, as influências das tradições greco-romanas, embora em menor grau. O artigo mostra que a profecia e a glossolalia são fenômenos extáticos, no qual seu contexto mais próximo é o misticismo apocalíptico judaico. This paper analyzes the phenomenon of prophecy and glossolalia in Second Temple Judaism. On the one hand, this phenomenon was influenced by the Ancient Israelite traditions and Second Temple Judaism; on the other, it was influenced by Greco-Roman traditions, although in a lesser degree. The paper shows that the prophecy and glossolalia are ecstatic phenomena, and its context is the Jewish apocalyptic mysticism.

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3

Han, Jae Hee, and Annette Yoshiko Reed. "Reorienting Ancient Judaism." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (May 19, 2018): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00902002.

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4

Han, Jae Hee, and Annette Yoshiko Reed. "Reorienting Ancient Judaism." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 2 (March 28, 2018): 144–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/jaju.2018.9.2.144.

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5

Rios, Cesar Motta. "What is and is not Hellenistic Judaism?" Caminhos 15, no. 2 (December 19, 2017): 234. http://dx.doi.org/10.18224/cam.v14i1.4492.

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Abstract: in the studies of Judaism in antiquity, and in the field of general History as well, it is usual to find references to Hellenistic Judaism, usually in opposition to Palestinian Judaism. In this article, I reflect on the concept of Hellenistic Judaism through the reference to specific texts and authors identified as part of this branch of Ancient Judaism. I demonstrate the frequent simplification that this expression imposes to an extremely complex intercultural phenomenon. I do not suggest its complete abandon, but a minded use of it, which includes the recognition of the impressive existent diversity.O Que É e Não é Judaísmo Helenístico?Resumo: em estudos sobre o judaísmo na Antiguidade, bem como da História geral, é comum encontrar referências ao judaísmo helenístico, por vezes em oposição ao judaísmo palestino. Neste artigo, reflito sobre o conceito de judaísmo helenístico a partir de referências a casos pontuais de textos e autores comumente alocados em tal âmbito. Demonstro a frequente simplificação que a expressão estabelece para um fenômeno intercultural extremamente completo. Não sugiro a abolição do uso da mesma, mas sim seu uso refletido e com o reconhecimento da necessidade de se considerar as diversidades existentes.

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6

Clements, Ronald. "Book Review: Ancient Judaism." Theology 89, no. 727 (January 1986): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8608900120.

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7

Sacks, Harvey. "Max Weber's Ancient Judaism." Theory, Culture & Society 16, no. 1 (February 1999): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327699016001002.

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Sacks, H. "Max Weber's Ancient Judaism." Theory, Culture & Society 16, no. 1 (February 1, 1999): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02632769922050386.

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9

Middleburgh, Charles. "Book Reviews : Ancient Judaism." Expository Times 100, no. 11 (August 1989): 436. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468910001130.

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10

Jassen, Alex P. "Prophets and Prophecy in the Qumran Community." AJS Review 32, no. 2 (November 2008): 299–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009408000147.

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It has long been axiomatic in the study of postbiblical Judaism that prophecy had become a dormant institution. For scholars studying Judaism in its many ancient manifestations, prophecy was a phenomenon closely related to the heritage of biblical Israel. It disappeared as biblical Israel gave way to Judaism in the aftermath of the Babylonian exile. This scholarly assumption has found support in several texts from ancient Judaism that indeed espouse such a position. In recent years, the dominance of this consensus has begun to wither away as scholars have become both more fully aware of the diverse forms of Judaism in the Second Temple and rabbinic periods and more sensitive to the multiple modes of religious piety in ancient Judaism. In this article, I would like to extend the contours of this conversation by mapping out some methodological rubrics for the study of prophecy in ancient Judaism and discuss one context for the application of this methodology—the Qumran community.

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11

HEISER, MICHAEL S. "Co-regency in Ancient Israel’s Divine Council as the Conceptual Backdrop to Ancient Jewish Binitarian Monotheism." Bulletin for Biblical Research 26, no. 2 (January 1, 2016): 195–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26371649.

