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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Anarchism'
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Redmond, Stephen. "Defining anarchism /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arr318.pdf.
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Abram, Isaac. "Sheldon Wolin's Anarchism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1386314425.
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Roy, Remi. "Anarchism and civil society." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=39212.
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This thesis endeavors to render anarchist thought more appropriate to contemporary political life. It attempts to show that what is needed is not an overarching theoretical system, but rather explorations of new organisational forms. I will try to demonstrate that supported by anarchistic trends in social theory, anarchical organisational forms are taking place to some extent in practice. These transformations, it is maintained, are a desirable political response to contemporary technological change.
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Egoumenides, Magda. "Critical philosophical anarchism : a defence of an anarchist approach to the problem of political authority." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2004. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1446908/.
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In this thesis I define and defend the philosophy of critical philosophical anarchism and show it to be superior to alternative (anarchist and non-anarchist) approaches to the problem of justification of political institutions. In general I argue that the anarchist position within the contemporary debate on political obligation has been dismissed too easily and that the value of an anarchist approach to an understanding of (and solution to) the problem of political authority is underestimated in current thought. In particular, my thesis sets out and defends the critical philosophical anarchist approach to the problem of political obligation and contrasts this approach with traditional treatments of the problem. I advance a clearer statement of the critical philosophical anarchist position than those currently available and demonstrate the continued value of taking an anarchist approach to the problem of political authority. This thesis has seven chapters. In the introductory chapter I set out the basic problem of political obligation and the anarchist position I want to defend. The first chapter presents the main aspects of the central problem and the main argument for its solution to be developed in the following chapters. Chapter two provides an analysis and restatement of anarchist arguments against consent and contract theories of political obligation. Chapter three offers considerations against a natural duty theory of political obligation. Chapter four addresses a reciprocity-based theory of political obligation, to wit: the principle of fairness as formulated by Hart and Rawls. The fifth chapter provides a general illustration of the distinctive contribution of critical philosophical anarchism to the problem of political authority. It develops the argument set out in chapter one and references to that argument in the preceding critical chapters on alternative approaches to the problem of political obligation. In the concluding chapter I tie together my argument for critical philosophical anarchism, as developed over the course of the thesis, and set out the main aims of an anarchist approach to society in light of this discussion.
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Clark, Samuel. "Anarchism, social possibility, & utopia." Thesis, University of York, 2003. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9842/.
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Farris, Jeremy Daniel. "Authority, philosophical anarchism, and legitimacy." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:75985fea-1102-4cf1-a05a-a13e3a14f9b1.
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One way to prompt people to act is to claim that one’s commands impose duties upon some persons to act and subsequently to command those persons. This is the approach of practical authority. The claim of practical authority is ingredient to a predominant conception of the state. This thesis argues that the state’s claim to practical authority is both unjustified and morally wrong; it defends philosophical anarchism. The philosophical anarchist argument advanced here begins with a defence of a presumption against practical authority. It then argues that no argument for the practical authority of the state overcomes that presumption. Thus the state’s claim to practical authority is unjustified. The philosophical anarchist’s position suggests that we rethink both the normative claim ingredient to the concept of the state and the relationship between states and persons. This thesis suggests that states claim legitimacy – that is, states claim that the potentially coercive legal directives that they enact are all-things-considered morally permissible. The thesis outlines the ideal of legitimacy in political philosophy, an ideal distinct from authority. An analysis of legitimacy requires an analysis of coercion. The thesis develops a specific account of the pro tanto wrongfulness of coercion that locates the wrongfulness of coercion not with the badness of the outcomes that the coercee faces but rather with the beliefs and intentions of the coercer. Two upshots emerge from that account. The first is that legal directives are not necessarily coercive. The second is that the conditions which render coercion pro tanto wrongful also render the state’s claim to practical authority wrongful. However, whereas coercion is justifiable by an appeal to reasons that defeat its pro tanto wrongfulness, the philosophical anarchist shows that the state’s claim to practical authority is not so justifiable. Therefore, the state’s claim to practical authority is decisively wrongful.
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Stapp, April Marie. "'Occupying' Anarchism and Discovering the Means for Social Justice: Interrogating the Anarchist Turn in 21st Century Social Movements." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/51116.
