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Journal articles on the topic 'Ancient Egyptian and Persian'

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Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Depuydt, Leo. "Regnal Years and Civil Calendar in Achaemenid Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 81, no. 1 (December 1995): 151–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751339508100116.

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This paper describes ancient Egyptian regnal and calendar dating in the Twenty-seventh Dynasty or First Persian Period, reviewing the evidence from Aramaic, cuneiform, Demotic Egyptian, Greek, and hieroglyphic Egyptian sources. A table listing the Egyptian regnal years of Persian kings is appended.

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2

Voytenko, Anton. "Egyptians and Byzantium. On the Question of Political Subjectivity in Late Antiquity." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 6 (December 2022): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.12.

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Introduction. The article focuses on the reasons for the lack of political subjectivity among the Egyptians in the Byzantine period (4th – first half of the 7th centuries). During this period, the population of Egypt did not demonstrate it at any level: social movements (uprisings) did not offer such agenda; studies on literature and rhetoric show that the Egyptians were under the influence of the Roman statehood (Eastern Roman Empire). The aims of the study are therefore concentrated around the consideration of the causes and terms of the loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians, and the reasons for the increase of it among the Romans. An additional task was a comparative analysis of the political and religious systems of Ancient Rome and Ancient Egypt and the possible influence of religious features on the configuration of political systems. Methods. The main methods used in the study are factor analysis and the comparative method. Analysis. The ancient Egyptian political system was “introverted” and static in nature. The complete loss of political subjectivity by the Egyptians can be, however, attributed to the Roman period. In the Persian and Ptolemaic ones, its existence is preserved due to two main factors: the practices of the Persians and Ptolemies to present themselves as Egyptian pharaohs and the strong positions of the Egyptian priesthood, who could keep an ancient political subjectivity. Results. The Romans, who refused to continue Ptolemaic practices and took drastic measures to limit the economic independence of the Egyptian priesthood, managed to nullify its authentic political subjectivity. Thanks to an “extroverted” and transformative political model, supported by a “political theology” based on the “Roman myth”, the Roman state managed to maintain (or even strengthen) its subjectivity in the period of late Antiquity.

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Houlihan, Patrick F. "Some Remarks on Deer (Cervidae) in Ancient Egypt." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73, no. 1 (August 1987): 238–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030751338707300133.

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The evidence for deer (Cervidae) in ancient Egypt is reviewed briefly. The question of whether deer ever existed in the wild as an element of the Egyptian fauna, or were only known from rare exotic imports, cannot be conclusively answered yet. It is quite likely, however, based upon the records of the Egyptians themselves, that deer were native, whether naturally occurring or introduced. While the identification of the species depicted as the Persian Fallow Deer (Dama dama mesopotamica) is probably correct, the Barbary Red Deer (Cervus elaphus) remains a possibility.

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Strechie, Mădălina. "Alexander the Great and the “Clash” of Ancient Civilizations." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 421–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0126.

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Abstract Alexander the Great was not only a great political leader, but also an amazing general. He did not face only armies, but entire civilizations which he forced to merge, following his own example. We believe that his most lasting victory was the Hellenistic civilization, a new civilization that emerged after the “clash of civilizations” that Alexander, the great leader, had opposed, namely the Greek civilization versus the Persian civilization. His war was totally new, revolutionary, both in terms of fighting tactics, weapons, and especially goals. Alexander became the Great because of his ambition to conquer the world from one end to the other. Beginning with the pretext meant to take revenge for the Persian Wars, his expedition to the Persian Empire was in fact a special “clash of civilizations”. With Alexander, the West fully demonstrates its expansionist tendencies, conquering at first an empire and civilization after civilization. Thus, in turn, the Greek crusher of the new half-god of war defeated the Phoenician, Egyptian, Persian civilizations (the coordinator of the empire that initiated for the first time the process of assimilation of the defeated ones, namely Persanization).From the military point of view, Alexander the Great was the initiator of the lightning war, of course mutatis mutandis, forming a military monarchy within the conquered civilizations, turning for the first time in history, generals into important politicians, we think here of the Diadochi. Alexander the Great forced the limits beyond human possibilities, beyond the map and beyond fate. He is the most original general of history, precisely in his manner of making war and imposing peace, being the toughest “shock of civilizations”

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5

Kalimi, Isaac. "Love of God and Apologia for a King." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 17, no. 1 (July 7, 2017): 28–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692124-12341285.