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Abstract Scholars have long wondered what theological and hermeneutical trajectories allowed committed monotheistic Jews to embrace Christianity’s high Christology. How exactly could devoted followers of Yhwh convert to Christianity and still consider themselves innocent of the charge of worshiping another deity? Alan Segal’s seminal work on the “two powers in heaven” doctrine of ancient Judaism demonstrated that Judaism allowed a second deity figure identified with, but distinct from, Yhwh prior to the rise of Christianity. But Segal never succeeded in articulating the roots of this theology in the Hebrew Bible. This essay seeks to bridge this gap by proposing a Godhead framework put forth by the biblical writers in adaptation of the earlier Canaanite (Ugaritic) divine council involving a co-regency of El and Baʿal. The essay suggests that Judaism’s two powers theology had its roots in an ancient Israelite co-regency notion whereby Yhwh and a second, visible Yhwh figure occupied both roles of the co-regency in the biblical writers’ conception of the divine council.

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12

Youde, Fu, and Wang Qiangwei. "A Comparison of Filial Piety in Ancient Judaism and Early Confucianism." Journal of Chinese Humanities 1, no. 2 (May 27, 2015): 280–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23521341-01010016.

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Filial piety is one of the most comparable ethical elements in the Jewish and Confucian traditions, both of which possess a clear overall ethical orientation. Ancient Judaism and early Confucianism advocate extremely similar expressions of filial piety, such as providing for and respecting one’s parents, inheriting their legacy, properly burying and mourning them, and tactful remonstration of elders. However, ancient Judaism and early Confucianism differ on the degree to which one should be filial, the scope of filial piety, and its status within each respective ethical system. Confucianism advocates a more comprehensive and nuanced version of respect for parents than Judaism, while both systems hold distinctive views regarding the extent and scope of filial piety. Both traditions advocate similar kinds of filial piety primarily because they are based on bonds of familial affection and gratitude, and their differences are cultural in nature. Two such decisive cultural factors are Judaism’s theocentrism and Confucianism’s humanism. Furthermore, the different social institutions and systems of governance brought about by these cultural differences account for the dissimilarities in Jewish and Confucian filial piety. The transcendent nature and emphasis on equality between individuals inherent in Judaism can play an informative role in the revival and reestablishment of Confucian ethics.

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Boyarin, Daniel. "Beyond Judaisms: Metatron and the Divine Polymorphy of Ancient Judaism." Journal for the Study of Judaism 41, no. 3 (2010): 323–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006310x503612.

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AbstractMy specific project in this paper is to combine several related and notorious questions in the history of Judaism into one: What is the nexus among the semi-divine (or high angel) figure known in the Talmud as Metatron, the figure of the exalted Enoch in the Enoch books (1-3 Enoch!), "The One Like a Son of Man" of Daniel, Jesus, the Son of Man, and the rabbinically named heresy of "Two Powers/Sovereignties in Heaven?" I believe that in order to move towards some kind of an answer to this question, we need to develop a somewhat different approach to the study of ancient Judaism, as I hope to show here. I claim that late-ancient rabbinic literature when read in the context of all contemporary and earlier texts of Judaism—those defined as rabbinic as well as those defined as non-, para-, or even anti-rabbinic—affords us a fair amount of evidence for and information about a belief in (and perhaps cult of) a second divine person within, or very close to, so-called "orthodox" rabbinic circles long after the advent of Christianity. Part of the evidence for this very cult will come from efforts at its suppression on the part of rabbinic texts. I believe, moreover, that a reasonable chain of inference links this late cult figure back through the late-antique Book of 3 Enoch to the Enoch of the first-century Parables of Enoch—also known in the scholarly literature as the Similitudes of Enoch—and thus to the Son of Man of that text and further back to the One Like a Son of Man of Daniel 7.

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Berkowitz, Beth. "Animal Studies and Ancient Judaism." Currents in Biblical Research 18, no. 1 (August 30, 2019): 80–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x19870386.

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Animal studies has its origins in philosophy but extends to all fields of the humanities, especially literature, history, and anthropology. The central concern of animal studies is how human beings perceive other species and themselves as one among them. Animal studies in ancient Judaism has generally not been undertaken in a critical mode, with notable and increasing exceptions. This article covers work from the past decade (2009–2019) that deals centrally with animals, from ancient Israel to late antiquity, spanning the Hebrew Bible, apocrypha and pseudepigrapha, library of Qumran, rabbinic literature, and material culture. Topics addressed are animal sacrifice and consumption; literary depictions of animals; studies of individual animal species; archaeology and art featuring animals; animal ethics, theology, and law; and critical theoretical approaches to species difference. The conclusion considers future directions for animal studies in ancient Judaism.

