Journal articles on the topic 'Ancient jewellery'
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1
Price, Jennifer. "Ancient Jewellery. By J. Ogden." Archaeological Journal 150, no. 1 (January 1993): 516–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1993.11078072.
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Henig, Martin. "Jewellery of the Ancient World. By JackOgden." Archaeological Journal 145, no. 1 (January 1988): 460–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1988.11077920.
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Kryzhanovskyi, Viacheslav. "Jewellery Focuses of Kyiv Dytynets." Archaeology, no. 4 (December 14, 2020): 90–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/archaeologyua2020.04.090.
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Dytynets of ancient Kyiv is an inner fortified part within the “city of Volodymyr”, with a total area of 10—12 hectares. At different times, its territory has been explored by many archaeologists. During the period from 1907 to 2013, 22 archaeological objects were discovered and researched on the territory of the Kyiv Dytynets, as well as separate buildings, furnaces and various finds from ancient Rus’ cultural strata related to jewellery. All of them were located within the “city of Volodymyr” and were recorded at the sites of 10 excavations, namely: five objects were located at the address — Volodymyrska st., 2 (territory of the National Museum of History of Ukraine); two — on Volodymyrska st., 7—9; one — on Desiatynna st., 2; eight — on Velyka Zhytomyrska st., 2; four — on Volodymyrska st., 8; two — on Desiatynna st., 3—A—B, 5—D. According to their chronology, these objects are dated by the XI — first half of the XIII c. After analyzing the location of jewellery workshops, there can be identified at least two large focuses — the quarters of jewellers, where the masters lived and worked. The first (largest) was located along the even side of modern Volodymyrska st. and stretched from the northern slope of Starokyivska Mountain to Volodymyrska st., 8. From the west it was limited to Goncharnyi ravine, and from the east — the carriageway of Volodymyrska st. There were 11 jewellery production facilities on its territory. The total area of this quarter was about 3.5 hectares. This centre at different times could serve the Grand Ducal court with its palace complexes, work for the needs of the boyar nobility and clergy. The second was located between the streets: Volodymyrska (from the west) and Desiatynna (from the east). In the south, it was limited by the carriageway of Velyka Zhytomyrska st. There were 10 jewellery production facilities on its territory. The total area of this quarter was about 1.2 hectares. Most likely, this centre belonged to a greater extent to the estate of the Fedoriv monastery of the XII c. and served the princely court of Mstyslav Volodymyrovych, who built the monastery. Thus, since the XI c. on the territory of Kyiv Dytynets the jewellery manufacturing had been developing rapidly. Production workshops spread over an area of almost 5 hectares and existed until Kyiv devastation in 1240.
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Verduci, Josephine, and Brent Davis. "ADORNMENT, RITUAL AND IDENTITY: INSCRIBED MINOAN JEWELLERY." Annual of the British School at Athens 110 (May 7, 2015): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245415000015.
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In this paper, we re-examine inscribed items of Minoan jewellery in the light of the increasing number of studies on ancient eastern Mediterranean jewellery and its meanings. We reach a fourfold conclusion. First: as these objects, with one exception, are clearly associated with adult females, while the exception (a ring) cannot be affiliated with a particular gender or age, inscribed Minoan jewellery seems so far to lie mostly outside the purview of men. Second: these objects were almost certainly used to construct and broadcast the elite identity (and perhaps authority) of the people who wore them. Third: the objects may also have served as apotropaic amulets and/or symbols of rites of passage for their wearers, thus expressing certain rituals associated with the lives of the people who wore them. Fourth: inscribed items of Minoan jewellery may have played an active role in linking elite Minoan (and particularly elite Minoan female) identity and authority to the divine.
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Dorofeyeva, T. "Ornaments and evidence of jewellery production from the early mediaeval layer of the fill of the ancient ditch at Ryurik Gorodishche." Archaeological News 31 (2021): 35–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31600/1817-6976-2021-31-35-40.
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This paper presents a review of ornaments and objects related with jewellery production provenient from undisturbed early mediaeval deposits with organic remains of the 9th–10th century in the fill of the ancient ditch at Ryurik Gorodishche (Rurik’s Hillfort). The categories of finds here discussed include 49 items from almost 750 artefacts here uncovered.
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De Beauclair, Roland. "Funerary rites in a Neolithic nomad community in Southeastern Arabia: the case of al-Buhais 18." Documenta Praehistorica 35 (December 31, 2008): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/dp.35.10.
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Al-Buhais 18 is a Neolithic site in the United Arab Emirates. It consists of a graveyard with more than 420 individuals, an ancient spring, and a campsite. It is interpreted as a central place for a group of mobile herders in the 5th millennium BC. More than 24 000 ornamental objects have been found, many of them in a secure funerary context, making it possible to reconstruct ornamental ensembles, and shedding light on specific rules concerning the way jewellery was worn by different sub-groups of the population. Based on these observations, some hypotheses are developed on the intentions and beliefs structuring mortuary practices and the role of jewellery within these rites. Finally, questions of continuity and change in mortuary practices can be addressed by comparing al-Buhais 18 with other, younger, sites in the region.
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Watts, Dorothy J. "The Thetford Treasure: A Reappraisal." Antiquaries Journal 68, no. 1 (March 1988): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500022484.
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The Thetford Treasure of late Roman gold jewellery and silver utensils was published in 1983 by Catherinejohns and Timothy Potter, who believe it to be connected with the cult of Faunus, an ancient Latian god hitherto unattested in Roman Britain. There do appear to be iconographical links between the jewellery and several of the inscriptions, yet a number of inscriptions would, in another fourthcentury context, have been considered Christian. Johns and Potter have rejected such identification. The purpose of this paper is to re-examine these particular inscriptions and also to investigate the possible use for the silver implements in the Treasure. Such examination suggests a Christian element. An attempt is made to explain the presence of this component in an otherwise pagan hoard against the background of religious instability in the second half of the fourth century.