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The birth story of Solomon is unique in the ancient Israelite historiography from the monarchic period. Though the birth name of the newborn child was “Solomon,” he received an additional name “Yedidyah.” The purpose of this name should be understood within three contexts: the immediate passage in 2 Samuel 12; the wider story regarding Solomon’s rise to power in 1 King 1–2; and comparable ancient Near Eastern texts that recount the claims of usurpers outside the royal line to a throne. The latter attempted to legitimize their kingship by introducing themselves as beloved or chosen by patron deities, occasionally taking a new throne-name to reflect their status vis-à-vis the god or gods. This historical and literary phenomenon is clearly reflected from Mesopotamian, Anatolian, Persian, and Egyptian writings of different periods. The discussion here reveals that in ancient Israel and in the surrounding cultures, both Semitic and non-Semitic, the method of self-legitimation by usurpers was to claim that they had divine legitimization.

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Stewart, Jon. "Hegel's Analysis of Egyptian Art and Architecture as a Form of Philosophical Anthropology." Owl of Minerva 50, no. 1 (2019): 69–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/owl2019501/26.

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In his different analyses of ancient Egypt, Hegel underscores the marked absence of writings by the Egyptians. Unlike the Chinese with the I Ching or the Shoo king, the Indians with the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, the Persians with the Avesta, the Jews with the Old Testament, and the Greeks with the poems of Homer and Hesiod, the Egyptians, despite their developed system of hieroglyphic writing, left behind no great canonical text. Instead, he claims, they left their mark by means of the architecture and art. This paper explores Hegel’s analysis of the Egyptians’ obelisks, pyramids, sphinxes, etc. in order to understand why he believes that these are so important for understanding the Egyptian spirit. This analysis illustrates Hegel’s use of history and culture in the service of philosophical anthropology.

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Porshnev, V. P. "Landscape gardening art of the Seleucid Empire." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg State University of Culture, no. 4 (45) (December 2020): 85–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.30725/2619-0303-2020-4-85-92.

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Landscape art of the state of the Seleucid Empire, which inherited a considerable part of the broken-up Alexander of Macedon’s Empire still was not a subject of a separate research. Unlike Ptolemaic Egypt where imperial gardeners managed harmoniously to unite the landscape planning inherited from sacred groves and parks of Hellas with Ancient Egyptian tradition of regular planning, there is no reason to speak about any specific «Seleucid’s style». Nevertheless, landscape art of this dynasty has the great interest to historians of ancient art as it fills a time gap between gardens and parks of an era of Hellenism and further stages of landscape art’s history. Having inherited and having enriched the Persian paradises and Hanging gardens of Babylon, having extended the culture of the Greek policies to the East, it, further, transfers the heritage to gardeners of Parthia and Bactria, Pergamum kingdom, Roman Empire. Article investigates gardens and parks on the cultural space controlled by Seleucid’s on certain regions (Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, Persia, Bactria, Syria). The main attention is devoted to the park in Daphne, the suburb of Antiochiaon- Orontes, to the biggest and best-known park of antiquity. The author builds a research both on the saved-up archaeological material, and on the written sources which not always are available in high-quality Russian translations.

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Simonson, Brandon. "A Demotic Parallel to the Aramaic hnṣl of Elephantine." Aramaic Studies 14, no. 2 (2016): 242–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455227-01402009.

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This article examines the appearance of the Aramaic hnṣl clause in the Elephantine legal corpus in order to establish the specific legal function of the clause and explore its origins in ancient Near Eastern and Egyptian legal material. In the end, a Demotic equivalent to hnṣl reveals a strong parallel in legal function, which is to protect property from being reclaimed by former owners or those who may have a claim to ownership, especially between those of unequal status in society. It is concluded that the equivalent terms, the Aramaic hnṣl and the Demotic ṯꜣy, demonstrate the local development of a technical legal term at Elephantine, illustrating how locally prevailing law was able to thrive in Persian Egypt.

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Jaramago, Miguel. "Interpreting three Gold Coins from Ancient Egypt and the Ancient Near East at the Museo Casa de la Moneda, Madrid." Trabajos de Egiptología. Papers on Ancient Egypt, no. 9 (2018): 81–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.25145/j.tde.2018.09.03.