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Eliav, Yaron Zvi. "The Matrix of Ancient Judaism." Prooftexts 24, no. 1 (2004): 116–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ptx.2004.0017.

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16

Fröhlich, Ida. "Scribal Revelations in Ancient Judaism." Religions 15, no. 1 (January 20, 2024): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15010131.

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Revelations, visions and their interpretations create in themselves authority. In early Jewish Aramaic tradition, however, this is increased by the role of writing. Enoch receives revelations of the secrets of heaven from heavenly tablets by the Holy Watchers. The Fallen Watchers teach the earthly women magic and sorcery from tablets stolen from the heaven. Scribalism in Second Temple period Judaism and Enoch is becoming more and more researched. As is known, Enoch has a Mesopotamian scholarly tradition behind it, which saw the movement of the celestial bodies as a heavenly writing, the transmission of the will of the gods. Enochic scribes had a good familiarity with the Mesopotamian scribal tradition that took place in the sanctuaries from the Persian period onwards and whose purpose was to record astronomical observations, write diaries, prepare astronomical tables and produce almanacs recording events. Scholarly texts were considered as “secret” or “exclusive” knowledge. The omen list Enūma Anu Enlil, based on a 360-day calendar, was the pinnacle of the scribal tradition and the basis of Mesopotamian astral magic. The Mesopotamian revelatory form in Enoch serves to assert the authority of a calendrical system of its own, the 364-day year and the Holy Watchers and other angelic beings who govern it. The scribal form of revelation is known in Daniel 7 (also in Aramaic), in which the books opened in heaven contain a revelation about the fate of the fourth empire. The book-revelation of cyclic and linear time is present together in the book of Jubilees, whose chronology is based on the 364-day year, and in which Enoch keeps a record of earthly events on heavenly tablets.

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17

Lange, Armin. "Jews in Ancient and Late Ancient Asia Minor between Acceptance and Rejection." Journal of Ancient Judaism 5, no. 2 (May 14, 2014): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00502009.

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This article surveys the evidence for and history of Jews and Judaism in Asia Minor with a special focus on the denigration and persecution of Jews by pagans and Christians in Asia Minor. The article argues that Jews thrived in this part of the Roman empire from the Hellenistic period until the Arab conquest and lived both in urban and rural settings in most parts of Asia Minor. Despite their flourishing, Jews had to deal with Anti-Semitic slander, denigration, and attacks from pagans and Christians. The situation worsened with the rise of Christianity to the official religion of the Roman Empire. In the 7th cent., increased anti-Semitism led to a decline of Judaism in Asia Minor. Before this time, despite legal and other persecutions, Jews emphasized and practiced their Judaism and despite a prohibition to the contrary Jews build new synagogues even in the century before the Arab conquest. Anti-Semitism in Asia Minor would thus not have blocked the construction of a synagogue in Limyra in this period.

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18

Bloch, René. "POSIDONIAN THOUGHTS—ANCIENT AND MODERN." Journal for the Study of Judaism 35, no. 3 (2004): 284–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570063041705227.

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AbstractStrabo's history of Judaism (Geography 16.2.35ff.), which is most probably copied from Posidonius, focuses less on the past which is idealized than on the present which is criticized—as is common in descriptions of a "golden age" which later deteriorates. The Posidonian thought that the Jewish religion declined made its way into Tacitus' mostly hostile ethnography of Judaism. Modern scholars, especially in the 19th century, when commenting on Posidonius and Tacitus sympathized from a quite different perspective with that very idea of a Jewish decline.

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19

Elledge, C. D. "Critical Issues in Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Judaism." Journal of Ancient Judaism 10, no. 1 (May 19, 2019): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-01001003.

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Studies of the afterlife in ancient Judaism have often charted the historical emergence and development of beliefs, like resurrection, that would ultimately become normative within Western religions. Yet recent studies have focused more intently on specific aspects of ancient literary evidence, including apocalypses, sapiential texts, Philo, Josephus, and select Dead Sea Scrolls. Social-scientific analysis has also brought clearer insights into the interactive roles that attitudes toward death may play in shaping behavior, community continuity, political resistance, and self-definition. The present article surveys these developments, highlighting the conceptual diversity of attitudes toward death and the varied social roles that they played within their ancient Jewish contexts. The conceptual variety and social adaptability of afterlife beliefs to varying sectors of Judaism offer a revealing window into the process of theodicy-creation and legitimation in ancient Judaism.