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Rastrelli, Anna, Marcello Miccio, Lore G. Troalen, Marcos Martinón-Torres, Maria Filomena Guerra, Salvatore Siano, Andrej Sumbera, and Maria Luisa Vitobello. "Modern and ancient gold jewellery attributed to the Etruscans: a science-based study." ArchéoSciences, no. 33 (December 31, 2009): 357–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/archeosciences.2449.
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Ferro, Daniela, Vania Virgili, Adelia Carraro, Edilberto Formigli, and Lorenzo Costantini. "A multi-analytical approach for the identification of technological processes in ancient jewellery." ArchéoSciences, no. 33 (December 31, 2009): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/archeosciences.1997.
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Milovanovic, Bebina, and Jelena Andjelkovic-Grasar. "Female power that protects: Examples of the apotropaic and decorative functions of the Medusa in Roman visual culture from the territory of the Central Balkans." Starinar, no. 67 (2017): 167–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1767167m.
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The motif of Medusa had significant importance in Roman visual culture, reflecting the comprehension of ancient people about this frightful being. Visual material from the territory of the Central Balkans suggests a widely known understanding and belief of the protective as well as apotropaic functions of Medusa. The motif of Medusa i.e. the Gorgoneion, was one of the well known and most represented motifs in architecture, funerary art and artiminori and a widely appreciated decoration of jewellery, signifying the importance of Medusa?s protection for people, especially for women.
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Apakidze, A., and V. Nikolaishvili. "An Aristocratic Tomb of the Roman Period from Mtskheta, Georgia." Antiquaries Journal 74 (March 1994): 16–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003581500024392.
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In 1985, a stone-built tomb of the second or third centuries AD was found in the Samtavro cemetery on the outskirts of Mtskheta, the ancient capital of the Caucasian kingdom of Iberia. Its rich contents included a Mesopotamian cylinder- and an Achaemenid pyramidal stamp-seal, three sardonyx vessels, several pieces of silver plate bearing Greek and Parthian inscriptions, Roman coins and bronze vessels, and distinctive jewellery inlaid with carnelian and turquoise. The Society of Antiquaries is pleased to offer the hospitality of its pages to its Georgian colleagues
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Wacławik, Maciej. "The Symbolic Meaning of the Acorn – a Possible Interpretation." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 19 (December 30, 2015): 255–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.19.2015.19.12.
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The acorn is a very popular literary and decorative motif in Greek and Roman culture that was used by many ancient authors to symbolise fertility and the possibility of creating new life. It was used as a decoration with this significance on many everyday objects, such as vessels and jewellery. The acorn was also very popular as a shape for the counterweights of Roman balances. On this group of objects, it is possible that the acorn symbolised the gods, who ensured the fairness of transactions between sellers and their customers. The gods used may have been Zeus, Hermes or Athena, with the latter being the most likely to appear.
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Lemasson, Quentin, Brice Moignard, Claire Pacheco, Laurent Pichon, and Maria Filomena Guerra. "Fast mapping of gold jewellery from ancient Egypt with PIXE: Searching for hard-solders and PGE inclusions." Talanta 143 (October 2015): 279–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.talanta.2015.04.064.
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Bogucki, Mateusz, Arkadiusz Dymowski, and Grzegorz Śnieżko. "The Common People and Material Relics of Antiquity the Afterlife of Ancient Coins in the Territory of Present-Day Poland in the Medieval and Modern Periods." Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 21 (July 30, 2018): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.21.2017.21.12.
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Ancient coinage, almost exclusively Roman denarii from the 1st or 2nd century AD, constitutes a small percentage of hoards and other assemblages dated (with the latest coins present) to either the Middle Ages or to the modern period in the territory of present-day Poland. Such finds can be seen as strongly indicating that ancient coinage did function as means of payment at that time. This hypothesis is further supported by written sources. Moreover, ancient coins have also been recorded at other sites in medieval and modern period contexts e.g. in burial sites, which are less easy to interpret than hoards. Finds often include pierced coins and others showing suspension loops, which suggests they may have been used as amulets, jewellery or devotional medals. Other finds, such as Roman coins placed in alms boxes in modern period churches in Silesia, also point to a religious context. At the same time, written sources attest that at least since the Late Middle Ages, Roman denarii were known to common people as ‘St John’s pennies’. The name is associated with a Christian interpretation of the image of the emperor’s head on the coin, resembling that of John the Baptist on a silver platter.
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Reinhold, Sabine. "Traditions in Transition: Some Thoughts on Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Burial Costumes from the Northern Caucasus." European Journal of Archaeology 6, no. 1 (2003): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.2003.6.1.25.
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Ornaments, jewellery, personal equipment and weapons in graves can be defined as relicts of ancient costumes and weapon assemblages which are connected to the social identities of the buried persons. At several late Bronze Age and early Iron Age sites in the north Caucasus (Koban culture) large numbers of richly furnished graves allow the reconstruction of specific costume and armour groups. These can be related to factors which structured these communities into a ranked society. This article is based on the investigation of two cemeteries in Chechenia (north-eastern Caucasus) which demonstrate the change in social differentiation during the developed Iron Age. The article also includes a general discussion about the concepts of costumes and their potential for reconstructing social identities.
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Khairedinova, Elzara. "Finger Rings with the Image of Archangel Michael of the Late 6th – 7th Centuries from Crimea." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (January 2020): 32–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2019.6.3.