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The aim of this paper is to study three gold coins from the pre-Hellenistic Egypt and Near East, housed in the Museum Casa de la Moneda, Madrid, since 1955. In all three cases, their description is made as well as a review of the hypotheses that have been issued on their typology. Some novel proposals are made about their iconography and the possible gold sources for the raw material. The first is a Daric, probably coined between the beginning of the reign of Xerxes I and the fall of Sardis under Alexander the Great. The study provides an original indication about its iconography, as well as about the possible (and vague) relationship of Persian imperial coinage with Zoroastrianism, the official religion of the Achaemenid Dynasty. The nbw nfr coin is an Egyptian coinage from the Nectanebos Dynasty; one of the few hundred preserved copies. The iconography of the horse on the obverse is explored from the art and plastic of pre- and post-Sebenitic Egypt, and some technical aspects of the elaboration of the coin from the type of its reverse are analysed. From an epigraphic point of view, a new reading of the nbw nfr group is proposed. The Double Daric is a complex currency, both regarding the precise determination of its chronology, as well as its interpretation and recipients. It is a coinage made possibly in Babylon with a broad chronology from 331 BCE until ca. 306 B

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10

Muhs, Brian Paul. "Egyptian Scholars, Priests and Temples between Autonomy and State Authority." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History 8, no. 1-2 (February 15, 2021): 203–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2020-0018.

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Abstract Egyptian temples and priests reshaped the Egyptian legal system throughout the first millennium BCE, as a result of both temple autonomy and state authority. In the early Third Intermediate Period (c. 1069–850 BCE), royal enforcement of laws diminished, and temples filled this vacuum by extending the use of judicial oracles, both to resolve disputes, and to document transactions. In the late Third Intermediate Period (c. 850–664 BCE), the temples decreased the use of judicial oracles, and introduced temple notary contracts to document transactions. Temples thereby established that written documentation took precedence over verbal witnesses, and they also developed systems of legal procedures employing these temple notary contracts. In doing so, the temples encouraged individuals to invest in private property. In the Saite and Persian Periods (664–332 BCE), resurgent royal and later imperial authorities brought uniformity to the forms of temple notary contracts, and to the system of legal procedures employing them. The temples may have produced codes of laws and legal procedures at this time, if they had not done so already in the late Third Intermediate Period. Priests also introduced the practice of antiquarian legal scholarship, to establish ancient legal precedents. Finally, in the Ptolemaic Period (332–30 BCE), the royal authorities continued to regulate temple courts and temple notaries. Nonetheless, they accepted at least some claims based on antiquarian legal scholarship by priests.

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Luyaluka, Kiatezua Lubanzadio. "Theological Proofs of the Kinship of Ancient Egypt With South-Saharan Africa Rather Than Eastern and Western Civilizations." Journal of Black Studies 50, no. 1 (October 25, 2018): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934718808299.

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This article deals with the issue of the kinship of ancient Egyptian civilization with the neighboring ones. To the melanin-level proof offered by Cheikh Anta Diop and Obenga’s evidence of the linguistic relatedness of Kemet to the south-Saharan Africa, this article adds a theological proof. The article shows that the Eastern and Western epistemic paradigms brought by Persians and Greeks was destructive to the scientific nature of the religion ancient Egypt shared with Sumer and primitive Christianity; while, as seen through Kôngo religion which is demonstrated to be the continuation of kemetic religion, the epistemic paradigm of African traditional culture nurtures this religion. Therefore, the natural theological kinship of ancient Egypt is with south-Saharan African rather than with Asia and Europe.

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12

Matrosova, Olga P., Olga A. Popova, and Svetlana V. Masterskikh. "Traces of the Russian language in the Arctic." Arctic and North, no. 47 (June 28, 2022): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2022.47.277.

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This article is devoted to the Arctic as the territory of an ancient developed civilization existence; the territory that gave the world the Russian language, which later spread throughout the world; the territory where archaeological and anthropological artifacts have been preserved, allowing us to speak about the primacy of the Aryan (Russian) people, and, consequently, about the primacy of the ancient language of the Aryans. The authors of the article give the examples of excavations, the names of toponyms, hydro-nyms, ornaments on clothes, vessels, household items, proving the life of people in the Russian North many thousands of years before the Sumerian, Persian, Indian, Egyptian, Chinese civilizations; represent the opinion of scientists from around the world; try to find “traces” of the Russian language in other languages of the world. The authors of the article made a comparative analysis and demonstrated the interconnection of several languages on the example of some words, presented information on the Russian alphabet and showed its connection to the English signs of transcription. The hypothesis about the primacy of the Russian language is based on the statements of well-known domestic and foreign linguists, dialectologists, ethnographers, historians, slavists, sanskritologists, paleontologists, paleoclimatologists, soil scientists, and other researchers and requires further study.

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Islam, Arshad. "Unani methods of cure in the Indian subcontinent : an analytical study." International Journal of Engineering & Technology 7, no. 2.29 (May 22, 2018): 480. http://dx.doi.org/10.14419/ijet.v7i2.29.13802.