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Yoshiko Reed, Annette. "Was there science in ancient Judaism? Historical and cross-cultural reflections on "religion" and "science"." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 36, no. 3-4 (September 2007): 461–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980703600303.

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This article considers the place of scientific inquiry in ancient Judaism with a focus on astronomy and cosmology. It explores how ancient Jews used biblical interpretation to situate "scientific" knowledge in relation to "religious" concerns. In the Second Temple period (538 B.C.E.-70 C.E.) biblical interpretation is often used to integrate insights from Mesopotamian and Greek scientific traditions. In classical rabbinic Judaism (70-600 C.E.) astronomy became marked as an esoteric discipline, and cosmology is understood in terms of Ma'aseh Bereshit, a category that blurs the boundaries between "science" and "religion." Whereas modern thinkers often see Judaism and "science" as incompatible, medieval Jewish thinkers built on these ancient traditions; some even viewed themselves as heirs to a Jewish intellectual tradition that included astronomy, cosmology, medicine and mathematics.

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21

Petersen, Anders Klostergaard. "How Should We Understand Ancient Judaism?" Journal for the Study of Judaism 52, no. 1 (January 25, 2021): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-bja10029.

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22

Satlow, Michael L. "Impurity and Sin in Ancient Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 53, no. 1 (April 1, 2002): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2409/jjs-2002.

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23

Hezser, Catherine. "Time and Process in Ancient Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/2629/jjs-2005.

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24

Kellner, Menachem. "Essays on ancient and modern Judaism." History of European Ideas 22, no. 2 (March 1996): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0191-6599(96)90039-x.

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25

Khan, Geoffrey, and Hindy Najman. "Performance in Ancient and Medieval Judaism." Dead Sea Discoveries 29, no. 3 (November 10, 2022): 259–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685179-02903004.

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Abstract This article explores the performance of Jewish sacred textual traditions. Performance, as we define it, is both textual and oral and works dynamically between the two. In the Second Temple period, we show the variety of performance which embodies the vitality of the texts. Performance is a feature of scribal practice and liturgy (e.g., Hodayot). It draws on existing text to create something new (e.g., Apostrophe to Zion). From the Second Temple period into the Middle Ages, we see continued pluriformity in the oral performance of the written text of the Hebrew Bible. Creativity is evident across oral and material representation. The texts discussed throughout this article remained dynamic and diverse. The focus and scope of this article also prepares for many of the ideas picked up by the essays which follow in this volume.

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26

Markley, John. "Book Review: New Views on Ancient Judaism: Michael E. Stone, Ancient Judaism: New Visions and Views." Expository Times 127, no. 6 (March 2016): 310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524615621657o.

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27

Reif, S. C., and H. Eilberg-Schwartz. "The Savage in Judaism. An Anthropology of Israelite and Ancient Judaism." Vetus Testamentum 43, no. 2 (April 1993): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1519368.

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28

Gribetz, Sarit Kattan, and Lynn Kaye. "The Temporal Turn in Ancient Judaism and Jewish Studies." Currents in Biblical Research 17, no. 3 (April 23, 2019): 332–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1476993x19833309.

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Despite the apparent finality of Heschel’s pronouncement, in 1951, that Judaism is a ‘religion of time’, the past two decades have seen renewed scholarly interest in the relationship between time, time-keeping, and forms of temporality in Jewish culture. This vibrant engagement with time and temporality in Jewish studies is not an isolated phenomenon. It participates in a broader interdisciplinary examination of time across the arts, humanities and sciences, both in the academy and beyond it. The current article outlines the innovative approaches of this ‘temporal turn’ within ancient Judaism and Jewish studies and reflects on why time has become such an important topic of research in recent years. We address a number of questions: What are the trends in recent work on time and temporality in the fields of ancient Judaism and Jewish studies? What new insights into the study of Judaism have emerged as a result of this focus on time? What reasons (academic, historiographical, technological and geopolitical) underpin this interest in time in such a wide variety of disciplines? And finally, what are some new avenues for exploration in this growing field at the intersection of time and Jewish studies? The article identifies trends and discusses key works in the broad field of Jewish studies, while providing more specific surveys of particular developments in the fields of Second Temple Judaism, Qumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, rabbinic literature, and some medieval Jewish sources.