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Introduction. In the Early Middle Ages, Crimea was in the sphere of influence of the Eastern Roman Empire. In the material culture of the Early Medieval population of Crimea imprinted with archaeological monuments “Byzantine components” are quite clearly visible. The group of jewellery that clearly demonstrates the Byzantine influence includes bronze finger rings with the image of Archangel Michael originating from the GothoAlanian burial grounds of the South-Western Crimea and from the necropoleis of the Kerch Peninsula. The article substantiates the attribution and dating of the finger rings, reveals a circle of analogies, interprets the meaning of the images, and also considers the peculiarities of wearing this type of jewellery. Methods. The author determines dating of the Crimean findings by the accompanying inventory in the graves. The paper reveals a circle of analogies for the attribution of the finger rings, analyzes findings from the territory of the Eastern Roman Empire and from areas with political and economic ties. Analysis. In the late 6th – 7th centuries bronze finger rings with the image of Archangel Michael imported from Byzantium and produced in local workshops on imported samples were popular in Crimea. The signet ring of variant A of the late 6th – the first quarter of the 7th cc. with a profile portrait of the Archangel and the monogram of his name, undoubtedly, refers to Byzantine products brought from Asia Minor. The two finger rings of variant B engraved with the face and the almost full-length figure of the Archangel were made by Bosporan artisans in the 7th century on the Byzantine samples. The finger rings from Crimea depicting the Archangel belonged to young women who had a high social status. They were worn on hands, as a rule, on the right forefinger and in breast necklaces that connected fibulae. Christian symbols and plots placed on signet rings, in the view of the ancient Christians, should have given the jewellery the properties of an amulet which protected the person wearing it from all sorts of troubles. Results. The presented finger rings depicting Archangel Michael are an important source for studying the early stage of the history of Christianity in the South-Western Crimea and the Bosporus. Findings of this kind testify to the unity of culture in the Christian world and are a good example of close economic and cultural ties between the region and the Byzantine Empire in the Early Middle Ages. Key words: South-Western Crimea, Bosporus, Crimean Goths, Byzantine jewellery, finger rings, amulets, Archangel Michael.
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Bouchaud, C., I. Sachet, P. Dal Prà, N. Delhopital, R. Douaud, and M. Leguilloux. "New discoveries in a Nabataean tomb. Burial practices and ‘plant jewellery’ in ancient Hegra (Madâ’in Sâlih, Saudi Arabia)." Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 26, no. 1 (April 16, 2015): 28–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/aae.12047.
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Radić, Radivoj, and Marko Šuica. "Животиње на дар (Из ризнице средњовековне дипломатије)." Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 11, no. 4 (January 2, 2017): 1087. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v11i4.7.
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Medieval diplomacy often implied the exchange of gifts between rulers or two delegations. It was customary to give expensive cloth, jewellery, weapons, everyday objects made of precious metals, richly decorated manuscripts, and relics. Often, the gifts were animals - those used in hunting or warfare (such as horses, dogs or falcons), as well as rare and exotic animals (elephants, giraffes, tigers). The value and preciousness of these "living gifts" was measured through the strength, symbolic value or rarity of the animals which were a key part of diplomatic gift giving. The presence of animals in court ceremonies, royal processions, and later in ruler insignia through different heraldic markings, was, from ancient times, a key part of the manifestations of power and standing of rulers. The inclusion of animals in diplomatic protocol gained a certain political and cultural dimension of mediation between different states and cultures.
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AMAR, ZOHAR, and EFRAIM LEV. "Most-Cherished Gemstones in the Medieval Arab World." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 27, no. 3 (May 3, 2017): 377–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186316000614.
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AbstractIn the medieval Arab world, gemstones were used as ornaments, set in jewellery, seals, and amulets, and also were investments and status symbols. As a result of the Arab conquests and their access to new regions, the distribution and use of gemstones underwent substantial changes. Our research pieces together information regarding the production, use, trade, tradition and cultural value of gemstones from early Arabic sources; this information is compared with material found in ancient Greek and Roman sources and also European sources from the medieval period.The most valued stones were corundum, diamond, emerald and pearl. Other stones, such as turquoise, carnelian, garnet, onyx, lazurite and malachite, were less expensive and therefore more popular and common among the middle classes. Jasper, amethyst, and crystal were still cheaper and even more commonly-owned. In this article, we have chosen to present in detail the stories of two of the most exotic, expensive, and therefore most interesting gemstones: the diamond and the corundum.
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Tjoa-Bonatz, Mai Lin, and Nicole Lockhoff. "JAVA : ARTS AND REPRESENTATIONS. Art historical and Archaeometric Analyses of Ancient Jewellery (7–16th C.) : The Prillwitz Collection of Javanese Gold." Archipel, no. 97 (June 11, 2019): 19–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/archipel.1018.
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Anikeeva, Olga, and Galina Kolganova. "Jewellery from Burial 2 Kurgan 1 Filippovka 1 Cemetery: Manufacturing Techniques, Purpose and Semantics of Images." Nizhnevolzhskiy Arheologicheskiy Vestnik, no. 1 (July 2020): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/nav.jvolsu.2020.1.1.
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The article is dedicated to the publication of the unique jewelry which was found in the untouched noble female’s grave-pit of the Early Sarmatian elite burial ground located at Southern Urals. It stands out with an unordinary complicated construction, polychrome style, a variety of materials and techniques used in its manufacture, central disc containing cloisonne artwork. Analysis of the item’s burial context convincingly showed this item was not worn as a decoration in social life, but it was the precious relic used in religious ceremonies and ritual practices for short periods of time. A detailed study of manufacturing technology allows us to reconstruct the fastening ways and application methods for this jewelry. The search of analogies for images placed on the central medallion, made it possible to clarify its compositional semantics. Its central character is the sacred tree, guarded by the divine power of “khvarenah” deity. “Khvarenah” is presented by two guises - the winged sun disc and the sacred Veraghna birds. General meaning of the ritual reflects the idea of increasing fertility: ensuring the well-being and increasing offspring numbers, health, wealth and prosperity of the family. New Assyrian compositional scheme used in the medallion. It appeared at the beginning of the IX century BC and actively spread in Urartu and pre-Achaemenid Media since the VIII-VII centuries BC. This relic was found in the early nomadic burial site dating back to the IV century BC. All these show the significant continuity of ancient Iranian religious cults. They continue to exist in the satrapies of Achaemenid Iran, they are perceived by the elite of the Sarmatian tribes of the Southern Urals and they spread in a nomadic environment.
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Kazimierczak, Mariola. "MICHAŁ TYSZKIEWICZ (1828–1897): AN ILLUSTRIOUS COLLECTOR OF ANTIQUITIES." Muzealnictwo 60 (January 4, 2019): 64–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2202.