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The purpose of this thesis is to take the individual on a journey about what it is like to be engaged in radical anti-systemic activism in the 21st Century. Along this journey the reader will learn about the experiences of what it was like to join the Occupy movement"an anti-systemic movement that began in 2011"through an empirical analysis of learning about and practicing the anarchist(ic) characteristics of the movement"horizontal, non-hegemonic, affinity and consensus-based ways-of-being as a part of your everyday lifeworld. This journey is not only informed by my own personal experience joining the Occupy movement, but it is also informed by my simultaneous experience of maintaining the role of a radical activist-scholar throughout the process. Accordingly, I will explore how this impacted my lifeworld both within and outside of academia, which informed the very framework, analysis, and outcomes produced in this thesis. This project was thus also designed to inform social science research"particularly that on social movements"by reflecting on both social roles experienced in this journey in order to cohesively make sense of the paradoxes created by engaging in discourses about, within, and for the Occupy movement. Of most importance, from an empirical and ontological experience as an Occupier and activist-scholar, this project will help to raise key questions about the frameworks to seek social justice utilized by contemporary anti-systemic social movements in the 21st Century"social movements that are now spreading around the globe.Master of Science
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Boraman, Toby, and n/a. "New left and anarchism in New Zealand from 1956 to the early 1980s : an anarchist communist interpretation." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20060830.113811.
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This thesis draws upon anarchist communist theory in order to provide a historical account of the New Left and the anarchist movement in New Zealand from 1956 to the early 1980s. This account explains, describes and evaluates critically these movements.
The praxis of the New Left and the anarchist movement can be explained by a variety of social, economic, political, cultural and psychological factors. However, overall, it is argued that these movements were largely shaped by the underlying antagonisms of global capitalism. Because the New Left emerged during a lull in working-class self-activity, the politics of the early New Left and the anarchist movement from 1956 to the late 1960s were generally reformist and quietist. The later New Left emerged during a global resurgence in class-struggle from 1968 to the early to mid 1970s. Consequently, the demeanour of the later New Left and anarchism during this period was boisterous and ebullient.
The New Left in New Zealand was unique in that, compared with the New Left overseas, its major organisations were neither campus-based nor dominated by students. It consisted of young workers and students who jointly established numerous small affinity groups. The early New Left was less action-oriented than the later New Left. It was formed by dissidents from the Old Left and was closely associated with anti-nuclear protest. The later New Left issued from the more confrontational wing of the anti-Vietnam War and anti-apartheid movements, and then dispersed into various new social movements from the early 1970s onwards. The anarchist movement of the 1960s and 1970s was intimately interrelated with the New Left, and hence shared most of its characteristics.
This work employs anarchist communism as a theoretical tool to evaluate critically the innovations and limitations of the New Left and the anarchist movement. In particular, the class-based "non-market" anarchist communist theory of Peter Kropotkin is utilised. The main criterion used for judging the New Left and anarchist movement is their emancipatory capacity to spark a process whereby the underlying social relations of capitalism are fundamentally transformed.
The key strengths of the New Left and the anarchist movement were their sweepingly broad anti-authoritarianism, their festive politics and their focus upon everyday life. The primary weakness of these movements was their isolation from the working-class. The New Left concentrated on supporting nationalist struggles overseas and mostly overlooked domestic class-struggle. Numerous New Leftists and anarchists championed self-management yet did not question the market and the wage-system. This thesis highlights the complexities of the New Left. For instance, the later New Left was genuinely anti-disciplinarian yet often supported totalitarian Stalinist regimes overseas. As a result, it is argued that the New Left was paradoxically both anti-authoritarian and authoritarian.
It is claimed that an updated anarchist communism, integrating the best qualities of the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s with classical anarchist communism, is highly relevant today because of the rise of neo-liberalism and the anti-capitalist movement, and the demise of Stalinism and social democracy.
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Donaghey, Jim. "Punk and anarchism : UK, Poland, Indonesia." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2016. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/22100.
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This thesis explores the relationships between punk and anarchism in the contemporary contexts of the UK, Poland, and Indonesia from an insider punk and anarchist perspective. New primary ethnographic information forms the bulk of the research, drawing on Grounded Theory Method and an engagement with Orientalism. The theoretical framework is informed by the concept of antinomy which embraces complication and contradiction and rather than attempt to smooth-out complexities, impose a simplified narrative, or construct a fanciful dialectic, the thesis examines the numerous tensions that emerge in order to critique the relationships between punk and anarchism. A key tension which runs throughout the PhD is the dismissal of punk by some anarchists. This is often couched in terms of lifestylist versus workerist anarchism, with punk being denigrated in association with the former. The case studies bring out this tension, but also significantly complicate it, and the final chapter analyses this issue in more detail to argue that punk engages with a wide spectrum of anarchisms, and that the lifestylist / workerist dichotomy is anyway false. The case studies themselves focus on themes such as anti-fascism, food sovereignty/animal rights activism, politicisation, feminism, squatting, religion, and repression. New empirical information, garnered through numerous interviews and extensive participant observation in the UK, Poland, and Indonesia, informs the thick description of the case study contexts. The theory and analysis emerge from this data, and the voice of the punks themselves is given primacy here.
