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Journal articles on the topic 'Anarchists'
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1
Dirlik, Arif. "The Path Not Taken: The Anarchist Alternative in Chinese Socialism, 1921–1927." International Review of Social History 34, no. 1 (April 1989): 1–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000009020.
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SUMMARYUntil the late 1920s, anarchism was still a significant presence in Chinese radical thinking and activity, and till the middle of the decade, gave serious competition to the Communists. The essay discusses the nature of the anarchist movement in China, anarchist criticism of Bolshevik Marxism, and anarchist revolutionary strategy and activity during 1921–1927. It argues that while anarchists were quite innovative with regard to revolutionary strategy, their repudiation of organized power deprived them of the ability to coordinate revolutionary activity on a national scale, and what success they achieved remained local and short-lived. Indeed, the Communists were able to make better use of anarchist tactics than were the anarchists themselves. Anarchist critique of power rested on a denial of a center to society (and history). While this undercut the anarchists' ability to organize the revolutionary movement, it is also revealing of a basic problem of socialist revolution: the problem of democracy. In ignoring the anarchist critique of power, the successful revolutionaries deprived themselves of a critical perspective on the problem of socialist revolution, and were left at the mercy of the new structures of power that they brought into existence. Hence the importance of recalling anarchism.
2
Shpayer-Makov, Haia. "The Reception of Peter Kropotkin in Britain, 1886–1917." Albion 19, no. 3 (1987): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4050466.
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The period between the early 1880s and the First World War marked the heyday of the British anarchist movement. Anarchism was then a popular topic of discussion. Various newspapers and periodicals expressed interest in the whereabouts and activities of anarchist supporters. Dictionaries and encyclopedias provided detailed information about the anarchist movement. Novels and short stories focused on anarchist figures, while the subject of anarchism arose in parliamentary debates and public speeches.This extensive interest was not, however, beneficial to the movement. Discussions of anarchism usually took place in a hostile context and references to it were abusive. The movement was described as “a malignant fungoid growth … on the body politic,” and its members as “the very dregs of the population, the riff-raff of rascaldom, professional thieves [and] bullies.” Their humanist motivation was either ignored or denied. Violence appeared to be the characteristic mark of both the theory and practice of anarchism. The anarchist golden age “is to be ushered in … by bomb explosions and dynamic outrages … by inflammatory harangues and attempts at ‘expropriation,’ “ claimed the author of the entry “Anarchists and Anarchy” in the 1894 edition of Hazell's Annual. Anarchism was repeatedly defined as “another name for organised crime,” and its promoters were portrayed as “a pack of bloodthirsty and ferocious criminals who prey upon their fellows for their own gain.” Other references lumped all anarchists together as terrorists and denied that they had any program “but murder.” The style varied from rational analysis to emotional outbursts, but the message was the same: anarchism was society's worst enemy and anarchists the “most noxious beasts that have ever threatened civilised society.”
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Damier, Vadim. "The Genoa Conference of 1922 Through the Eyes of Russian Anarchists." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2023): 86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025099-6.
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In the article the author examines the attitude of Russian anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists to the 1922 Genoa Conference and the participation of representatives of Soviet Russia in it. This subject has not received much coverage in the works of anarchism scholars, who have so far focused primarily on the study of the general stance of Russian anarchism towards the Soviet regime and the issue of the New Economic Policy, on the problem of anti-anarchist repressions in Russia and on the ideological and organisational processes in the Russian anarchist emigration. The author made it his task to identify the place that the critique of the “Genoa policy” of the Soviet government enjoyed in the ideological concepts and political work of the anarchists, and to trace the main line of their reasoning. The main source for this article was the original, mainly émigré, press of the Russian anarchists between 1922 and 1923. The author demonstrates that the Russian anarchists' view of the Genoa Conference was primarily determined by ideological motives and their general analysis of the course and fate of the Russian Revolution itself. Being anti-statists, the anarchists had no particular conception of foreign policy and were indifferent to so-called state interests. The “Genoa policy” was perceived by them as a manifestation and confirmation of the new Bolshevik course, in which they saw an orientation towards restoring the positions of private capital within Russia itself and towards subordination to world capital on an international scale. Planned or real concessions on the part of the Soviet delegation at the Conference and repression of Russian anarchists and socialists were, in their eyes, two sides of the “Bolshevik counter-revolution”. The criticism of Bolshevism mounted by the anarchist emigration in connection with and after the Genoa Conference contributed to the demarcation in the international trade union revolutionary-syndicalist movement and the founding of the anarcho-syndicalist International.
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Bevir, Mark. "The Rise of Ethical Anarchism in Britain, 1885–1900." Historical Research 69, no. 169 (June 1, 1996): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1996.tb01848.x.
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Abstract In the nineteenth century, anarchists were strict individualists favouring clandestine organization and violent revolution: in the twentieth century, they have been romantic communalists favouring moral experiments and sexual liberation. This article examines the growth of this ethical anarchism in Britain in the late nineteenth century, as exemplified by the Freedom Group and the Tolstoyans. These anarchists adopted the moral and even religious concerns of groups such as the Fellowship of the New Life. Their anarchist theory resembled the beliefs of counter-cultural groups such as the aesthetes more closely than it did earlier forms of anarchism. And this theory led them into the movements for sex reform and communal living.
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Bantman, Constance. "Reencountering The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914: Archival and Historiographic Reassessments." Revista Mundos do Trabalho 14 (August 8, 2022): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1984-9222.2022.e89542.
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This article follows up on the book The French Anarchists in London, 1880-1914 (2013), by exploring some primary material uncovered since this publication, and considering the ways in which research into the history of anarchism as a transnational movement has evolved. In the years since the publication of this book, a great deal of research has furthered or challenged its findings, especially in relation to print culture and the study of global anarchist networks. The mass digitisation of periodicals (both anarchist and mainstream) and archives in the last ten years offers new tools to find detailed information about the personal and political lives of these elusive anarchists in London – and further afield, thus rectifying the original study’s London-centric focus. These sources are also crucial in documenting the ways in which anarchists were perceived and portrayed in Britain, France and internationally, and constructed into a major public threat through media discourse.
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Miller, David W. "The Social Prison: Ursula K. Le Guin’s The Dispossessed as Postanarchist Critical Utopia." Utopian Studies 34, no. 3 (November 2023): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/utopianstudies.34.3.0399.