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Kinowski, Krzysztof. "Hector M. Patmore – Josef Lössl (eds.), Demons in Early Judaism and Christianity . Characters and Characteristics (Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 113; Leiden – Boston, MA: Brill 2022)." Biblical Annals 13, no. 1 (January 27, 2023): 197–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/biban.14844.

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Recenzja książki: Hector M. Patmore – Josef Lössl (eds.), Demons in Early Judaism and Christianity . Characters and Characteristics (Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity 113; Leiden – Boston, MA: Brill 2022). Pp. 339. € 146.28. ISBN 978-90-04-51714-1

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30

Wróbel, Mirosław Stanisław. "Szkoła Mateusza czy szkoła Jezusa?" Verbum Vitae 2 (December 14, 2002): 309–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1346.

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Lang, Bernhard, and Howard Eilberg-Schwartz. "The Savage in Judaism: An Anthropology of Israelite Religion and Ancient Judaism." Numen 39, no. 1 (June 1992): 148. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3270080.

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Wax, Murray L., and Howard Eilberg-Schwartz. "The Savage in Judaism: An Anthropology of Israelite Religion and Ancient Judaism." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30, no. 3 (September 1991): 328. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1386985.

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Ковшов, Михаил Всеволодович. "Рецензия на: Novenson M. Paul, Then and Now. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2022. xvi + 264 pp. ISBN: 978-0-8028-8171-7." Вопросы богословия, no. 2(10) (September 20, 2023): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31802/pwg.2023.10.2.005.

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Мэтью Новенсон — старший преподаватель Нового Завета и раннего христианства в Эдинбургском университете (Шотландия), автор ряда статей и книг по новозаветной библеистике, включая монографию Christ among Messiahs: Christ Language in Paul and Messiah Language in Ancient Judaism (Oxford University Press; русс. «Христос среди мессий: христо- логический язык у Павла и мессианский язык в древнем иудаизме»). Новенсон также выступил соредактором Оксфордского справочни- ка по апостолу Павлу (The Oxford Handbook of Pauline Studies. Oxford University Press, 2022). Matthew Novenson is a senior lecturer in the New Testament and Early Christianity at the University of Edinburgh (Scotland), the author of a number of articles and books on New Testament biblical studies, including the monograph Christ among the Messiahs: Christ Language in Paul and Messiah Language in Ancient Judaism (Oxford University Press; russ. "Christ among the Messiahs: the Christ-logical language of Paul and the Messianic language in ancient Judaism"). Novenson also co-edited The Oxford Handbook of Pauline Studies (The Oxford Handbook of Pauline Studies. Oxford University Press, 2022).

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34

Schmidt, Francis. "Horoscope, Predestination and Merit in Ancient Judaism." Culture and Cosmos 11, no. 1 and 2 (October 2007): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01211.0205.

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35

Howard, James M. "Studies in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity." Bulletin for Biblical Research 27, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/bullbiblrese.27.1.0116.

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36

Klawans, Jonathan. "The Impurity of Immorality in Ancient Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 48, no. 1 (April 1, 1997): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1942/jjs-1997.

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Schwartz, Daniel R. "Josephus and the Theologies of Ancient Judaism." Journal of Jewish Studies 64, no. 1 (April 1, 2013): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/3120/jjs-2013.

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38

Schegloff, Emanuel A. "On Sacks on Weber on Ancient Judaism." Theory, Culture & Society 16, no. 1 (February 1999): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026327699016001001.

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39

Weil, Shalva. "ON MULTIPLE MODERNITIES, CIVILIZATIONS AND ANCIENT JUDAISM." European Societies 12, no. 4 (September 2010): 451–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616696.2010.515824.

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40

Klawans, Jonathan. "Notions of Gentile Impurity in Ancient Judaism." AJS Review 20, no. 2 (November 1995): 285–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400006954.