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The history of medicine is bound with the history of civilization, representing the complex interactions of human communities, geography and the environment over time. South Asia has always been a vibrant melting pot of interactions between different peoples. Unani (‘Greek’) medicine is based on ancient Hellenic thought (via its interactions with Babylonian, Egyptian, Indian and Persian knowledge). Tibb-i-Unani is Arabic for ‘Greek medicine’, which became Unani as practiced in the Indian Subcontinent, where it was developed and refined through systematic experimentation by renowned scholars. Islamic physicians tested Indian traditional medicines using clinical trials, as a result of which they incorporated a number of indigenous medicines in their own system, advancing and enriching its treasures. The basic Unani framework is timeless, based on human action and intrinsic causes. This paper highlights the subtler and perhaps more important aspects of classical Indian Unani medicine that contributed to the development of the entire body of scientific knowledge. Through an analysis of socio-cultural and historical context, the paper concludes that the contribution of Unani medicine in India lies in: (a) preserving the ancient Greek tradition of medicine; and (b) safeguarding and advancing utilitarian medical science and treatment into the early modern period.

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Fiizha, Berliana Fatihatuz, Mohammad Robby M, and Rizky Apria Bakti. "Dinamika Perkembangan Kebudayaan di Persia dan Mesir Kuno." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 2, no. 2 (June 29, 2020): 159–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v2i2.789.

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The ancient persians and egyptians were known as the originators and beginnings of modern civilization today in the world, from these two civilizations close to the great rivers. Early in its civilization, Persia developed through warfare and conquest of other areas without war powers and fertile areas the expansion of territory was the only way to make progress. The education of the era was still one of harsh military education and extremely high discipline, because the persians were the main military force to conquer the land rather than technological or scientific advancement. The ancient egyptians are enjoyed a greater cultural and educational culture than the persians because military forces of both land and sea are rather popular. The ancient egyptians were extremely wealthy, supported by natural resources, because they lived along the Nile's regular flood course and caused the region around the river to become fertile and suitable for cultivation.

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Shete, Mahima Laxmikant, and Anahita V. Bhesania Hodiwala. "Genital Filariasis - A Recurred Case of Post Operated Hydrocele." Journal of Evolution of Medical and Dental Sciences 10, no. 27 (July 5, 2021): 2048–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.14260/jemds/2021/419.

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Lymphatic filariasis, commonly termed as elephantiasis has been recorded since ancient Indian, Chinese, Egyptian and Persian writings.1 It is caused by a slender thread like nematode called Wuchereria bancrofti belonging to super family filaroidea.2 It exists in two morphological forms: Adult form and larvae. The adult form has a predilection for intrascrotal lymphatic vessels in hosts; thus hydrocele is one of the most common manifestations of bancroftian filariasis.3 Individuals having circulating microfilaria are outwardly healthy but have the ability to transmit infection to others through mosquito bites (Culex quinquefasciatus) 1 In developing countries like India, occurrence of genital filarial hydrocele is more common in people living in bancroftian endemic areas or in people who were previously operated for eversion of sac. We hereby report a case of hydrocele fluid with microfilaria- an incidental finding on microscopy. Wuchereria bancroti a filarial nematode inhabiting the lymphatics and transmitted through vector - culex mosquito. We hereby present a case of recurrence of genital filariasis. The patient presented with swelling of the left scrotal region with pain of dragging type. On evaluation, eosinophilia was not seen. He had a history of right hydrocele 28 years back. The aspirated hydrocele on direct microscopic examination showed presence of actively motile microfilaria which was confirmed on Giemsa staining. Recurrence is more common in bancroftian filarial endemic areas.

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DeConick, April D. "The Countercultural Gnostic: Turning the World Upside Down and Inside Out." Gnosis 1, no. 1-2 (July 11, 2016): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340003.

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Because the gnostic heresy is a social construction imposed by the early Catholics on religious people they identified as transgressors of Christianity, scholars are entertaining the idea that ancient gnostics were actually alternative Christians. While gnostics may have been made into heretics by the early Catholics, this does not erase the fact that gnostics were operating in the margins of the conventional religions with a countercultural perspective that upset and overturned everything from traditional theology, cosmogony, cosmology, anthropology, hermeneutics, scripture, religious practices, and lifestyle choices. Making the gnostic into a Christian only imposes another grand narrative on the early Christians, one which domesticates gnostic movements. Granted, the textual evidence for the interface of the gnostic and the Christian is present, but so is the interface of the gnostic and the Greek, the gnostic and the Jew, the gnostic and the Persian, and the gnostic and the Egyptian. And the interface looks to have all the signs of transgression, not conformity. Understanding the gnostic as a spiritual orientation toward a transcendent God beyond the biblical God helps us handle this kind of diversity and transgression. As such, it survives in the artifacts that gnostics and their opponents have left behind, artifacts that help orient religious seekers to make sense of their own moments of ecstasy and revelation.