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ABSTRACT Ursula K. Le Guin’s classic work of anarchist literature, The Dispossessed (1974), is preoccupied with the issue of imprisonment. This is hardly surprising given anarchism’s longstanding critical engagement with the prison as state apparatus. For classical anarchists, the prison represents one of the most vile and visible examples of state repression. However, while the abolition of prisons constitutes one of the fundamental goals of anarchism, the alternatives put forth by classical anarchist thinkers risk perpetuating the underlying power relations of carceral justice by encouraging social shaming and the policing of norms. The anarchist society of The Dispossessed uses these techniques to discourage the accumulation of power in order to create an egalitarian society. Unfortunately, these same techniques encourage a conformity that hinders other anarchist values, such as creativity and individual self-determination. In essence, the anarchist society depicted in the novel replaces the literal prison with a different form of imprisonment—the social prison, which continues the repressive function of the state through different means. By creating an “ambiguous” anarchist utopia, Le Guin anticipates the critiques of classical anarchism formulated by poststructural and postmodern anarchist theorists. These critiques are most evident in the theme of imprisonment that threads throughout the novel.
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Matyukhin, A., and S. Mezencev. "The "World Revolution" in Russian Anarchism." Journal of Political Research 7, no. 3 (October 17, 2023): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-3-45-57.
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The purpose of this article is to identify the specifics of the theory of the "world revolution" in the ideological and political heritage of Russian anarchism. Historical, comparative, hermeneutic methods of scientific research were actively used to write the article. The ideologists of Russian anarchism in their interpretation of the "world revolution" competed with Marxist doctrine, with its popular dialectical theory of socio-economic formations and class struggle, where the final stage of historical progress was to be the achievement of global communism. Rejecting the Marxist concept of "dictatorship of the proletariat", the Russian anarchists proceeded from an alternative methodology that emphasizes the primacy of natural, biological factors of social processes. According to anarchists, the basic factor of progress is the natural inclination of people to solidarity and mutual assistance. Hence the Russian anarchists opposed the natural nature of the evolution of mankind to any "forced" forms of social organization. This applied, first of all, to the institution of the state, regardless of its external form – communist, liberal-democratic, despotic. The basic parameters of the social ideal in the theory of Russian anarchism were the principles of anarchy and freedom, the building of social existence on the basis of self-organization, self-government and a global decentralized confederation structured "from the bottom up". The former territorial and political borders were abolished, nations were abolished. The anarchists saw the achievement of this ideal as an exclusively revolutionary way, gradually embracing all new countries, regions, continents. The article emphasizes the constant appeal of Russian anarchists to the arguments of universal morality - "freedom", "justice", "brotherhood", "justice", "equality" in justifying the need for a world anarchist revolution, which in practice turned into political abstractions with destructive consequences for societies. At the same time, the "secondary" ideology of Russian anarchism as an intellectual product is noted in relation to Marxism and natural science theories of the XVIII-XIX centuries, as well as the tendency of anarchists to utopian thinking, to speculative building of their global social ideal.
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Zubarev, Ivan Yur'evich. "The disarmament of anarchists in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region in the spring of 1918 (based on the materials of the Orel and Voronezh provinces)." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 6 (June 2023): 135–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.6.69253.
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The article examines the confrontation of the armed anarchist detachments of the "Black Guard" with the Bolsheviks in the spring of 1918. The causes and features of the emergence of anarchist detachments, the position of anarchists in the political arena of the country in 1917 - early 1918 are illustrated. The author gives an assessment of some early Soviet studies on "anarchist uprisings" in the provinces of the Central Chernozem region. After the February and October revolutions of 1917, anarchism in Russia embarked on a new path of development, which was characterized by attempts to unite and create a single combat force to protect the "revolutionary gains" from the interventionists and White Guard forces. The object of the study is the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Chernozem region during the establishment of Soviet power. The subject of the study is the armed actions of anarchists against the authorities in Orel and Voronezh in March-April 1918. The methodological basis is the consideration of historical phenomena and their interrelations in the context of the studied time (the principle of historicism). A comparative historical method was used to establish the similarities and distinctive features of the armed actions of anarchists in Orel and Voronezh. The article attempts to comprehensively study the history of the anarchist movement in the Central Black Earth region. The author analyzes only a small fragment of this topic. The spring of 1918 was a period of the defeat of anarchist detachments and organizations throughout Russia, these processes took place on the territory of the Central Chernozem region. Based on the works of his predecessors and memoir sources, the features of the defeat of the anarchist detachments in Orel and Voronezh are analyzed. During the analysis, it was possible to demonstrate that the anarchists were only part of the rebel forces, consisting of detachments arriving from the Ukrainian front, dissatisfied with the supply. Some Soviet authors often saw in these speeches a "Socialist-Revolutionary" conspiracy" or assigned the anarchists a leading role, making them the main instigators of uprisings. Which, according to the author, is an erroneous position.
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Савченко, В. А. "The case of "Sophia" and the question of anarchist expropriation." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1199.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the events that took place in July 1907 - the anarchists expropriated a large amount of money from the boat «Sofia» in the Black Sea. Considering this event, the author discusses the essence and role of political expropriations during the revolution of the early twentieth century, the peculiarities of the tactics of anarchist groups in Ukraine, the fate of some anarchists and their associations. For the South of Ukraine in 1906-1908 political expropriations were common. The article examinates the robbery of a steamer and a train near Odessa, a bank robbery in Odessa, a robbery of a cash register in Verkhnedneprovsk, carried by anarchists. Such actions were conducted not only by anarchists, but also by Bolsheviks, social revolutionaries and other radicals. The expropriations that were carried out by the Odessa anarchists in July-September 1907 became the last chord of the anarchist practice of «direct actions» that allowed, for some time, to restrain the political horizons of the federation of anarchist-syndicalists and communist anarchists also known as the «Working Group Anarchists in the South» (1907–1910). The theme of the discussion is a question about anarchist expropriation, which some researchers consider only as «criminal gangsterism». The article states that the money that was captured by anarchists, initially, went to purely political actions: the preparation of strikes, the printing of propaganda publications, organizational expenses and the purchase of weapons. After the expropriation on the steamer «Sofia», the anarchists sent part of the money to organize a strike of Odessa sailors and port workers, to organize acts of terror against representatives of the executive and judicial authorities. In the second half of 1907, the anarchist groups showed a tendency for self-provision of revolutionaries – spending money that was captured during the expropriation for personal needs, which led to the disappearance of money, weakening of the activities of anarchist structures, the collapse of anarchist groups. «Money depravity» has become one of the causes of the crisis in the anarchist movement and to the disintegration of individual groups. After a series of high-profile expropriations, the police sent all their forces to search for «malefactors». Many anarchists were arrested, including 14 out of 18 participants in the robbery at Sophia, several people were executed. Chasing of the police led to mass arrests and to the emigration of part of anarchists abroad.
10
Gerasimov, Nikolai I. "History of mystical anarchism (problem of periodization)." Philosophy Journal 15, no. 1 (2022): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2022-15-1-161-175.