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Michał Tyszkiewicz was an outstanding collector of antiquities and a pioneer of Polish archaeological excavations in Egypt conducted in late 1861 and early 1862, which yielded a generous donation of 194 Egyptian antiquities to the Paris Louvre. Today Tyszkiewicz’s name features engraved on the Rotunda of Apollo among the major Museum’s donors. Having settled in Rome for good in 1865, Tyszkiewicz conducted archaeological excavations there until 1870. He collected ancient intaglios, old coins, ceramics, silverware, golden jewellery, and sculptures in bronze and marble. His collection ranked among the most valuable European ones created in the 2nd half of the 19th century. Today, its elements are scattered among over 30 major museums worldwide, e.g. London’s British Museum, Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek in Copenhagen, New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, or the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. The latest investigation of M. Tyszkiewicz’s correspondence to the German scholar Wilhelm Froehner demonstrated that Tyszkiewicz widely promoted the development of archaeology and epigraphy; unique pieces from his collections were presented at conferences at Rome’s Academia dei Lincei or at the Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres in Paris, and published by Italian, French, Austrian, and German scholars. He was considered an expert in glyptic, and today’s specialists, in recognition of his merits, have called a certain group of ancient cylinder seals the ‘Tyszkiewicz Seals’, an Egyptian statue in black basalt has been named the ‘Tyszkiewicz Statue’, whereas an unknown painter of Greek vases from the 5th century BC has been referred to as the ‘Painter Tyszkiewicz’.
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Sodini, Jean-Pierre. "ARCHAEOLOGY AND LATE ANTIQUE SOCIAL STRUCTURES." Late Antique Archaeology 1, no. 1 (2003): 23–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134522-90000003.
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The archaeological remains of late antique sites can be interpreted in terms of what they can tell us about ancient social structures. This is more straightforward when examining the social structures of the upper classes, who possessed the attributes that allow them to be recognised as such. These attributes occur on a Mediterranean-wide basis and include lavishly decorated residences (in both urban and rural environments), monumental funerary structures within churches, splendid garments, precious table wares and implements, and the insignia of rank in the form of jewellery such as gold brooches, fibulae, or belt buckles. The middle class is also traceable in the cities (mostly in the form of craftsmen) and in the countryside, where small landowners and peasants could share similar lifestyles, marked in some regions (such as the Near East and Asia Minor) by conspicuous levels of wealth. However, the lives of these middle classes could change abruptly, casting them into poverty and consequently making them difficult to trace archaeologically. Nonetheless, judicious interpretation of the material remains in tandem with the evidence of documentary and epigraphic sources allows us to make some suggestions as to the social structures of Late Antiquity.
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Rieger, Hannah. "Füchsische Poetologie. Zur Spiegelfiktion im Reynke de Vos (1498)." Poetica 50, no. 3-4 (March 30, 2020): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890530-05003002.
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Abstract The Middle Low German Beast Epic Reynke de Vos (1498) is about two legal proceedings against the fox Reynke, who is charged by the other animals with the tricks he played on them. When he is sentenced to death, Reynke defends himself by delivering speeches that are constructed as described in ancient rhetoric. Part of those speeches is Reynke’s lie about his treasure, which he would give to the lion if he pardoned him. Reynke describes three pieces of jewellery as part of this made-up possession, one of which is a mirror. When Reynke describes it, he also tells Aesopic fables that are carved into its wooden frame. His fictional artefact, especially the interplay of its specific material and the content of the fables told, has a poetological level. In his description, Reynke hybridizes the political discourse of the early modern period, in which the virtue of prudentia becomes more and more important, with the rhetorical competence to deliver speeches and tell fables. In his fiction of the mirror he draws up a poetological draft that combines the role of a rhetor in court with his well-known properties of being clever and cunning. By describing the artefact, Reynke shows how to use rhetorical strategies, especially to tell fables, as an instrument to gain acceptance and to acquire political influence.
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Wright, G. R. H. "A Funeral Offering near Euesperides." Libyan Studies 26 (1995): 21–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263718900002120.
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AbstractImmediately following the conclusion of the Ashmolean Excavations at Euesperides (Spring 1954) investigations were made at a locality c. 1 km to the south of the site and close by the (then) modern road to Benina Airport in order to determine possible survivals of undisturbed burials in a region long known as an ancient cemetery area. These investigations immediately lighted on an interesting deposit of pottery and terracotta jewellery from the later part of the fourth century BC. The deposit was placed on the rock floor in front of a cutting which had produced a vertical face c. 1 m high. Yet although a flat stone had been set against the rock face no chamber had been cut into the scarp, and no evidence of funerary practice survived in the area excavated.Editor's Note: this short paper is printed purely as a salvage operation concerning an exploratory sondage carried out in 1954 and written up at that time. It was handed over for publication by the author in Athens to Llewellyn Brown of the Ashmolean Museum, but never actually appeared; the original text, together with photographs and drawings of the objects, cannot now be found: possibly with this publication they may be identified. Mr Wright is one of the few people now living who was involved in archaeological work in Libya at that period, and even in its largely unillustrated form it would be unfortunate to entirely lose the 1954 record printed below.
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Baratte, François. "Late Roman Precious-Metal Deposits: Worth their Weight in Gold?" Britannia 43 (July 4, 2012): 427–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x12000426.
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Over recent years the question of ancient hoards, in particular of precious metal, coins, plate or jewellery, has been the subject of numerous considerations (notably S. Gelichi and C. La Rocca (eds), Tesori. Forme di accumulazione della richezza nell'alto medioevo (secoli V–XI) (Rome, 2004)) in order to try to grasp the characteristics of a complex phenomenon that relates to multiple aspects of society in whatever period is under consideration: the economy, social organisation, the possible role of the images … The difficulties encountered by researchers when addressing these problems are illustrated by the ambivalence, indeed the ambiguity in many languages of the term ‘trésor/hoard’. Richard Hobbs has thus chosen, very judiciously, to take as his subject here ‘deposits of precious metal’, which defines the topic perfectly. On the other hand, one could question the descriptor ‘late Roman’ when applied to the period covered here, five centuries, from a.d. 200 to 700. There could be discussion over whether the third century should be included in Late Antiquity; others will challenge whether the sixth century still belongs to that same world. But from the first page H. effectively corrects his title by stating that it also covers the early Byzantine period, something I would feel is a better definition. It may certainly be felt that these are just questions of nomenclature, but they do have their importance for the topic of this study. All the same, the important thing is that H. wanted to study an extended period, as stated by the book's sub-title. One cannot but approve of his choice.