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This study investigates the history and nature of Gentile impurity in ancient Judaism. It is deceptively simple to assume that Gentiles, who did not observe purity laws, would have been considered ritually impure as a matter of course. Indeed, a number of scholars maintain this position. In fact, however, the situation is a bit more complex. Ancient Jewish sources reflect two conflicting tensions. On the one hand, both biblical and rabbinic law(considered Gentiles to be exempt from the laws of ritual purity. On the other hand, Gentiles ate impure foods, came into regular contact with impure substances, and–what is worse–committed idolatry and defiling sexual acts. Ultimately, some rabbinic sources do state that Gentiles are, in fact, ritually impure (e.g., T. Zabim 2:1). The goal of this paper is to analyze, distinguish, and trace the history of these tensions and developments in ancient Judaism.

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Freeman, Michael. "Religion, nationalism and genocide: ancient Judaism revisited." European Journal of Sociology 35, no. 2 (November 1994): 259–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000686x.

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Following the Cold War, nationalism has rapidly established itself at the centre of the world's political stage. This has had the immediate effect of increasing the importance of nationalism as an object of sociological investigation and this effect can confidently be expected to continue and expand.

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42

Wills, Lawrence M. "Jew, Judean, Judaism in the Ancient Period: An Alternative Argument." Journal of Ancient Judaism 7, no. 2 (May 14, 2016): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00702003.

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Applying the terms “Jew” and “Judaism” in the ancient period has recently been challenged by a number of scholars. First, the terms translated as Jew and Judaism are rare in the ancient period, and second, it is argued that these terms retroject later understandings of Judaism as a religion back into a period when Israelites and Yehudim/Ioudaioi are rather understood as an ethnic group. “Judeans” is preferable as a designation to “Jews.” Two challenges have arisen. Some argue that the ethnic meaning of Yehudim/Ioudaioi changed to a more religious meaning in about 100 B. C. E.. Others insist that “Jew” and “Judaism” have always communicated both an ethnic and religious meaning – and still do – and so to insist on an ethnic-only meaning (“Judeans”) in the ancient period is misleading. Here I take up a number of the previous arguments and modify them to form an alternative proposal: Yehudi (feminine Yehudiyah) and related terms arose as assertive, emotive identity terms to reflect a strong affirmation of identity in an international situation. Much as “Quaker” or “American” can be assertive, emotive identity terms relative to the default Society of Friends or United States respectively, so Yehudi/Yehudiyah was used occasionally, then more often, as a strong identity term relative to the default Israel/Israelite.

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Najman, Hindy. "The Vitality of Scripture Within and Beyond the “Canon”." Journal for the Study of Judaism 43, no. 4-5 (2012): 497–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12341237.

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Abstract Challenging divisions between canonical and marginal texts, this essay critically evaluates the borrowing of the term “canon” from an Athanasian context and offers alternatives for thinking about the formation of scriptural authority in ancient Judaism. This essay focuses on the vitality of scripture as a corrective to scholarship which emphasizes canon, library, and prophetic cessation. To understand the authority of scripture is to understand scripture’s vitality in Ancient Judaism and, if the term “canon” is used, it should be used in a way that reflects this vitality.

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Mason, Steve. "Jews, Judaeans, Judaizing, Judaism: Problems of Categorization in Ancient History." Journal for the Study of Judaism 38, no. 4-5 (2007): 457–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156851507x193108.

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AbstractThe very title of this journal reflects a commonplace in scholarly discourse. We want to understand "Judaism" in the Persian and Graeco-Roman periods: the lives and religion of ancient Jews. Some scholars in recent years have asked whether Ioudaioi and its counterparts in other ancient languages are better rendered "Jews" or "Judaeans" in English. This essay puts that question in a larger frame, by considering first Ioudaismos and then the larger problem of ancient religion. It argues that there was no category of "Judaism" in the Graeco-Roman world, no "religion" too, and that the Ioudaioi were understood until late antiquity as an ethnic group comparable to other ethnic groups, with their distinctive laws, traditions, customs, and God. They were indeed Judaeans.

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Cohen, Shaye J. D. "Respect for Judaism by Gentiles According to Josephus." Harvard Theological Review 80, no. 4 (October 1987): 409–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000023762.

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Although conversion to Judaism in antiquity has been studied many times, the subject remains elusive. This essay is not a historical study of either ancient philo-Judaism or the relations between Jews and Gentiles in antiquity, but a historiographical study of one of the major bodies of relevant evidence, the writings of Josephus. I hope to answer two sets of questions. First, how does Josephus understand respect for Judaism by Gentiles? What forms does this respect take and what terminology is used to describe them? Second, what is Josephus's attitude towards respect for Judaism by Gentiles? Does his attitude change from his earliest works to his latest?