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The article explores the problem of periodization of mystical anarchism. The author suggests that most of the disagreements between modern researchers of the creative heritage of the 20th century anarchist-mystics is related to the absence of any historical and philosophical reference point or scheme. The article suggests viewing the whole history of the development of this phenomenon as an evolution of communities of thinkers who were equally close to anarchist and mystical ideas. Three periods are distinguished: 1) 1905–1907; 2) 1917–1930; 3) 1924–1939. In each period, the author analyzes the ideological principles of a particular community of mystical anarchists, their ability to influence the cultural landscape of their era, and their conceptual relationship with their predecessors/successors. The terms “mystical anarchist” and “anarcho-mystic” are used synonymously in this text. Particular attention is paid to the emigrant period in the history of mystical anarchists (the study is based on the analysis of periodicals of the Russian diaspora in the United States).
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Grizzle, Gary. "Book Review: Ruth Kinna and Clifford Harper, Great Anarchists. London: Dog Section Press. 2020." Theory in Action 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 104–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2214.
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In their recent collaboration, Great Anarchists, political theory professor Ruth Kinna and illustrator Clifford Harper provide a testament to the contemporary relevance of late eighteenth through early twentieth century anarchist thought. They do so through their respective depictions of ten individuals who articulated anarchist ideas of one sort or another over the course of their lives. The people depicted in this volume range from those routinely found in mainstream academic treatments of anarchist theory (William Godwin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Michael Bakunin, and Peter Kropotkin), to those more likely to be found in insider accounts of the history of anarchism (Max Stirner, Louise Michel, Lucy Parsons, Errico Malatesta, and Voltairine De Cleyre), to a literary figure whose relationship to anarchism has frequently gone unnoticed (Oscar Wilde).
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Shaffer, Kirwin. "By Dynamite, Sabotage, Revolution, and the Pen: Violence in Caribbean Anarchist Fiction, 1890s-1920s." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 83, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2009): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002457.
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From the 1890s to the 1920s, anarchist groups and movements emerged in Puerto Rico and Cuba. They promoted the traditional anarchist agenda against governments, militarism, capitalism, and organized religion. While research on anarchists has often focused on their activities in strikes, uprisings, educational experiments, and other counter-cultural activities, this article illustrates how Caribbean-based anarchists used their fiction to promote the anarchist agenda. A central theme in much of the fiction (plays, poetry, novels, and short stories) revolved around violence leveled against society especially by governments. Just as interesting is how this fiction described—even praised—anarchist violence against authority. Thus, even while Caribbean anarchists only rarely resorted to physical violence, anarchist fiction often condemned authoritarian violence while celebrating the violence of revolution, the strike, bombings, and assassination to promote the anarchist cause of universal freedom.
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GE, Yinli. "The Earliest Chinese Translation of Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid." Cultura 16, no. 2 (January 1, 2019): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/cul022019.0006.
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In 1908, the first and second chapters of Kropotkin’s Mutual Aid were first translated into Chinese by Li Shizeng, greatly influencing Chinese anarchists. Li Shizeng followed Kropotkin’s scientific argument of anarchism and strengthened the viewpoint for praising “public” and suppressing “private”. When translating Kropotkin’s thoughts, Li Shizeng focused on political revolution, glossing over the criticism of the capitalist economy, and barely referenced Kropotkin’s original anarchist communist ideology.
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Martynov, Mikhail. "The problem of the “border” in the anarchist discourse." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 8, no. 2 (March 21, 2019): 329–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3591.
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The subject of this paper is the problem of the “border” in the anarchist discourse. The analysis is based on a number of key texts written primarily by Russian anarchists from the end of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twenty-first century. The author also examines some of the texts of contemporary American anarchism. The main attention is paid to three different aspects of the conceptualization of the “border” in the anarchist discourse: the anarchist idea of travel, the problem of the “border” in the context of the Russian languagespecific view of the world, as well as the “border” as a phenomenon of the text.
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Modrzejewska, Magdalena. "American individualist anarchists’ critique of the democratic state." Horyzonty Polityki 14, no. 47 (February 10, 2023): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/hp.2414.
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RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of this paper is to investigate major premisses of American individualist anarchist movement as the critique toward the constitutional democratic state.
THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: Paper analyses premises that led individualist anarchists to formulate their thesis about supreme character of individual rights and individual sovereignty. Consequently, this brought them to conclusion that such defined sovereignty is irreconcilable with any form of government, including constitutional democracy.
THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: After taking preliminary considerations, reconstructing development of individualist anarchist theory paper examines the shortcomings of constitutional democratic state pointed out by anarchists.
RESEARCH RESULTS: The result of the study is to clarify the Individualist Anarchists critique of the state, including the constitutional democratic state. Also, to elaborate why classical elements like judicial control, constitution, legal protection of individual rights was not perceived by individualist anarchist as sufficient to legitimise the political authority as such.
CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS: Adopting anarchists’ perspective and introducing into discourse stateless order as the possible alternative allows to introduce more critical voices about original shortages in legitimization of state power.
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Cox, Stephen. "Rand, Paterson, and the Problem of Anarchism." Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 13, no. 1 (July 1, 2013): 3–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaynrandstud.13.1.003.
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Abstract This essay is concerned with individualist arguments for and against anarchism. It analyzes the views of Ayn Rand, Isabel Paterson, and libertarian anarchists, with special emphasis on the concepts of consent, non-initiation of force, and non-self-sacrifice. The essay concludes with a critical assessment of individualist anarchist and limited-government theories, suggesting that while some are more useful than others, none can be considered complete, conclusive, or fully consistent.
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Quinn, Adam. "“Abolish the Monopolizing of the Earth”." Radical History Review 2023, no. 145 (January 1, 2023): 37–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10063606.
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Abstract At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, an industrial capitalist order stretched its grasp across the globe, placing control of farms, mines, and forests in the hands of wealthy industrialists. Living through this period of rapid and unequal economic and environmental change, anarchists denounced what they called the monopolizing of the earth and its products. Anarchists were deeply critical of the privatization of the environment and saw restricting access to nature as a core component of inequality and poverty. This article considers the environmental politics of transnational anarchism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. With anarchism’s geographically and ideologically diverse participants in mind, it incorporates the natural science-informed utopian visions of Peter Kropotkin and Elisée Reclus, the revolutionary and anti-colonial food and land politics of Ricardo Flores Magón, and the nature-informed radical sex politics of Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. It finds that “anarchism” did not just mean the destruction of the state and capitalism to its advocates, but the construction of a new political-economic-natural system that saw the liberation of people and the defense of nature as inextricably connected. The article concludes with a call to both include anarchism as a part of the genealogy of environmentalism and consider anarchism’s environmental politics in ongoing conversations about the relationships between environmental crises and human inequalities.