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Spaan, Cassandra Maria. "Anarchism as a form of government." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.592017.
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Within this thesis, the argument will be presented that anarchism, which is defined through liberty and liberty in turn is defined as autonomy constitutes a form of government, through the liberty it depends upon. The thesis begins with a textual analysis of Godwin's (who is arguably the first anarchist thinker - in chronological terms) Enquiry Concerning Political Justice (his most prominent work on political thought) in an attempt to identify the key factors that determine Political Justice within his theory (within his theory justice is understood and defined on an individual basis, which has to be considered in an attempt to define and achieve it). The analysis presented shows that Political Justice is achieved through creating and maintaining a Balance of Power (power is understood to be the means to enforce a decision), which exists when there is no entity to hold decision-making power over another entity. The two paths considered ( remain ing consistent with Godwin'S argument) towards achieving a Balance of Power are liberty and equality. It is argued that equality is maintained through an external authority and liberty is mai ntained through autonomy and deduced that such a Balance of Power is achievable only through liberty, because autonomy (liberty) allows for individual decisionmaking, which an external authority (equality) do not and individual decision-making is the decisive factor of a Balance of Power. The theories of Stirner, Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin and Goldman are analysed to determine if and to what extent autonomy (liberty) is the foundation of the ir respective theories. It is concluded that all the anarchist theories considered are based and dependent upon autonomy (l iberty). It is finally considered whether autonomy (liberty) and the anarchist theories considered are compatible with the concept of government. It is concluded that anarchism is the framework within which anarchy is sustainable, because anarchism provides the frame\vork for autonomy (liberty) to operate within (anarchy) and as such, anarchism is a form of government.
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Gordon, Uri. "Anarchism and political theory : contemporary problems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7615e18b-7357-4784-8228-5b49253c7650.
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This thesis explores contemporary anarchism, in its re-emergence as a social movement and political theory over the past decade. Its method combines cultural sociology and philosophical argumentation, in a participatory research framework. The first part, "Explaining Anarchism", argues that it should be addressed primarily as a political culture, with distinct forms of organisation, of campaigning and direct action repertoires, and of political discourse and ideology. Largely discontinuous with the historical workers' and peasants' anarchist movement, contemporary anarchism has fused in the intersection of radical direct-action movements in the North since the 1960s: feminism, ecology, and the resistance to nuclear energy and weapons, war, and neoliberal globalisation. Anarchist ideological discourse is analysed with attention to key concepts such as "domination" and "prefigurative politics", emphasising the avowedly open-ended, experimental nature of the anarchist project. The second part, "Anarchist Anxieties", is a set of theoretical interventions in four major topics of controversy in anarchism today. Leadership in anarchist politics is addressed through sustained attention to the concept of power, proposing an agenda for equalising access to influence among activists, and an "ethic of solidarity" around the wielding of non-coercive power. Violence is approached through a recipient-based definition of the concept, exploring the limits of any attempt to justify violence and offering observations on violent empowerment, revenge and armed struggle. Technology is subject to a strong anarchist critique, which stresses its inherently social nature, leading to the exploration of Luddism, the disillusioned use of ICTs, and the promotion of lo-tech, sustainable human-nature interfaces as strategical directions for an anarchist politics of technology. Finally, the lens of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is used to address anarchist dilemmas around national liberation, exploring anarchist responses in conflict-ridden societies, and direct action approaches to peacemaking.
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Suissa, Judith. "Anarchism and education : a philosophical exploration." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2003. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/10020413/.