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Di Serio, Chiara. "Utopian Elements in Porphyry’s De abstinentia." Studia Ceranea 10 (December 23, 2020): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.10.03.

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In the long passage of De abstinentia, IV, 2–18, Porphyry mentions a series of “groups” (ἔθνη) as examples of abstinence from animal food: the ancient Greeks of the “golden age”, the Lacedaemonians of Lycurgus’ era, the Egyptian priests, the Essenes among the Jews, the Magi among the Persians and the gymnosophists among the Indians. Such an association does not seem at all accidental, since Porphyry refers to a tradition in which these communities have similar habits of life, including the prohibition of eating meat and drinking wine, sexual abstinence, absence of diseases and wars, separation from the civil sphere, devotion to the sacred. All these elements constitute the specific connotation of a human existence that evokes the “time of the origins”, substantially a paradisiac dimension, far from history. It is a deliberate symbolic shift. This brief research will investigate the reasons and the deep meaning of the connection based on utopian life traits.

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Shamsuzzoha, ATM. "Buwayhid Library and its Management: A Historical Analysis." Eastern Librarian 23, no. 1 (October 9, 2012): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/el.v23i1.12120.

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Like the ancient Mesopotamian, Egyptian and Roman library, Muslim library has been introduced from the early age of Islam in demand of time. In the meantime, the emergence of Hazrat Muhammad (Sm.) had started a new era of knowledge and science in Islam. From the very beginning of Islamic civilization many institutions were established and renowned intellectuals and scholars of different fields were associated with those institutions. They made various worthy researches for the development of Muslim knowledge and sciences, in badly need of many libraries. So after several years when the Muslims came closer to the Persian literature and Greek sciences the Islamic library started its journey in the 7th century. So, for the acquisition of knowledge Muslim library has been initiated from the very beginning of Islamic heritage which was started with the mosque though formally introduced by the Baitul Hikmah, by Abbasid khalifa Al-Mamun (813-833). Gradually by the expansion of Islam it was circulated in various countries of the world. In these process Buwayhid ruler came closer to the Abbasid and taught the process of establishing various royal, private and public library. After the inception of royal library the Buwayhid introduced various important functions such as, collection of books, preservation system, translation, cataloguing, inclusion and clarification of the books. Besides these, recruitment, promotion, management of archives and modern system of budgeting were also salient features of their library management. The present study is an attempt to analyze the nature of the Buwayhid royal, private and public libraries. The study will also cover exclusively its library management and its various administrative functions. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/el.v23i1.12120 Eastern Librarian Vol.23(1) 2012 pp.51-63

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Dr. Jamal M. Al-Sayed Alawi. "The Shakespearean Poetic Rosary: The ‘Sacred Numbers’ in Shakespeare’s Sonnets." Creative Launcher 7, no. 4 (August 30, 2022): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.53032/tcl.2022.7.4.04.

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In human culture there are certain numbers of special importance. They are mostly used in old and modern writings as “sacred numbers” of religious and literary significance. They are present in the Greek myths, in Egyptian Pharaonic culture, in ancient Persian, in the Indian culture, and in Arab traditions; then (Islamic) culture as well as in the Biblical Western culture. These numbers are of two kinds: even and uneven or odd. The odd numbers 1, 3, 5, 7and 9 play a far more important part than the even numbers. One is Deity, three the Trinity, five the chief division, seven is the sacred number, and nine is three times three. These numbers have good function and been looked at as ‘Sacred’ or ‘Perfect’ numbers either of good omen or evil. There is another forth number, which is “10”, it comes mainly in Jewish and Islamic education in very few cases having similar religious suggestion. Shakespeare has used the number Ten in Sonnet 6 Then let not winter's ragged hand deface. “Sacred Numbers” have become a part of religion and even of modern belief, and mostly represented in the popular rituals. Shakespeare has used the “Sacred Numbers” in his works either prose or poetry, and this article is restricted to deal only with three Shakespearean sonnets where I imagine Shakespeare reciting his Latin Rosary in a poetic religious tone and drawing the cross sign on his chest and on the forehead of his sonnets in order to invoke divine protection. It seems that Shakespeare’s date of birth and death (1564 -1616) carries a certain secret of his fondness for sacred numbers; thus: The sum of the date of his birth (1564=16) is doubled in the date of his death (1616).