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Frayne, Carl Tobias. "The Anarchist Diet: Vegetarianism and Individualist Anarchism in Early 20th-Century France." Journal of Animal Ethics 11, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 83–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/janimalethics.11.2.0083.
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Abstract This article uncovers the historical connection between anarchism and vegetarianism in France. In doing so, it restores the significance of a little-known branch of the libertarian movement, namely individualist anarchism. Individualist anarchists sought to transform themselves by applying anarchist principles in their daily lives instead of waiting for a future revolution. Retracing the thoughts and deeds of these forgotten pioneers of the ecological and animal liberation movements, I show that vegetarianism is a striking illustration of anarcho-individualist prefigurative politics and that their aspiration to find their place within nature is as topical as ever.
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Ackelsberg, Martha, and Myrna Margulies Breitbart. "The role of social anarchism and geography in constructing a radical agenda." Dialogues in Human Geography 7, no. 3 (November 2017): 263–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820617732916.
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David Harvey’s response to Simon Springer (2014) raises important questions about the places from which to draw ideas for a radical geography agenda. Nevertheless, Harvey ignores critical contributions that social anarchists (including social geographers) have made to understanding both the theory and practice of social transformation. We draw on studies of the anarchist movement in Spain before and during the Spanish Civil War to explore some of what social anarchism has to contribute to geography and contemporary struggles for a more equitable society.
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Wenshan, Huang, and I.-Yi Hsieh. "Huang Wenshan and His Cosmopolitan Culturology." positions: asia critique 27, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 825–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-7727020.
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This translation introduces the life trajectory of Huang Wenshan—a first-generation Chinese anthropologist who received education from Columbia University in the 1920s—and his reflections on the anarchist wing within Chiang Kai-shek’s Kuomingtang. Drawing on Huang’s semibiographical writing, published in 1983, about this anarchist network, the translated text centers on the event of the death of Wu Zhihui—another famed anarchist intellectual—which had evoked much discussion and correspondence among intellectuals in the circle. The text particularly shows Huang and his fellow anarchists’ struggle to redeem a sense of cosmopolitanism while their lives are engulfed by the turmoil of international and civil wars. Against the backdrop of war, the translation further contextualizes Huang’s historical shift from anarchist politics to his focus on developing a unique theory of “culturology” since the outbreak of the Mukden Incident in 1931. This theory considers “culture” as central to constructing a new kind of cosmopolitanism, with which a commensurability can be achieved for all nations. Given the invaluable personal letters exchanged among the anarchists, annotated by Huang, this translated text provides insights into the “culture turn” among many Chinese anarchists in the wake of the Sino-Japanese Wars.
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Harvey, David. "‘Listen, Anarchist!’ A personal response to Simon Springer’s ‘Why a radical geography must be anarchist’." Dialogues in Human Geography 7, no. 3 (November 2017): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820617732876.
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This article offers a critical response to Simon Springer’s ‘Why a Radical Geography Must Be Anarchist’. From a Marxist perspective, the autonomist and anarchist tactics and sentiments that have animated a great deal of political activism over the last few years (in movements like ‘Occupy’) have to be appreciated, analyzed, and supported when appropriate. To the degree that anarchists of one sort or another have raised important issues that are all too frequently ignored or dismissed as irrelevant in mainstream Marxism, dialogue—let us call it mutual aid—rather than confrontation between the two traditions is a far more fruitful way to go. Conversely, Marxism, for all its past faults, has a great deal to offer to the anti-capitalist struggle in which many anarchists are also engaged. Judging from his piece, however, Springer would want no part in such a project. He seems mainly bent on polarizing the relation between anarchism and Marxism as if they are mutually exclusive if not hostile. There is, in my view, no point in that. Honest disagreements should not be a barrier to fertile collaborations in anti-capitalist struggles. So the conclusion I reach is this: let radical geography be just that: radical geography, free of any particular ‘ism’, nothing more, nothing less.
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Chase-Dunn, Christopher, John Aldecoa, Ian Breckenridge-Jackson, and Joel S. Herrera. "Anarchism in the Web of Transnational Social Movements." Journal of World-Systems Research 25, no. 2 (September 3, 2019): 373–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2019.876.
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Anarchists have played a visible and significant role in global civil society since the 19th century and in the New Global Left since it emerged in the 1990s. Horizontalism and social libertarianism have been central components of the contemporary World Revolution and were also important in the world revolutions of 1968 and 1989. Anarchists have participated in the Social Forum process at the global, national and local levels and, in various ways, have influenced the contemporary world revolution far beyond their numbers. We use surveys from Social Forums to examine how self-identified actively involved anarchists are similar or different from other attendees. We also conduct a formal network analysis to examine the links that the anarchists have with other social movement themes. Despite the small number of self-identified anarchists, our findings suggest that anarchist organizational approaches and political values are widely shared among the activists who have been involved in the Social Forum process.
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Semiglazov, Georgiy. "Lev Chernyi’s Anarchistic Sociometry." Sociological Journal 27, no. 1 (March 26, 2021): 122–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/socjour.2021.27.1.7847.
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Anarchist teachings have become popular in the modern world. Due to this fact, it is necessary to examine the history of this movement, because many important anarchists of the past are hardly known today. This article focuses on the ideas of Lev Chernyi (Pavel Dmitrievich Turchaninov), who was a Russian anarchist in the early 20th century. The author analyzes his program work “A New Direction in Anarchism: Associational Anarchism”, first published in 1907. The goal of the analysis is to introduce Chernyi not only as a dedicated anarchist, but also as a social scientist, familiar with the traditions of European sociology. Such a perspective is possible due to the terminology used by Turchaninov. In particular, the Russian anarchist divides social sciences into sociology and sociometry, defining the subject area for each field of knowledge. To reach the goal, it is necessary to answer several key questions of social sciences, namely, how Chernyi explains action, social order and social changes. The author claims that answers to these questions very well might be found in the work of Turchaninov. The conclusion is that Chernyi’s ideas are interesting not only for researchers of anarchism, but also for social scientists and philosophers, since Turchaninov has several concepts similar to the ideas of the classics of sociological thought.
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Hamilton, Carol Van Der Veer. "Wagner as Anarchist, Anarchists as Wagnerians." Oxford German Studies 22, no. 1 (January 1993): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ogs.1993.22.1.168.
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Sueiro Seoane, Susana. "Anarquismo e independentismo cubano: las figuras olvidadas de Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci y Pedro Esteve = Anarchism and Cuban Independence: The Forgotten Figures of Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci and Pedro Esteve." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 30 (July 18, 2018): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.30.2018.21864.