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Tamta, Khyati, and D. Benny Karunakar. "Enhancement of Porosity of the Ceramic Shell in Investment Casting Process Using Needle Coke and Camphor." Applied Mechanics and Materials 592-594 (July 2014): 269–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/amm.592-594.269.
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Investment casting process has been a widely used process for centuries. It is known for its ability to produce components of complex shapes with dimensional accuracy and excellent surface finish. Investment casting has been used to make manufacture weapons, jewellery and art castings during the ancient civilization and today it is used to manufacture engineering components. In Investment casting wax patterns are made by wax injection and then coating of the wax patterns are done by ceramic slurry, made with silica flour and binder. After dewaxing and firing molten metal is poured in the shell and solidified casting can be achieved. Investment casting can be cast any ferrous and non ferrous metal which is difficult in die casting. Finishing operations are negligible and very thin sections as.75mm can also be cast which is not possible in sand casting but there are many challenges in Investment casting. It is relatively slow process because preparation of ceramic shell consumes a lot of time, permeability of shell is very low which causes gas permeability. Incorporation of chills is very difficult. Among all these challenges gas porosity is main problem because of poor permeability, entrapment of gases due to complex geometry of the shell, reuse of scrap metal. In the present work porosity of the shell can be increase by addition of mixture of Camphor and needle coke. After firing of the shell camphor and needle coke will be burnt leaving pores for the escape of entrapped gases. Mechanical properties of the both shell will be compared with each other.
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Samardžić, Gligor. "The problem of ubication of the Vellanis, Vindenae road stop and Ad Fines on the Lisus-Naisus road (Upper Moesia)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 2 (2021): 211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-32664.
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The paper presents data on the problem of ubication of the Vellanis, Vindenae road stop and Ad Fines on the Lisus-Naisus Roman road (Upper Moesia). The Lisus-Naisus road intersected modern-day Kosovo and Metohija from southwest to northeast. Being the main road, it connected coastal areas to the inland. A modest number of milestones was found at certain points along the road. They are of highly significant historic value due to the fact that they respresent firsthand evidence on the existence of the Roman road in Kosovo and Metohija. There are various opinions about the ubication of the aforementioned road stops in modern historiography. Ptolemaeus mentiones a settlement Vellanis after the Vicianum road stop on the Lisus-Naisus road, but he does not categorize it as the road stop. According to some researchers, Vellanis is identical to the Vicianum stop in Tabula Peutingeriana. We believe that the name of Vellanis mentioned by Ptolemaeus and Ravenna geographer conceals the name of the Vicianum road stop from Tabula Peutingeriana. In regards to the ubication of the Vindenae road stop in the modern scientific research, the prevailing opinion is based on Tabula Peutingeriana as well as the remains of the Roman settlement and necropolis (a monumental building, ceramic dishes, glass, nails, jewellery, money). It is believed that the Vindenae road stop should be looked for near Podujevo, in the area of Glavnik village (Poljanice). Taking Tabula Peutingeriana into consideration as well as the results of modern studies, the Ad Fines road stop should be looked for at the mouth of the Kosanica into the Banjska River, near modern-day Kuršumlija. Various opinions will most certainly exist as long as the assumptions continue to be based on analyses of written historical sources, without systematic archeological excavations and research. What we can say with certainity is that life evolved continously in this area (Upper Moesia), starting from the ancient times till modern days and archeological findings from these sites prove that.
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Susilowati, Nenggih. "Emas dalam Budaya Batak." Berkala Arkeologi Sangkhakala 15, no. 2 (January 5, 2018): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.24832/bas.v15i2.125.
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AbstractGolden artifacts have different varieties and decorative patterns, such as in jewellery. The presence of golden artifacts in the past is known presently from the Dutch old record in North Sumatra. At that time, the Bataknese lived an old belief of the ancestor spirits or called the megalithic tradition. The development of gold craftsmanship is seen through the golden artifacts with the typical Batak patterns influenced by the old faith as well as external decorative patterns. The proposed question is how the golden artifacts were integrated into the Bataknese culture. The study aims at collecting more knowledge of the importance of golden artifacts in Bataknese life as well as the cultural aspects reflected on those artifacts. Explorative-descriptive writing method with inductive reasoning is used to get an answer to the problem being proposed. Inductive reasoning begins at the study of data that can give a general conclusion or empirical generalization after data analysis stage process. Golden artifacts are just like pieces of art that bear a unique function in the society as well as describing such social, cultural, and religious aspects of the Bataknese in the ancient North Sumatra.AbstrakArtefak emas cukup beragam jenis dan pola hiasnya, di antaranya digunakan sebagai perhiasan. Tentang artefak emas di masa lalu diketahui melalui catatan lama ketika Belanda masuk ke wilayah Sumatera Utara. Pada masa itu etnis Batak pada umumnya masih hidup dalam kepercayaan lama yang berkaitan dengan roh nenek moyang atau dikenal dengan tradisi megalitik. Perkembangan seni kriya emas terlihat melalui artefak emas dengan pola hias khas Batak yang mendapat pengaruh religi lama, dan pola hias yang mendapat pengaruh dari luar. Permasalahannya adalah bagaimana artefak emas menjadi bagian dalam budaya masyarakat Batak ? Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menambah pengetahuan mengenai pentingnya artefak emas dalam kehidupan masyarakat Batak serta aspek-aspek kebudayaan yang tercermin melalui artefak tersebut. Untuk dapat menjawab permasalahan yang diajukan, maka metode penulisan bertipe eksploratif- deskriptif menggunakan alur penalaran induktif. Penalaran induktif berawal dari kajian terhadap data yang dapat memberikan suatu kesimpulan yang bersifat umum atau generalisasi empiris setelah melalui proses tahap analisis data. Seperti hasil karya seni lain, artefak emas mempunyai fungsi dalam kehidupan masyarakat serta menggambarkan aspek sosial, budaya, dan religi masyarakat Batak di Sumatera Utara di masa lalu.