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Anarchism is rarely given serious consideration by political philosophers, often being dismissed as 'utopian', or naively optimistic about human nature. Likewise, although there is a substantial anarchist tradition of educational ideas and practice, this is rarely mentioned in texts on philosophy or history of education. Drawing on work in political philosophy, philosophy of education and history of education, I explore the theoretical foundations of anarchism and the educational ideas of anarchist theorists and activists. The anarchist perspective, it is argued, is unique in the world of radical education, and should not be conflated with libertarian education. In order to highlight the philosophical insights which emerge from anarchist thought and practice, I compare anarchism with the connected traditions of liberalism and Marxism. In addition to dismissing some common misperceptions of anarchism, I discuss the educational implications of fundamental anarchist ideas. Central to this discussion is the notion of human nature which, while at the crux of much of the criticism of anarchism, also has a crucial bearing on the role of education within anarchist thought. It is argued that one cannot grasp the anarchist position on education without understanding the political context from which it stems. Equally, one cannot assess the viability of anarchism as a political ideology without appreciating the role played by education within anarchist thought — a role which is often overlooked. While not purporting to resolve the theoretical tensions within anarchism, I show that anarchist thought yields insights for educational philosophers, policy makers and practitioners. In exploring the charge of utopianism, I suggest that a consideration of anarchist ideas prompts us to ask questions about the role of philosophy of education. Anarchism, it is shown, overlaps significantly with both the liberal and the socialist traditions. Thus, although anarchism may seem in many ways to challenge the liberal tradition, it in fact both affirms important liberal principles and offers a motivating ideal for educators and philosophers of education.
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Pedro, Felipe Corrêa. "Rediscutindo o anarquismo: uma abordagem teórica." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/100/100134/tde-11122012-161527/.
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O presente trabalho discute teoricamente o anarquismo, a partir de um conjunto amplo de autores e episódios. Para isso, identifica e analisa criticamente os estudos de referência do anarquismo, define uma abordagem teórico-metodológica para o tratamento do objeto, realiza sua definição, aponta seus debates fundamentais, estabelece suas correntes e esboça as grandes linhas de seu surgimento e desenvolvimento histórico. As teses centrais da dissertação sustentam que os estudos de referência possuem problemas significativos de ordem teórico-metodológica, envolvendo: a base de dados (histórica e geográfica) com a qual trabalham; a maneira que situam o anarquismo na história e a maneira que lêem a história; as definições de anarquismo elaboradas e adotadas; as conclusões extraídas de suas análises. Tais problemas dificultam as investigações. Uma abordagem fundamentada num método histórico e num conjunto amplo de dados, que interaja com as noções de totalidade e interdependência, permite os que os problemas dos estudos de referência sejam solucionados e que se realize uma investigação adequada do anarquismo. Dentre os elementos fundamentais que podem ser afirmados em relação ao objeto, estão: sua definição como uma ideologia coerente, um tipo de socialismo revolucionário, podendo ser descrita por meio de um conjunto preciso de princípios; a elaboração racional de críticas, proposições e estratégias fundamentais, sobre as quais se estabelecem suas duas correntes: o anarquismo insurrecionalista e o anarquismo de massas; seu amplo impacto popular entre trabalhadores e camponeses, nas cidades e nos campos; seu desenvolvimento histórico permanente e global, desde seu surgimento, na segunda metade do século XIX, até o presente.This work discusses anarchism theoretically, from a wide range of authors and episodes. For this, it identifies and critically analyzes the reference studies on anarchism, sets a theoretical and methodological approach to the treatment of the object, establishes its definition, points its key debates, establishes its currents and sketches the broad outlines of its emergence and historical development. The central thesis of the research sustain that the reference studies have significant theoretical and methodological problems, involving: the database (historical and geographical) with which they work; the way they situate anarchism in history and the way they read history; the definitions of anarchism developed and adopted; the conclusions drawn from their analysis. Such problems hamper the investigations. An approach grounded in a historical method and a wide range of data, which interacts with the notions of totality and interdependence, allows the resolution of the problems present in the reference studies and the realization of a proper investigation of anarchism. Among the key elements that can be claimed in relation to the object, are: its definition as a coherent ideology, a kind of revolutionary socialism that can be described by a precise set of principles; the rational development of critics, propositions and key strategies, on which it establishes its two main currents: insurrectionist anarchism and mass anarchism; its broad popular impact among workers and peasants, in the cities and fields; its permanent and global historical development, since its emergence in the second half of the 19th century until the present.
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Honeywell, Carissa. "Anglo-American anarchism in the twentieth century." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.434466.
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Giombolini, Alecia Jay. "Anarchism on the Willamette: the Firebrand Newspaper and the Origins of a Culturally American Anarchist Movement, 1895-1898." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4471.