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Cook, John Granger. "Resurrection in Paganism and the Question of an Empty Tomb in 1 Corinthians 15." New Testament Studies 63, no. 1 (December 14, 2016): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002868851600028x.

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On the basis of the semantics of ἀνίστημι and ἐγείρω and the nature of resurrected bodies in ancient Judaism and ancient paganism, one can conclude that Paul could not have conceived of a resurrection of Jesus unless he believed the tomb was empty.

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Cohen, Richard A. "MENAS, SAKRALIZUOTA ERDVĖ IR UTOPIJA." Religija ir kultūra 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/relig.2008.1.2795.

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Monoteistinės religijos oponuoja erdvę sakralizuojančiai stabmeldystei, taip pat mitologinam pasauliui, kurio dalis visa stabmeldystė yra. Menas, tiek monoteizme, tiek mitologijose, yra neutralus šios opozicijos atžvilgiu. Judaizmo pavyzdys pasitelkiamas parodyti, kaip dvi „sakralizuotos erdvės“ – antikinė šventykla Jezuralėje ir vedybinis guolis namuose – reprezentuoja ne vietos sakralizavimą, o etiškumo sustiprinimo būdu įvykdytą vietos pakeitimą ekstrateritoriniu u-topos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Levinas, menas, sakralumas, judaizmas, seksualumas, utopia.“ART, SACRED SPACE AND UTOPIA”Richard A. Cohen SummaryMonotheist religions oppose the idolatry which makes space sacred and the mythological world upon which all idolatry depends. Art, used by monotheisms and mythologies, is neutral in this opposition. The example of Judaism is invoked to show how two apparently “sacred spaces,” the ancient Temple in Jerusalem and the conjugal bed of the home, represent not sacralizations of places but displacements through the intensification of an ethical extra-territorial u-topos.Keywords: Levinas, Art, sacred, Judaism, sexuality, utopia.

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Miralles Maciá, Lorena. "De Vos, J. Cornelis – Löhr, Hermut (eds.) (2018), <em>«You Shall Not Kill». The Prohibition of Killing in Ancient Religions and Cultures</em>, With the assistance of Juliane Ta Van. Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements, 27." Miscelánea de Estudios Árabes y Hebraicos. Sección Hebreo 68 (January 4, 2020): 223–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30827/meahhebreo.v68i0.1039.

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De Vos, J. Cornelis – Löhr, Hermut (eds.) (2018), «You Shall Not Kill». The Prohibition of Killing in Ancient Religions and Cultures, With the assistance of Juliane Ta Van. Journal of Ancient Judaism Supplements, 27. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 310 pp. ISBN 978-3-525-55268-1

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Hofman, Miriam Ben Zeev. "Can Antisemitism Be Traced Back to Ancient Rome?" Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 302–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/antistud.7.2.03.

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Abstract: The political context and the comments about Jews found in Latin literature indicate that no discrimination against them is attested to in Rome in the period between the second century BCE and the second century CE. The expulsions from the city applied also to other foreign groups, and the occasional negative comments made by Roman politicians, historians, and poets are not intrinsically different from those regarding other foreign population groups. Although Jewish separatism and cases of alleged attraction to Judaism aroused some hostility, this hostility never led to open conflict of the kind that transpired in other centers of the Mediterranean. However, some disparaging comments about the Jews did not disappear with time, as with other peoples slandered by the Romans, and were later redeployed forming the basis upon which anti-Judaism and antisemitism developed.

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Hofman, Miriam Ben Zeev. "Can Antisemitism Be Traced Back to Ancient Rome?" Antisemitism Studies 7, no. 2 (September 2023): 302–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/ast.2023.a910234.

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Abstract: The political context and the comments about Jews found in Latin literature indicate that no discrimination against them is attested to in Rome in the period between the second century BCE and the second century CE. The expulsions from the city applied also to other foreign groups, and the occasional negative comments made by Roman politicians, historians, and poets are not intrinsically different from those regarding other foreign population groups. Although Jewish separatism and cases of alleged attraction to Judaism aroused some hostility, this hostility never led to open conflict of the kind that transpired in other centers of the Mediterranean. However, some disparaging comments about the Jews did not disappear with time, as with other peoples slandered by the Romans, and were later redeployed forming the basis upon which anti-Judaism and antisemitism developed.

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