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Vikas, Kumar. "BANARAS: A PARALLEL SPACE OF THE COSMIC UNIVERSE AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO ARCHITECTURE." International Journal of Advanced Research 8, no. 10 (October 31, 2020): 936–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/11920.
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From its prominent position on the river Ganges , Banaras has borne testimony to a flourishing civilization and the many socio-political turmoil associated with a thriving territory from the ancient kingdoms of Aryans with its mention in Ramayana to the combats of medieval rulers of Mauryan and Gupta dynasty and the never ceasing instability during the dominance of Muslim and British regime.[1] The historical unrest has vanished and the city with its inhabitants of “grin-and-bear-it” attitude endured every phase of this turmoil and adapted to it and commemorated every such change in their stories and culture. Every paradigm shift gave Banaras its own unique Art and Culture which it (Banaras) has assimilated and made it its very own signature be it Food, Fabric, Jewellery, Lifestyle, Mode of communication, Weapons, Architecture, Mythology, Tales, Culture, Cult , Art and much more The citys divine image , its elaborate traditional rituals , its prodigious display of the hand-in-hand existence of art and the mundane activities of life. All give it a peculiar feel, though the city has tried to keep pace with time, it has modernized or commercialised but what has stayed with time is what satiates the quench of a mystic or an explorer of Art and Culture . This write up here is an attempt to bring to words the connection between what the oldest civilizations or cults have left to enrich the Art & culture or other-way-round , how by exploring the existing we are able to get a glimpse into the glorious past that has passed and enriched India .This manuscript is a study and construal of Varanasi from the perspective of one who is close enough to the hindu tradition to see its religious significance and also close enough to art , design and academics to know the understanding that Arts and Varanasi might pose. The journey towards the finalization of this script started with mapping the city and searching for the temples mentioned in various texts and my work is based on two primary sources : the city itself with its multitude of temples , its seasons of pilgrimage , the Akharas , voluminous literature on Banaras and its pandas and lay interpreters.
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Spehar, Perica, Natasa Miladinovic-Radmilovic, and Sonja Stamenkovic. "Late antique necropolis in Davidovac-Crkviste." Starinar, no. 63 (2013): 269–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sta1363269s.
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In 2012, in the village Davidovac situated in south Serbia, 9.5 km south-west from Vranje, archaeological investigations were conducted on the site Crkviste. The remains of the smaller bronze-age settlement were discovered, above which a late antique horizon was later formed. Apart from modest remains of a bronze-age house and pits, a late antique necropolis was also excavated, of which two vaulted tombs and nine graves were inspected during this campaign. During the excavation of the northern sector of the site Davidovac-Crkviste the north-eastern periphery of the necropolis is detected. Graves 1-3, 5 and 6 are situated on the north?eastern borderline of necropolis, while the position of the tombs and the remaining four graves (4, 7-9) in their vicinity point that the necropolis was further spreading to the west and to the south?west, occupying the mount on which the church of St. George and modern graveyard are situated nowadays. All graves are oriented in the direction SW-NE, with the deviance between 3? and 17?, in four cases toward the south and in seven cases toward the north, while the largest part of those deviations is between 3? and 8?. Few small finds from the layer above the graves can in some way enable the determination of their dating. Those are two roman coins, one from the reign of emperor Valens (364-378), as well as the fibula of the type Viminacium-Novae which is chronologically tied to a longer period from the middle of the 5th to the middle of the 6th century, although there are some geographically close analogies dated to the end of the 4th or the beginning of the 5th century. Analogies for the tombs from Davidovac can be found on numerous sites, like in Sirmium as well as in Macvanska Mitrovica, where they are dated to the 4th-5th century. Similar situation was detected in Viminacium, former capital of the roman province of Upper Moesia. In ancient Naissus, on the site of Jagodin Mala, simple rectangular tombs were distributed in rows, while the complex painted tombs with Christian motifs were also found and dated by the coins to the period from the 4th to the 6th century. Also, in Kolovrat near Prijepolje simple vaulted tombs with walled dromos were excavated. During the excavations on the nearby site Davidovac-Gradiste, 39 graves of type Mala Kopasnica-Sase dated to the 2nd-3rd century were found, as well as 67 cist graves, which were dated by the coins of Constantius II, jewellery and buckles to the second half of the 4th or the first half of the 5th century. Based on all above mentioned it can be concluded that during the period from the 2nd to the 6th century in this area existed a roman and late antique settlement and several necropolises, formed along an important ancient road Via militaris, traced at the length of over 130 m in the direction NE-SW. Data gained with the anthropological analyses of 10 skeletons from the site Davidovac-Crkviste don't give enough information for a conclusion about the paleo-demographical structure of the population that lived here during late antiquity. Important results about the paleo-pathological changes, which do not occur often on archaeological sites, as well as the clearer picture about this population in total, will be acquired after the osteological material from the site Davidovac-Gradiste is statistically analysed.
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Connan, J. "Use and trade of bitumen in antiquity and prehistory: molecular archaeology reveals secrets of past civilizations." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B: Biological Sciences 354, no. 1379 (January 29, 1999): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.1999.0358.