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Soressa, Temesgen. "Assessment of Nature Tourism Potential, in Rural Development in West Wollega Zone in The Case of Sayo Nole and Nole Kaba Districts, Ethiopia." IRA International Journal of Education and Multidisciplinary Studies 12, no. 1 (July 18, 2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.21013/jems.v12.n1.p1.

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<p>Tourism is not just the temporary movement of people to destinations outside their normal places. Tourism includes many geographic, economic, environmental, social, cultural and political dimensions. A tourism industry has a strong relationship with those dimensions because of its dependency and impact on it, and the interests of its stakeholders (Kauffmann 2008).</p><p>As stated by Sinha (2007) the study of tourism is the study of people away from their usual habitat of the establishments which responds to the requirement of travelers and the impact of that they have on the economic physical and social well-being of their hosts. Tourism is an attractive tool for economic development, specifically in the developing world. Viewed as an export industry of three Gs -- "get them in, get their Money, and get them out" – tourism has assisted many developing countries to move away from a dependency on agriculture and manufacturing (Tooman, 1997. </p><p>Chosen forits ability to bring in needed foreign exchange earnings, income and employment, tourism has become a popular addition to economic development policies in many African, Asian, South and Central American countries. Although tourism seems to beading substantially to the economic growth of many of these regions, many developing countries are not reaping full benefits from tourism (Vaugeois, 1990).</p><p>Tourism in Ethiopia dates back to the pre-Axumite period when the first illustrated travel guides to Ethiopia can be found in the friezes of the pyramids and ancient sites of Egypt. These depicted travels to the land of Punt, which the Egyptians knew was the source of the Nile, and where they traded for gold, incense, ivory and slaves. The fourth century Persian historian Mani described the Kingdom of Axum as being one of the four great empires of the world, ranking it alongside China, Persia and Rome (World Bank, 2006). Modern tourism in Ethiopia can be said to have started with the formation of a government body to develop and control it in 1961: The Ethiopian Tourist Organization (Y.Mulualem, 2010).</p>

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Mays, Larry W. "Survey of ancient water technologies in semi-arid and arid regions: traditional knowledge for the future." Water Supply 17, no. 5 (March 3, 2017): 1278–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/ws.2017.027.

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There are many people on Earth today that live with severe water shortages and severe lack of sanitation, particularly among the poor. These people for the most part do not understand the knowledge base of methodologies of harvesting and conveying water and sanitation methods that have been around for thousands of years. A survey of ancient water technologies used in semi-arid and arid regions is presented in this paper. The survey will include methodologies used by Mesopotamians, the Persians, the Egyptians, and the Nabataeans. The attempt here is to explore how these traditional methods developed by the ancients in semi-arid and arid regions of the world could possibly be used to help solve the present-day water resources sustainability problems, especially in developing parts of the world. The advantages of the traditional knowledge of ancient water technologies are explored with the goal of determining ways to help poor people with water shortages and sanitation.

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Connan, J. "Use and trade of bitumen in antiquity and prehistory: molecular archaeology reveals secrets of past civilizations." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London. Series B: Biological Sciences 354, no. 1379 (January 29, 1999): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.1999.0358.