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The Firebrand was an anarchist communist newspaper that was printed in Portland, Oregon from January 1895 to September 1897. The newspaper was a central catalyst behind the formation of the culturally American anarchist movement, a movement whose vital role in shaping radicalism in the United States during the Progressive Era has largely been ignored by historians. The central argument of this thesis is that the Firebrand publishers' experiences in Gilded Age Portland shaped the content and the format of the newspaper and led to the development of a new, uniquely American expression of anarchism.
Anarchism was developed in response to the great transformations of the nineteenth century and the anxieties of a society that was being entirely restructured as industrialization and urbanization took hold across the globe. The anarchism of the Firebrand was a regional response to these same changes, an expression of radical discontent at the way in which life in Portland and the Pacific Northwest was rapidly changing. According to the Firebranders, the region had transformed from a place of economic opportunity and political freedom into a region driven by economic and political exploitation. Thus, the newspaper developed a uniquely western American perspective and expressed a formation of anarchist communism that was steeped in the history and culture of the United States. The newspaper was just as influenced by centuries of American libertarian activism as it was by outright anarchist philosophy. As a result, the newspaper frequently included articles about free love and women's rights, issues outside of the typical purview of anarchist communist political philosophy. This Americanized expression of anarchist communism allowed the newspaper to expand beyond the movement's core urban, immigrant audience and attract culturally American, English-speaking radicals to the cause.
In the Fall of 1897, after two years and eight months in publication, three of the Firebrand publishers were arrested for the crime of sending obscene materials through the mail. The Firebrand's frank discussions of sexuality, women's rights, and free love offended the local censor and gave law enforcement an excuse to prosecute Portland's anarchists. The ensuing trial would result in the newspaper's closure. Nonetheless, a new intellectual movement had been established, and though the movement would remain small, it would play a disproportionately large role in shaping radical American politics and culture for the next two decades.
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Crowder, G. "The idea of freedom in nineteenth-century anarchism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381857.
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Rossdale, Chris. "Anarchism, anti-militarism, and the politics of security." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57615/.
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This thesis seeks to conceptualise an anarchist response to the politics of security. Understanding security as a discourse of conceptual and political mastery, and as therefore resistant to incorporation within a framework of emancipation, it argues that anarchism offers theoretical and practical resources through which creative insurrections in the political-metaphysical fabric of security might be made. The thesis is built around an ethnography of UK-based anti-militarist activism, interpreting a variety of practices, tactics and strategies through a conception of anarchism which emphasises prefigurative direct action and a ceaseless resistance to relations and discourses of domination and hegemony. Three central interventions in the logics of security are identified. The first involves the subversion of the hegemonic ontology of agency which can be identified across both traditional and critical understandings of security; those anti-militarists under examination do not appeal to „the state‟ to redress their grievances and insecurities, preferring instead to „directly‟ engage in practices of security. The second intervention emphasises those forms of anti-militarism which can be seen to subvert the security/insecurity binaries themselves, and to open spaces and possibilities beyond the totalising frameworks which constitute our contemporary politics of security. The third examines those moments and movements where, as they subvert these binaries, anti-militarists prefigure forms of subjectivity which displace those forms of rationality and relationality which underpin the politics of security (and militarism). Together these three interventions destabilise the politics of security in ways which offer powerful opportunities for rethinking and resisting contemporary forms of political domination and violence. This also functions as an argument about the politics of resistance, which is conceptualised here not as a programmatic, strategic or confrontational posture, but a tactical, prefigurative and anarchic exploration of becoming otherwise.
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Jolliffe, Michael Douglas. "'Life lawlessly poetic' : Italy, anarchism and American modernism." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/42844.
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In a letter of 1908, William Carlos Williams accused Ezra Pound of preaching 'poetic anarchy'. Seeking clarification, Pound questioned whether by using this term Williams referred to a ‘life lawlessly poetic and poetically lawless mirrored in the verse' or to 'a lawlessness in the materia poetica and metrica'. This project addresses both elements of the dualism to which Pound refers. It is intended as both a biographically-rooted intellectual history and a semiological analysis of 'poetic anarchy' as it pertains to American literary modernism. Unlike previous works on the subject of anarchist modernism, however, it is set in a transatlantic context, using Italy as an intellectual staging post for investigating the long evolution of classical European anarchism, across the fields of politics, philosophy and economics, into enclaves of American modernist production. Significantly expanding on current scholarship, this project investigates a little-known trio of immigrant Italian anarchists in America: Arturo Giovannitti, Francesca Vinciguerra and Emanuel Carnevali. Through an analysis of poetry, experimental theatre, essays, speeches, economic writings, manifestos, magazines and archival documents, their contributions to modernism are theorised as a twinned labour of social action and revolutionary literary craft. Yet, this concept also shares a reciprocal arrangement with the economic activism that Pound took up in support of Italian fascism. In the case of all four writers, the historical influence of anarchism manifests as a struggle of labour and literature coupled together, pressing advocacy into the centre of their modernist aesthetics, while protest itself becomes staged as an aesthetic practice. This modernism is assessed here as a field of artisan activism indebted to a spectrum of nineteenth century anarchist theories.