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Este texto analiza las fuertes discrepancias que hubo en el anarquismo del siglo XIX a propósito del tema independentista cubano. En un principio, la tesis más extendida fue que la liberación de Cuba del dominio español no garantizaba a la isla su libertad, que los anarquistas entendían como una emancipación económica y social y no política. La lucha por la instauración de una república, pensaban, no era su lucha. Sin embargo, el mensaje de Martí caló entre muchos obreros cubanos, incluidos los anarquistas, y en las páginas de los periódicos libertarios, tanto de Cuba como de España o Estados Unidos, se discutió mucho sobre si los anarquistas debían o no apoyar la causa independentista. Personajes centrales en esta polémica fueron los impresores Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci y Pedro Esteve, que utilizaron los periódicos que editaron para reflexionar sobre el tema de la patria, el patriotismo y el independentismo. Finalmente, ganó en el seno del anarquismo cubano la causa de la independencia. Incluso Esteve, el más reticente, acabó aceptando que había que apoyar la guerra por la independencia cubana siempre que el objetivo último siguiera siendo la revolución anarquista. This text analyses the strong discrepancies that arose in XIXth Century anarchism regarding Cuban independence. At first, the anarchist theory was that the liberation of Cuba from Spanish rule did not guarantee the Island its freedom, which the anarchists understood as being an economic and social emancipation but not a political one. The fight for the establishment of a republic, they thought, was not their fight. However, Martí’s message made an impression amongst many Cuban workers, including the anarchists, and in the pages of the libertarian newspapers, both Cuban and Spanish or North American, there was much debate on whether or not the anarchists should support the cause of independence. Key figures in this controversy were the printers Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci and Pedro Esteve, who used the periodicals they published to deliberate on the themes of homeland, patriotism and independence. Finally, at the heart of Cuban anarchism it was the struggle for independence that prevailed. Even Esteve, the most reluctant, ended up accepting that it was necessary to support the Cuban war of independence as long as the final objective continued to be anarchist revolution.
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Łaniewski, Aleksander. "Od insurekcji do rewolucji." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 74, no. 2 (December 8, 2021): 17–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2021.74.2.04.
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Over the past 30 years, the anarchist movement in Belarus has been constantly developing and radicalising. Both the active participation of anarchists in the 2020 protests (mass demonstrations, performances of students and workers, grass-roots courtyard initiatives, anarcho-partisans), as well as the publication of a number of analytical articles and the proposing of two political programmes (Pramen, Ihar Alinievich) allow the Belarusian revolution to be considered as not only the culmination of the radicalisation of the anarchist movement, but also as a completion of the formation of a virile and independent socio-political movement. The participation of anarchists in the revolution, in turn, made them key figures of unprecedented repressions by the Belarusian authorities (including the recognition of anarcho-partisans as terrorists). As a result, the Belarusian anarchist movement was paralysed.
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Shaukat, Fakhr ul Munir, and Muhammad Hamza. "Anarchism: A Legacy of Postmodernism." Global Political Review VI, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-iv).02.
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This study has made the implicit links betweenpostmodernism and anarchism explicit in order to uncoverthe philosophical origins of terrorism in the postmodern society. This studydeals with the Anarchists' philosophical background and howPostmodernism fanned it. Anarchists' approach mainly whirls around asingle point agenda, and that is, they are against the state or existence ofstates' borders. I mention again what Researcher has already mentioned,the state and all other international institutions emerged after a rationalapproach as stated by Hegel. Postmodernism denied that reality in everycontour, whether those are institutions or anything else. Anarchism broughtthis concept into a broader paradigm and started denying the existence ofthe state. So, both postmodernists and anarchists have denied the realityin their own capacities, but the grounds and arguments are the same.Anarchism paved the way for multiple active terrors based centrifugalmovements throughout the world.
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Berry, David. "‘Fascism or Revolution!’ Anarchism and Antifascism in France, 1933–39." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000132.
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French anarchists were careful to distinguish between the Popular Front's leaders - the politicians - and its working-class supporters. They enthused over ‘the fraternity, the solidarity and the strength of the working class’ manifested in the extra-parliamentary antifascist movement of 1934–35. They took an active, and in some respects a leading part, in that movement. This article assesses the French anarchists' contribution to the antifascist movement and their critique of ‘Popular Frontism’. It also asks to what extent the anarchist movement can be said to have succeeded or failed in its objectives, and examines the ideological debates which the experiences of 1936–39 provoked between different anarchist currents over revolutionary strategy and tactics.
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Dupuis-Déri, Francis. "How to Occult Misogyny and Antifeminism in the History of Political Ideas: The Case of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon." Anarchist Studies 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2024): 70–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.32.1.03.
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This article offers an analysis of Proudhon's sexist and anti-feminist remarks and of the different strategies developed by his interpreters to avoid taking them seriously, in an apparent concern to defend his image as a 'great thinker'. Considering Proudhon's comments about men and women, personal letters about his wife and daughters, as well as critical interpretations of feminists and anarchists of the time, it is possible to explain quite simply his seemingly contradictory positions for an anarchist: he was also a man – husband and father – who defended his power, his privileges, and his masculine interests. Such a conclusion might be relevant for contemporary anarchists, since today the anarchist networks are still struggling with sexism and even sexual violence.
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Heuling, Dagmar Schulze. "Challenging the Roads to Anarchy." New Perspectives on Political Economy 15, no. 1-2 (September 30, 2019): 36–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.62374/69f5h280.
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Anarchists state that a sufficient justification for political authority and the state does not exist. Furthermore, some of them seem to suggest that arriving at the idea of a stateless society is the inevitable outcome of acknowledging undeniable truths, making anarchism an exceptionally pure political theory. In this paper, I accept the anarchist claim that existing attempts at the justification of the state are insufficient. Though this constitutes a necessary condition for demands to abolish the state, I will show that for two reasons it does not automatically constitute a sufficient condition as well. First, the critiqued position does not take into account the paradoxical setting in which the decision regarding the political organization of a group of human beings takes place. Second, unless one attempts at justifying (philosophical) anarchism on purely utilitarian grounds, the refutation of a state’s authority is based on some principle or value. It is most likely that in its practical unfolding an anarchist society will violate the very principle which warranted its implementation in the first place. It thus remains perfectly possible to endorse anarchism, but this endorsement must be based on different arguments.
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Yong, C. F. "Origins and Development of the Malayan Communist Movement, 1919–1930." Modern Asian Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1991): 625–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00010787.