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Natural asphalt (or bitumen) deposits, oil seepage and liquid oil shows are widespread in the Middle East, especially in the Zagros mountains of Iran. Ancient people from northern Iraq, south–west Iran and the Dead Sea area extensively used this ubiquitous natural resource until the Neolithic period (7000 to 6000 BC). Evidence of earlier use has been recently documented in the Syrian desert near (Boëda et al. 1996) near El Kown, where bitumen–coated flint implements, dated to 40,000 BC (Mousterian period), have been unearthed. This discovery at least proves that bitumen was used by Neanderthal populations as hafting material to fix handles to their flint tools. Numerous testimonies, proving the importance of this petroleum–based material in Ancient civilizations, were brought to light by the excavations conducted in the Near East as of the beginning of the century. Bitumen remains show a wide range of uses that can be classified under several headings. First of all, bitumen was largely used in Mesopotamia and Elam as mortar in the construction of palaces (e.g. the Darius Palace in Susa), temples, ziggurats (e.g. the so–called ‘Tower of Babel’ in Babylon), terraces (e.g. the famous ‘Hanging Gardens of Babylon’) and exceptionally for roadway coating (e.g. the processional way of Babylon). Since the Neolithic, bitumen served to waterproof containers (baskets, earthenware jars, storage pits), wooden posts, palace grounds (e.g. in Mari and Haradum), reserves of lustral waters, bathrooms, palm roofs, etc. Mats, sarcophagi, coffins and jars, used for funeral practices, were often covered and sealed with bitumen. Reed and wood boats were also caulked with bitumen. Abundant lumps of bituminous mixtures used for that particular purpose have been found in storage rooms of houses at Ra's al–Junayz in Oman. Bitumen was also a widespread adhesive in antiquity and served to repair broken ceramics, fix eyes and horns on statues (e.g. at Tell al–Ubaid around 2500 BC). Beautiful decorations with stones, shells, mother of pearl, on palm trees, cups, ostrich eggs, musical instruments (e.g. the Queen's lyre) and other items, such as rings, jewellery and games, have been excavated from the Royal tombs in Ur. They are on view in the British Museum. With a special enigmatic material, commonly referred to as ‘bitumen mastic’, the inhabitants of Susa sculpted masterpieces of art which are today exhibited in the Louvre Museum in Paris. This unique collection is presented in a book by Connan and Deschesne (1996). Last, bitumen was also considered as a powerful remedy in medical practice, especially as a disinfectant and insecticide, and was used by the ancient Egyptians to prepare mixtures to embalm the corpses of their dead. Modern analytical techniques, currently applied in the field of petroleum geochemistry, have been adapted to the study of numerous archaeological bituminous mixtures found in excavations. More than 700 bituminous samples have been analysed during the last decade, using gas chromatography alone and gas chromatography coupled with mass spectrometry and isotopic chemistry (carbon and hydrogen mainly). These powerful tools, focused on the detailed analysis of biomarkers in hydrocarbon fractions, were calibrated on various well–known natural sources of bitumen in Iraq, Syria, Iran, Bahrain and Kuwait. These reference studies have made it possible to establish the origins of bitumen from numerous archaeological sites and to document the bitumen trade routes in the Middle East and the Arabo–Persian Gulf. Using a well–documented case history, Tell el ‘Oueili (5800 to 3500 BC) in South Mesopotamia, we will illustrate in this paper how these new molecular and isotopic tools can help us to recognize different sources of bitumen and to trace the ancient trade routes through time. These import routes were found to vary with major cultural and political changes in the area under study. A second example, referring to the prehistoric period, describes bitumen traces on flint implements, dated from Mousterian times. This discovery, from the Umm El Tlel excavations near El Kown in Syria, was reported in 1996 in Boëda et al . At that time, the origin of the bitumen had not been elucidated due to contamination problems. Last year, a ball of natural oil–stained sands, unearthed from the same archaeological layer, allowed us to determine the source of the bitumen used. This source is regional and located in the Jebel Bichri, nearly 40 km from the archaeological site. The last case history was selected to illustrate another aspect of the investigations carried out. Recent geochemical studies on more than 20 balms from Egyptian mummies from the Intermediate, Ptolemaic and Roman periods have revealed that these balms are composed of various mixtures of bitumen, conifer resins, grease and beeswax. Bitumen occurs with the other ingredients and the balms studied show a great variety of molecular compositions. Bitumen from the Dead Sea area is the most common source but some other sources (Hit in Iraq?) are also revealed by different molecular patterns. The absolute amount of bitumen in balms varies from almost zero to 30% per weight.

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23

Eltaieb, Fatma. "Ancient Egyptian Healers." Evidence-Based Nursing Research 1, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.47104/ebnrojs3.v1i1.27.

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Medicine in ancient Egypt was trying to restrain all malefic beings from the action and to preserve the well-being of the individual. Thus the initial statement that magic and science were one and only, a sole concept. Papyrus Edwin Smith mentioned diseases and surgery cases, 62 in total, fourteen with known treatments, and 48 without mentioning any treatment, maybe chronical diseases difficult to treat or even unknown diseases. At the same time as Papyrus Edwin Smith was bought in 1872 by Egyptologist George Ebers who gave it his name. It contains 877 medical treatises covering physical, mental and spiritual diseases. Papyrus Hearst Housed at the Bancroft Library, the University of California has eighteen pages, concentrating on the urinary tract treatments, blood, hair and snake and scorpion bites. Written in hieratic, its prescriptions go from a tooth that has fallen out to medicine to treat the lung and even human bites. Pigs and hippopotamus bites also. The nurse in Ancient Egypt could be female or male and was a highly respected medical professional although, as with midwives, there is no evidence of a school or professional training.

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24

Tite, M. S., A. Kaczmarczyk, and R. E. M. Hedges. "Ancient Egyptian Faience." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 73 (1987): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3821556.

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25

Malek, Jaromir, D. O'Connor, and D. P. Silverman. "Ancient Egyptian Kingship." Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 83 (1997): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3822471.