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Natural asphalt (or bitumen) deposits, oil seepage and liquid oil shows are widespread in the Middle East, especially in the Zagros mountains of Iran. Ancient people from northern Iraq, south–west Iran and the Dead Sea area extensively used this ubiquitous natural resource until the Neolithic period (7000 to 6000 BC). Evidence of earlier use has been recently documented in the Syrian desert near (Boëda et al. 1996) near El Kown, where bitumen–coated flint implements, dated to 40,000 BC (Mousterian period), have been unearthed. This discovery at least proves that bitumen was used by Neanderthal populations as hafting material to fix handles to their flint tools. Numerous testimonies, proving the importance of this petroleum–based material in Ancient civilizations, were brought to light by the excavations conducted in the Near East as of the beginning of the century. Bitumen remains show a wide range of uses that can be classified under several headings. First of all, bitumen was largely used in Mesopotamia and Elam as mortar in the construction of palaces (e.g. the Darius Palace in Susa), temples, ziggurats (e.g. the so–called ‘Tower of Babel’ in Babylon), terraces (e.g. the famous ‘Hanging Gardens of Babylon’) and exceptionally for roadway coating (e.g. the processional way of Babylon). Since the Neolithic, bitumen served to waterproof containers (baskets, earthenware jars, storage pits), wooden posts, palace grounds (e.g. in Mari and Haradum), reserves of lustral waters, bathrooms, palm roofs, etc. Mats, sarcophagi, coffins and jars, used for funeral practices, were often covered and sealed with bitumen. Reed and wood boats were also caulked with bitumen. Abundant lumps of bituminous mixtures used for that particular purpose have been found in storage rooms of houses at Ra's al–Junayz in Oman. Bitumen was also a widespread adhesive in antiquity and served to repair broken ceramics, fix eyes and horns on statues (e.g. at Tell al–Ubaid around 2500 BC). Beautiful decorations with stones, shells, mother of pearl, on palm trees, cups, ostrich eggs, musical instruments (e.g. the Queen's lyre) and other items, such as rings, jewellery and games, have been excavated from the Royal tombs in Ur. They are on view in the British Museum. With a special enigmatic material, commonly referred to as ‘bitumen mastic’, the inhabitants of Susa sculpted masterpieces of art which are today exhibited in the Louvre Museum in Paris. This unique collection is presented in a book by Connan and Deschesne (1996). Last, bitumen was also considered as a powerful remedy in medical practice, especially as a disinfectant and insecticide, and was used by the ancient Egyptians to prepare mixtures to embalm the corpses of their dead. Modern analytical techniques, currently applied in the field of petroleum geochemistry, have been adapted to the study of numerous archaeological bituminous mixtures found in excavations. More than 700 bituminous samples have been analysed during the last decade, using gas chromatography alone and gas chromatography coupled with mass spectrometry and isotopic chemistry (carbon and hydrogen mainly). These powerful tools, focused on the detailed analysis of biomarkers in hydrocarbon fractions, were calibrated on various well–known natural sources of bitumen in Iraq, Syria, Iran, Bahrain and Kuwait. These reference studies have made it possible to establish the origins of bitumen from numerous archaeological sites and to document the bitumen trade routes in the Middle East and the Arabo–Persian Gulf. Using a well–documented case history, Tell el ‘Oueili (5800 to 3500 BC) in South Mesopotamia, we will illustrate in this paper how these new molecular and isotopic tools can help us to recognize different sources of bitumen and to trace the ancient trade routes through time. These import routes were found to vary with major cultural and political changes in the area under study. A second example, referring to the prehistoric period, describes bitumen traces on flint implements, dated from Mousterian times. This discovery, from the Umm El Tlel excavations near El Kown in Syria, was reported in 1996 in Boëda et al . At that time, the origin of the bitumen had not been elucidated due to contamination problems. Last year, a ball of natural oil–stained sands, unearthed from the same archaeological layer, allowed us to determine the source of the bitumen used. This source is regional and located in the Jebel Bichri, nearly 40 km from the archaeological site. The last case history was selected to illustrate another aspect of the investigations carried out. Recent geochemical studies on more than 20 balms from Egyptian mummies from the Intermediate, Ptolemaic and Roman periods have revealed that these balms are composed of various mixtures of bitumen, conifer resins, grease and beeswax. Bitumen occurs with the other ingredients and the balms studied show a great variety of molecular compositions. Bitumen from the Dead Sea area is the most common source but some other sources (Hit in Iraq?) are also revealed by different molecular patterns. The absolute amount of bitumen in balms varies from almost zero to 30% per weight.
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Florek, Marek, and Andrzej Kokowski. "Archaeology in a scrapyard, or how a monument ceases to be a monument." Analecta Archaeologica Ressoviensia 15 (2020): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/anarres.2020.15.10.
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Amateur searches for archaeological artefacts, most frequently with the use of metal detectors, are generally aimed at building up private collections. They have also become a source of income in the illegal trade in artefacts. Collecting ancient artefacts as recyclable metal is a new phenomenon. At the scrapyard in Milczany, Sandomierz district, several kilograms of such scrap were found, among which two fibulae from the Roman period, Almgren 67 and 43, were recognised. They are valuable in the research into the history of the Przeworsk Culture. The authors also note the widespread practice of collecting striped flint, used by modern jewellers, which has resulted in the devastation of several sites which were relics of ancient mines of this material. The authors consider the scientific value of the recovered artefacts, which often cannot be localised precisely. They call for the unceasing promotion of the value of archaeological artefacts and indicate its effectiveness in the Hrubieszow Basin.
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Frontczak, Beata. "„Porachowanie z Panem Auszpurczaninem”. Specyfikacje kosztów wykonania złotej figury Matki Boskiej z Dzieciątkiem i argenteriów z fundacji Jana Wawrzyńca Wodzickiego dla kościoła Mariackiego w Krakowie oraz historia tych zabytków." Opuscula Musealia 26 (2019): 101–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843852.om.18.008.11001.