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Communism as an ideology was first introduced to Malaya by Chinese anarchists, and not by Kuomintang Left, Indonesian communists or Chinese communists as claimed in existing scholarship.1 A handful of Chinese anarchists arrived in British Malaya during the First World War to take up positions as Chinese vernacular school teachers or journalists. These Chinese intellectuals harboured not only anarchism but also communism, commonly known then as anarcho-communism.
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Confino, Michael. "1903-1914." Russian History 37, no. 3 (2010): 179–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633110x510419.
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AbstractFrom the first years after 1900, the Russian anarchists debated the “question of the organization,” and examined how they should organize the movement so that they may carry on its political activities and secure freedom of expression and of spontaneous action both for its members and for the masses. Opposed as they were to all kind of hierarchic, centralized, and pyramidal types of organization, most of the Russian anarchists preferred the creation of independent and autonomous groups whose members would be linked by a community of ideas and feelings. (The first groups appeared in Russia in 1903.) Under the influence of classical anarchist thinkers like Bakunin, Kropotkin, and Malatesta, some of them saw in anarchism not only an ideology, but a way of life, and tried to create cells in the image of the future society. Everyday realities compelled many of them to adopt more efficient and practical solutions. The most frequent terms used in their vocabulary (and examined here) reveal their state of mind and ways of action, terms such as self-rule, initiative, autonomous action, independence, creativity, and free activity. Their groups were usually homogenous in terms of their social, educational, and national or ethnic composition. They rejected the practice of collecting members' fees or donations. As a result they faced the problem of how to finance their activities. A major debate ensued whether or not to use “expropriations” (eksy), armed attacks on state institutions or private enterprises, for gathering funds, and how such actions were viewed by the masses. The Revolution of 1905, in which the anarchists participated actively, had important repercussions on their views and ways of organizing.
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Gaudino, Emanuela. "Traditional Thought and Utopian Egalitarianism in the Tianyi bao: The Rise of an Anarchist Ideal among Chinese Communities in Tokyo." MING QING YANJIU 17, no. 01 (February 14, 2012): 121–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24684791-01701006.
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This essay discusses the experience of anarchism among young Chinese intellectuals based in Japan between 1907-1908. The rise of an anarchist ideal among Chinese intellectuals was firstly related to their acquaintance with Japanese radicals. In 1907 division among the Tongmenghui leadership and the conversion of Japanese intellectuals to anarchism made Chinese students and intellectuals based in Tokyo more susceptible to radical political doctrines. Anarchism emerged as a new trend out of this political turmoil. Liu Shipei, He Zhen and Zhang Ji were the central figures of the Tokyo Group and the main supporters of the anarchist propaganda in Japan. Through the acquaintance with the Kinyōkai 金矅会 (Friday Group), the radical socialist faction led by Kōtoku Shūsui, they were able to bring together the Chinese overseas communities in Japan, who were dissatisfied with the principle of Tongmenghui and its leadership. The close relations with Kōtoku and Japanese socialists, the affiliation with the Tongmenghui and the quarrels within the same Alliance concerning Sun’s leadership, the establishment of societies among Chinese students in Japan and the publication of a journal, all consent to define the contours of anarchist activities in Japan between the years 1907-1908. My goal in the following pages is to highlight the Japanese route of Chinese anarchism outlining anarchist thinking and propaganda as delineated in the pages of their official organ, the Tianyi bao (Journal of Natural Justice). Overall, I will try to answer these three questions. First, how did Chinese traditional thought become a means to sustain utopian egalitarianism? Second, how did Kōtoku Shūsui and Japanese anarchists influence the rise of an anarchist ideal among Chinese intellectuals based in Japan? And third, how did the Tianyi bao promote a racial, social and political revolution in order to create an ideal society?
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Voronov, Yury. "Very Old and the Very Modern Clothing of Anarchism. Theory." Ideas and Ideals 15, no. 1-1 (March 28, 2023): 105–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2023-15.1.1-105-133.
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This article discusses the main stages in the development of the theory of anarchism. The author started his examination of anarchist ideas from Errico Malatesta’s book “The System of Anarchism in Ten Conversations for the Peasants”. Then, the author considers the works of a French politician, philosopher and economist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. The paper touches upon the problem of practical implementation of his theoretical principles up to the present time. The author also takes into account the works of the geographical school of anarchism (Elise’e Reclus and Peter Kropotkin). The paper analyses the anarchist origins of the classical school of political economy. It is noted that a significant part of Adam Smith’s ideas was previously expressed by his predecessor, anarchist William Godwin. In particular, it is shown that the category of ‘invisible hand’ originated from anarchist ideas about the inner world of a person, and not from the ideas that ‘the market will decide everything’. Some aspects of the history of the First International, the role of anarchists in the creation and activities of the First International are considered. The article describes the emergence and development of anarchism in Japan, it is shown that the Japanese branch of anarchism is closely connected with the works of M. Bakunin. The problem of long-term propaganda of the ideas of anarchism in US universities is touched upon. The main authors of anarchist works are singled out from among them. The author also considers Christian theological anarchism associated with the name of I. Illich, as well as the works of the followers and propagandists of anarcho-Islam that have appeared in recent years. According to the author, the ideas of anarchism are poorly analyzed by historians, which leads to many incorrect assessments of current events and erroneous predictions of the future, especially in recent decades. The reason for this is ignoring the role of anarchist thought in the socio-economic life of the world. It is noted that the penetration of anarchist ideas into social theories and political doctrines of very different directions takes place in such a way that they become an inseparable part of them and are no longer considered anarchist. Briefly, the main idea of the article can be expressed in the words: “Theoretical anarchism does matter”.
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Malendowicz, Paweł. "Contemporary Anarchism as an Alternative to the Dominant Narrative about the Western World." Politeja 19, no. 3(78) (November 24, 2022): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.78.11.
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The subject of this article is anarchism interpreted as a form of opposition and an alternative to the dominant narrative about the contemporary Western world. The aim of the article is to indicate the areas that shape the dominant narrative about the world and the methods and arguments used by anarchists in attempts to disrupt this narrative by creating their own narrative. The author formulated a hypothesis according to which European anarchism defined the idea of freedom in opposition to the concept of freedom inherent in liberal democracy and consumerism, redefined democracy, criticized the tendencies inherent in modern politics, such as European integration and militarism, as well as the spread of economic patterns inherent in neoliberalism and materialistic and consumerist attitudes of modern societies. The method used to verify this hypothesis is an aspectual analysis carried out in the context of the above mentioned problems on the basis of program documents, propaganda texts and journalism of the contemporary anarchist movement in Europe.
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Dupuis-Déri, Francis. "L’anarchisme entre nationalisme et cosmopolitisme." Sociologie et sociétés 44, no. 1 (September 10, 2012): 241–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1012150ar.