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26

Harer, W. Benson, and John F. Nunn. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 34 (1997): 271. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000816.

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27

Becker, Marshall Joseph, and John F. Nunn. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." American Journal of Archaeology 101, no. 2 (April 1997): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506518.

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28

Bleiberg, Edward, David O'Connor, and David P. Silverman. "Ancient Egyptian Kingship." Journal of the American Oriental Society 118, no. 2 (April 1998): 286. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605910.

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29

Rosner, Lisa, John F. Nunn, and Darrell W. Amundsen. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." Classical World 91, no. 5 (1998): 417. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352111.

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30

Shokry, El Kantiry. "Ancient Egyptian Cosmetic." مجلة کلیة الآداب بقنا 18, no. 24 (September 1, 2008): 96–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.21608/qarts.2008.113933.

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31

Goedicke, Hans, and David O'Connor. "Ancient Egyptian Kingship." Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998): 200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40000472.

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32

Mayall, Peter R. "Ancient Egyptian surgery." Medical Journal of Australia 200, no. 1 (January 2014): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/mja12.10837.

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33

Baines, John. "Ancient Egyptian kingship." École pratique des hautes études. Section des sciences religieuses, no. 121 (December 20, 2014): 103–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/asr.1226.

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34

Greene, Nicholas M. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." Anesthesia & Analgesia 84, no. 3 (March 1997): 706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000539-199703000-00061.

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Greene, Nicholas M. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." Anesthesia & Analgesia 84, no. 3 (March 1997): 706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1213/00000539-199703000-00061.

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36

Gegg-Harrison, Timothy S. "Ancient Egyptian numbers." ACM SIGCSE Bulletin 33, no. 1 (March 2001): 268–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/366413.364598.

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37

Cook, G. C. "Ancient Egyptian medicine." Transactions of the Royal Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 90, no. 5 (September 1996): 591. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0035-9203(96)90348-x.

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Paton, A. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." BMJ 312, no. 7039 (May 4, 1996): 1166–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.312.7039.1166a.

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Burridge, A. L. "Ancient Egyptian Medicine." JAMA: The Journal of the American Medical Association 290, no. 6 (August 13, 2003): 826—a—827. http://dx.doi.org/10.1001/jama.290.6.826-b.

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40

Spalinger, Anthony, and Marshall Clagett. "Ancient Egyptian Science: A Source Book, Vol. 3: Ancient Egyptian Mathematics." Journal of the American Oriental Society 121, no. 1 (January 2001): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/606755.

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Tuci, Paolo A. "Persian Refugees in Ancient Greece." Pallas, no. 112 (June 4, 2020): 167–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/pallas.21344.

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Zargaran, Arman, Alireza Mehdizadeh, Hassan Yarmohammadi, and Abdolali Mohagheghzadeh. "Zoroastrian Priests: Ancient Persian Psychiatrists." American Journal of Psychiatry 169, no. 3 (March 2012): 255. http://dx.doi.org/10.1176/appi.ajp.2011.11081185.

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Moens, Marie-Francine, and Lise Manniche. "An Ancient Egyptian Herbal." Journal of the American Oriental Society 112, no. 3 (July 1992): 541. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603128.

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Helps, F. G. "Ancient Egyptian Tool Technology." International Journal for the History of Engineering & Technology 81, no. 2 (July 2011): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/175812111x13033852943318.

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McGovern, P. E., A. Mirzoian, and G. R. Hall. "Ancient Egyptian herbal wines." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106, no. 18 (April 13, 2009): 7361–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0811578106.

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Saber, Aly. "Ancient Egyptian Surgical Heritage." Journal of Investigative Surgery 23, no. 6 (December 2010): 327–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/08941939.2010.515289.

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Davis, Virginia Lee. "Identifying Ancient Egyptian Constellations." Journal for the History of Astronomy 16, no. 9 (February 1985): S102—S104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182868501600904.

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Depuydt, Leo. "Ancient Egyptian Science: A Source Book. Vol. 3. Ancient Egyptian Mathematics. M. Clagett." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 61, no. 4 (October 2002): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/469051.

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Locher, Kurt. "Book Review: Ancient Egyptian Astronomy: Ancient Egyptian Science, ii: Calendars, Clocks, and Astronomy." Journal for the History of Astronomy 27, no. 2 (May 1996): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002182869602700205.

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Allen, James P. "Ancient Egyptian Science: A Source Book. Volume 3: Ancient Egyptian Mathematics. Marshall Clagett." Isis 92, no. 1 (March 2001): 151–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385072.

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