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“Getting even with Mr. Augsburgian”. Cost estimates for making the silverware and gold statue of Madonna and Child by Jan Wawrzyniec Wodzicki and donated to Saint Mary’s Basilica in Kraków Until 1794, silverware and gold statue of Madonna and Child funded as a votive offering for blessings received by Jan Warzyniec Wodzicki, the Deputy Cup-bearer of Warsaw, was kept in Saint Mary’s Basilica in Kraków. Wodzicki donated several items to his parish church: in 1690 he made a gift of six altar candlesticks, in 1692 a gold statue of a Madonna and Child on a gilt silver pedestal and a pair of kneeling angels on pedestals identical to the pedestal of the Madonna statue, and on 12 July 1694 a five-piece silver antependium. In the Archive of the Wodzicki Family from Kościelniki, kept in the Ossolineum Library in Wrocław, the author of this article has found two cost estimates for making the above mentioned silverware, except for the antependium, issued in Warsaw on 9 May 1694 by Rad & Hößlin, a trading house from Augsburg. Christopher von Rad I and Bartholomäus Hößlin (Hösslin), jewellers and goldsmiths from Augsburg, established their company in 1690. The documents found by the author are the first ones to confirm that the above mentioned jewellers from Augsburg operated in Poland. The first cost estimate (Annex I) tells us that Wodzicki gave 1,100 ducats (1,114 Augsburg ducats) for the figure of Madonna and Child. The labour cost of both figures, a case and a travelling bag was 559 imperial thalers and 11 kreutzers (the cost of a wax model and forming the body out of gold sheet cost 35 imperial thalers, whereas the repoussage of the body cost 498 imperial thalers and 11 kreutzers). In accordance with the second specification (Annex II), the goldsmith was paid 1,847 imperial thalers and 30 kreutzers for the candlesticks. The labour cost of making two statues of angels on pedestals was 536 imperial thalers and 22½kreutzers, whereas making the pedestal for the statue of the Madonna and Child cost 182 imperial thalers and 78 kreutzers. The cost estimate of the silver antependium for the main altar has not survived. The inventory of Saint Mary’s Basilica in Kraków shows that the five-piece antependium weighed 206 grzywnas (ancient Polish measure of weight) and cost 14,856 tymf (Polish silver coins). The works were most probably the result of one workshop, and were perhaps by Abraham II Drentwett (1647–1729), a goldsmith, wax sculptor and draughtsman from Augsburg. During the Kościuszko Uprising in 1794, the above mentioned silverware, except for the statues of angels, were taken from the treasury of the basilica by the Order Committee established by Tadeusz Kościuszko and melted down to support the uprising. In 1807, the two statues of angels funded by Wodzicki were sold to goldsmiths from Kraków.
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Frontczak, Beata. "„Porachowanie z Panem Auszpurczaninem”. Specyfikacje kosztów wykonania złotej figury Matki Boskiej z Dzieciątkiem i argenteriów z fundacji Jana Wawrzyńca Wodzickiego dla kościoła Mariackiego w Krakowie oraz historia tych zabytków." Opuscula Musealia 26 (2019): 101–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20843852.om.18.008.11001.
Full textAbstract:
“Getting even with Mr. Augsburgian”. Cost estimates for making the silverware and gold statue of Madonna and Child by Jan Wawrzyniec Wodzicki and donated to Saint Mary’s Basilica in Kraków Until 1794, silverware and gold statue of Madonna and Child funded as a votive offering for blessings received by Jan Warzyniec Wodzicki, the Deputy Cup-bearer of Warsaw, was kept in Saint Mary’s Basilica in Kraków. Wodzicki donated several items to his parish church: in 1690 he made a gift of six altar candlesticks, in 1692 a gold statue of a Madonna and Child on a gilt silver pedestal and a pair of kneeling angels on pedestals identical to the pedestal of the Madonna statue, and on 12 July 1694 a five-piece silver antependium. In the Archive of the Wodzicki Family from Kościelniki, kept in the Ossolineum Library in Wrocław, the author of this article has found two cost estimates for making the above mentioned silverware, except for the antependium, issued in Warsaw on 9 May 1694 by Rad & Hößlin, a trading house from Augsburg. Christopher von Rad I and Bartholomäus Hößlin (Hösslin), jewellers and goldsmiths from Augsburg, established their company in 1690. The documents found by the author are the first ones to confirm that the above mentioned jewellers from Augsburg operated in Poland. The first cost estimate (Annex I) tells us that Wodzicki gave 1,100 ducats (1,114 Augsburg ducats) for the figure of Madonna and Child. The labour cost of both figures, a case and a travelling bag was 559 imperial thalers and 11 kreutzers (the cost of a wax model and forming the body out of gold sheet cost 35 imperial thalers, whereas the repoussage of the body cost 498 imperial thalers and 11 kreutzers). In accordance with the second specification (Annex II), the goldsmith was paid 1,847 imperial thalers and 30 kreutzers for the candlesticks. The labour cost of making two statues of angels on pedestals was 536 imperial thalers and 22½kreutzers, whereas making the pedestal for the statue of the Madonna and Child cost 182 imperial thalers and 78 kreutzers. The cost estimate of the silver antependium for the main altar has not survived. The inventory of Saint Mary’s Basilica in Kraków shows that the five-piece antependium weighed 206 grzywnas (ancient Polish measure of weight) and cost 14,856 tymf (Polish silver coins). The works were most probably the result of one workshop, and were perhaps by Abraham II Drentwett (1647–1729), a goldsmith, wax sculptor and draughtsman from Augsburg. During the Kościuszko Uprising in 1794, the above mentioned silverware, except for the statues of angels, were taken from the treasury of the basilica by the Order Committee established by Tadeusz Kościuszko and melted down to support the uprising. In 1807, the two statues of angels funded by Wodzicki were sold to goldsmiths from Kraków.
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Pearson, Helen. "Ancient jewellery found in African cave." Nature, April 16, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/news040412-9.
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"Ancient Egyptian jewellery carved from a meteorite." New Scientist 218, no. 2919 (June 2013): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(13)61354-8.
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Daems, Aurélie. "« Jewellery and Personal ornaments », in . J. Curtis & N. Tallis, eds., Forgotten Empire. The world of Ancient Persia. London, The British Museum Press, 2005, pp. 132-149." Abstracta Iranica, Volume 28 (May 15, 2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/abstractairanica.15532.
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