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La discussion débute par un rappel des diverses postures anarchistes face au nationalisme, puis des liens entre judaïsme et anarchisme, pour enfin présenter et analyser l’activisme du groupe de juifs israéliens Anarchists Against the Wall (AATW), et en proposer un bilan provisoire. L’objectif est de réfléchir aux rapports tendus entre l’anarchisme, qui est en principe internationaliste, et le nationalisme, en particulier les luttes dites de « libération nationale », qu’elles soient laïques ou religieuses. Une attention particulière est portée à la réaction des activistes d’AATW face au « mur » érigé depuis 2002 par l’État d’Israël. La construction du mur a offert — de façon paradoxale — une opportunité politique à des Juifs israéliens et à des Palestiniens de tisser des liens organiques et de militer ensemble, précisément contre la construction de ce mur.
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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.
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The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.
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Shryock, Richard. "Decadent Anarchists and Anarchist Decadents in 1880s Paris." Dix-Neuf 21, no. 2-3 (July 3, 2017): 104–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14787318.2017.1386887.
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de Laforcade, Geoffroy. "Indigeneity, Gender, and Resistance: Critique and Contemporaneity of Bolivian Anarchism in the Historical Imagination of Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 19–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.02.
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From the 1920s to the 1940s, Bolivia was a hub of Andean transnational solidarities rooted in artisanal trades, and spearheaded by migrant workers whose cultural, educational and social activism reflected a mosaic of influences from older militant traditions in neighbouring countries. Virtually absent from existing overviews of Latin American anarchism in English, Bolivian anarchism engaged extensively with autonomous indigenous and communal movements, and is therefore a distinctly revealing case from which to evaluate the engagement of anarchists with indigenous majorities in the Andean space where they lived. This article explores the work of sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui, whose dense tapestry of pioneering scholarship on the intertwining horizons of conquest, rebellion, republicanism, resistance and populism in Bolivia over five hundred years includes profound and nuanced assessments of indigeneity and gender, pointing to the need for a more nuanced understanding of how racialised identities are defined in society, and the ways in which they are deployed discursively by revolutionary movements. From the rebellions Tupac Katari and Pablo Zárate Willka in the late 19th century, the subsequent quest of Aymara 'caciques apoderados' for allies among organized artisans and the urban poor, struggles of anarchist women, independent agrarian trade unionism, and the Katarista movement of the 1960s and 1970s to the popular insurgencies of the past three decades, Cusicanqui's work threads together archival, oral and iconographic history while enlisting the participation of popular movements in an ongoing critique of the legacies of internal colonialism, racialization, patriarchal inheritances, and languages of resistance in Bolivia; as well as the lessons of struggles for autonomy, freedom and decolonization in which anarchists and the movements they subsequently influenced took part.
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Wood, Patricia Burke. "Questioning authority." Dialogues in Human Geography 7, no. 3 (November 2017): 274–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2043820617732917.
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In this commentary, I clarify and expand on anarchists’ positions on order, collectivism, organization, anti-statism, leadership, and the scale of politics. I conclude with some suggestions as to what anarchism has to offer critical geographers.
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Brobjer, Thomas H. "Sources of Nietzsche’s Knowledge and Critique of Anarchism." Nietzsche-Studien 50, no. 1 (September 8, 2021): 300–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nietzstu-2021-500114.
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Abstract Hundreds of books and articles have been written on Nietzsche and anarchism, but the overwhelming number of them concern how later anarchists have viewed and have been inspired by, or have been critical of, Nietzsche. In the present contribution, I will instead emphasize how his views of anarchism changed, why he was so critical of anarchism and what were his main sources of knowledge of anarchism and the stimuli for his statements.
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Brobjer, Thomas H. "Sources of Nietzsche’s Knowledge and Critique of Anarchism." Nietzsche-Studien 50, no. 1 (August 18, 2021): 300–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/nietzstu-2021-0012.
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Abstract Hundreds of books and articles have been written on Nietzsche and anarchism, but the overwhelming number of them concern how later anarchists have viewed and have been inspired by, or have been critical of, Nietzsche. In the present contribution, I will instead emphasize how his views of anarchism changed, why he was so critical of anarchism and what were his main sources of knowledge of anarchism and the stimuli for his statements.
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Newhard, Joseph Michael. "National Defense as a Private Good: Freedom as a Positive Externality." New Perspectives on Political Economy 17, no. 2 (July 14, 2021): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.62374/fvyd5r22.
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Ninov (2017) proposes that the defense of anarcho-capitalist societies should be wholly funded by war reparations imposed on defeated foreign aggressors. In that essay, Ninov objects on both moral and practical grounds to any system in which anarchists are to fund their own defense. The present paper disagrees with his on several counts. First, it rejects the claim that defense is an inherently coercive market and suggests that the proposal may violate the libertarian principle of proportionality. Second, the proposal is impractical as there are insurmountable barriers to imposing the reparations. Third, if implemented, the proposal would undermine anarchist deterrence and defense, reducing military strength to below what the market would bear when defense is funded by the anarchists themselves.
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Baker, Zoe. "Kropotkin and Revolution." Anarchist Studies 31, no. 2 (October 1, 2023): 96–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.31.2.05.
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Anarchists, and Kropotkin in particular, are often depicted as optimists who lack a realistic view of how to achieve fundamental social change. This article counters this narrative by reconstructing Kropotkin's views on revolution and the arguments he used to justify it. In particular, I demonstrate that Kropotkin developed complex theories about how revolutions arise, what form a revolution must take in order to succeed, and how anarchists should act to achieve their goals. Kropotkin did not ignore or downplay the difficulties that any revolution would encounter.Instead, he considered the potential obstacles and developed coherent arguments for why the methods of anarchism were best suited to overcome them.
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de Laforcade, Geoffroy, and Steven J. Hirsch. "Introduction: Indigeneity and Latin American Anarchism." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.01.
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The articles in this special issue frame the question of anarchism and indigeneity as historiography, but also as a commentary on the ways in which examining Latin American pasts can inform contemporary understandings of social movements in the region and beyond. In particular, our hope is that they will provoke further interest and research into how history reflects on the ongoing efforts by revolutionaries today, and by the diverse communities with which they engage, to imagine a future devoid of authoritarian and instrumentalist discourses and practices that continue to reproduce the inequities of state power, capitalist oppression, and colonial domination. The case can be made that while its historiography is in its early stages, anarchists in Latin America historically engaged the communities in which they immersed, in some localities more successfully than others. This issue of Anarchist Studies will show that Bolivia - largely ignored in the English-language literature on the subject - and Peru demonstrated early and ongoing efforts to approach indigeneity among Aymara and Quechua peoples in urban and rural settings (see de Laforcade and Hirsch). In Guatemala, however, which is at the heart of a vast regional geography of diverse Mayan peoples ranging from Honduras to Mexico, and in which the white and mestizo populations are a distinct minority, no such tradition emerged (see Monteflores). Raymond Craib has noted that in Chile, a country on the southern reaches of the Andes that produced a vibrant anarchist culture in the early 20th century, the anarchist archives show virtually no connection between the labour movement and the southern Mapuche peoples of Araucania. Beyond the simple question of whether anarchists acknowledged and engaged in solidarity with indigenous communities, however, there is the more sensitive question raised by Mexican sociologist Josué Sansón on the 'translatability' of anarchist ideas and practices among Peruvian rural communities, which he studied. Sansón argues that the transmission was not 'unidirectional', but rather a 'space of encounter in which some Aymara and Quechua communities received and appropriated them, reinterpreting and adapting them to them their own idioms of resistance in the creation of their own autonomous movements.'
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Hirsch, Steven J. "Anarchists and 'the Indian Problem' in Peru, 1898-1927." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 54–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.03.
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Anarchists' pursuit of indigenous emancipation in Peru has been obfuscated and largely erased in Peruvian historiography. This is attributable in part to a concerted effort by Marxists and national populists (Apristas) to minimise anarchist influence and to arrogate to themselves the role of true defenders and revolutionary allies of Peru's indigenous peoples This article examines the way anarchists understood the nature of Peru's system of domination and the multifarious ways it oppressed, exploited, and marginalised indigenous peoples. They recognised the imperative to overcome urban-rural and coastal-sierra divisions to empower indigenous workers and peasants and to forge multi-ethnic alliances. In doing so, they fostered indigenous syndical organisations, encouraged the formation of indigenous intellectuals and activists, promoted bilingual education, and established study centres and rural schools. They defended indigenous and multi-ethnic communities' rights to land and resources and supported their demands for self-governance. That they were unsuccessful in achieving indigenous emancipation does not negate the important legacy of solidarity and struggle they bequeathed to Peru's current anarchist movement.
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Monteflores, Omar Lucas. "Anarchism and the Indigenous Peoples of Guatemala: A Tenuous Relation." Anarchist Studies 28, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/as.28.2.04.
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While the indigenous peoples of Guatemala and its history of anarchist thought are seldom studied together but there is merit to exploring the differences and convergences between the anarchist movement's perspectives on class and ethnicity and those of better understood liberal, socialist and communist traditions. Anarchists in Guatemala made tentative efforts to reach out to rural workers and peasants in the period between 1928 to 1932, but these efforts were circumscribed and largely unsuccessful. They did so under the influence of more structured movements in Mexico and Argentina, which incorporated visions of collective emancipation that would appeal to autonomous indigenous movements; however their brief embrace of these issues, interrupted by fierce repression by the state, was curtailed by the overwhelming urban base from which they intervened in labour and social struggles. The reasons for this failure lay in the history of Guatemalan race relations and the structural divisions between urban and rural society that endured during the transition from colonial to republican society, and which anarchists tied to overcome.
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Ferracioli, Luara. "The Anarchist's Myth: Autonomy, Children, and State Legitimacy." Hypatia 30, no. 2 (2015): 370–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12147.
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Philosophical anarchists have made their living criticizing theories of state legitimacy and the duty to obey the law. The most prominent theories of state legitimacy have been called into doubt by the anarchists' insistence that citizens' lack of consent to the state renders the whole justificatory enterprise futile. Autonomy requires consent, they argue, and justification must respect autonomy. In this essay, I want to call into question the weight of consent in protecting our capacity for autonomy. I argue that if we care about all of the preconditions for autonomy, then we have good reasons to leave the state of nature. This leaves the philosophical anarchist with a dilemma. If she truly cares about autonomy, then she must welcome the state. But if she wants to deny the legitimacy of the state because of the value of consent, then she needs to downplay the moral significance of autonomy in people's lives. If autonomy matters, the state does too. If it doesn't, then consent doesn't. The philosophical anarchist can't have it both ways.
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Zubarev, Ivan Yur'evich. "Underground and terrorist activities of anarchists during the establishment of Soviet power in Russia: the emergence and activities of the "anarchist underground"." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 8 (August 2023): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.8.43780.
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The article deals with the causes and history of the emergence and activities of the "All-Russian Organization of Underground Anarchists" (VOAP), which began its activities after the deterioration of relations between anarchists and Bolsheviks. This paper reveals the reasons for the emergence of the organization, the motives of its terrorist activities. The author has researched and analyzed the literary heritage of the underground anarchists, studied the works devoted to the activities of this organization. All this made it possible to form an objective opinion about the activities, goals and objectives of this organization. The object of the study is the activity of the VOAP. The subject of the study is the history of the organization's formation, its propaganda and terrorist activities. According to the author, the VOAP originated from among the most radical anarchists who were dissatisfied and offended by the Bolsheviks, and their motives were revenge rather than revolutionary struggle. The roots of the motives of the "underground workers" lay in the events of the disarmament and defeat of anarchist groups by the Bolsheviks in the spring of 1918 and the subsequent repression of representatives of the left opposition. The terrorist attack carried out by the Moscow group VOAPA and its consequences not only did not become the beginning of the "third revolution", but on the contrary, alienated some sympathizers. The transition of the "underground" to individual terror was caused by revenge motives.
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Brekhov, Gleb S. "Women and Anarchism: The Anarcha-Feminism Movement in Europe and the United States." RUDN Journal of Political Science 24, no. 1 (February 25, 2022): 90–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2022-24-1-90-106.
Full textAbstract:
As an ideology, anarchism has many currents formed through its symbiosis with various socio-political philosophies, including feminism. In the modern world, due to the growing support for feminism in Western countries, the study of anarcha-feminism as one of the most active anarchist movements seems to be useful for understanding the socio-political situation in Europe and the United States. The article examines the position of women in the anarchism ideology upon the development of the anarcha-feminist movement from the 19th century to the present day. Based on the works of the classics of anarcha-feminism (E. Goldman, W. De Claire) and modern research (D. Koval, M. Rachmaninova), the author conducted a comparative retrospective analysis of the relationship between anarchism and feminism within a single socio-political trend. The study revealed that despite the ideological similarity of anarchism and feminism in matters of equality and attitude to power, in classical anarchism women were assigned a rather insignificant, and even deprived, role. The fusion of feminism and anarchism, which came as a response to the unfair position of women in society, led to a change in the status of women in the understanding of anarchists, and also gave impetus to the development of modern anarcha-feminism (La Rivolta!, Eskalera Karakola, Wemoons Army, Radical cheerleading) including more and more men in the movement.