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Kinna, Ruth. "Anarchist organization : Kropotkin's scientific theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:147104ec-2d1b-431c-b865-449f0da22fb6.
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This thesis approaches anarchist organisation in practical and revolutionary terms. Its theme is Kropotkin's conception of the relationship between the end of anarchy and the process of anarchist transformation. The thesis examines this relationship as a continuous theoretical development, questioning the existing interpretations of his thought which identify a revision of his ideas in his formulation of the theory of mutual aid. It finds that these interpretations of his work are mistaken and based on a misunderstanding of his use of Darwinian evolutionary theory. Rejecting the beliefs that Kropotkin's scientific anarchism is based either on a desire to prove the necessity of anarchy or to replace revolution with a process of gradual evolutionary reform, the thesis suggests that questions of strategy have a secondary importance in his work. Kropotkin's anarchism is directed toward securing moral behaviour by restructuring society. Rejecting the alleged discontinuity of his thought, the thesis acknowledges that there are differences between Kropotkin's early and late writings. In his early work, Kropotkin's understanding of anarchist organisation is based on a commitment to communism and on an expectation of revolution. In the theory of mutual aid Kropotkin subordinates communism to an ideal of community and resolves the problem of change by the force of his scientific ideology. But his conrmitment to anarchy is affirmed. Formulating the concept of mutual aid, the thesis finds that Kropotkin uses science as a theoretical incentive, promising practical and spiritual well-being, for the masses to hasten the realisation of the anarchist society. In conclusion the thesis reviews the existing interpretations of Kropotkin's commitment to Victorian positivism and suggests that his adherence to the standards of natural scientific research are compromised by the radicalism of his liberatory desires.
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Christoyannopoulos, Alexandre. "Theorising Christian Anarchism A Political Commentary on the Gospel." Thesis, University of Kent, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499822.
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Abstract This thesis argues that there is a tradition in political theology and in political theory that deserves to be called "Christian anarchism." The various thinkers that contribute to this tradition have never before been considered to be part of a theoretical movement or tradition, and the originality of this thesis is to weave these thinkers together and present a generic theory of Christian anarchism. . Taken together, thinkers like Tolstoy, Ellul, Elliott and Andrews put forward a comprehensive exegesis of Jesus' teaching and example as implying a critique of the state and a vision of a stateless society. Based on this understanding of the Gospel, they accuse both the state and the church of contradicting, betraying and corrupting the essence of Christianity. Some Christian anarchists - Eller in particular - even see Romans 13 and the "render unto Caesar" passage as not discrediting but indeed confirming their interpretation, and although more activist Christian anarchists sometimes disagree on the potential role of civil disobedience, they do all stress that what matters above all is obedience to God Moreover, they all call for the "true" church to lead the Christian anarchist revolution by example, despite the very demanding sacrifices which this involves. They point to numerous examples of similar witness ever since the early church, and themselves strive to emulate such examples in their own lives - the Catholic Worker movement being perhaps the most notable example in this regard Thus, Christian anarchist thinkers' critique of the current order and appeal to follow God's radical commandments echoes the voices of the prophets of old, calling society to return to God's covenant. By weaving their scattered voices together - by theorising Christian anarchism - this thesis provides a political commentary on the Gospel which contributes as much to political theory as it does to political theology.
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Windeknecht, Ryan Gabriel. "Rethinking political obligation: an associative response to philosophical anarchism." Thesis, Keele University, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528368.
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Rider, Nicholas Robert. "Anarchism, urbanization and social conflict in Barcelona, 1900 - 1932." Thesis, Lancaster University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316474.
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Gamblin, Graham John. "Russian populism and its relations with anarchism 1870-1881." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2000. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1401/.
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In both Soviet and Western historiography, Russian populism (narodnichestvo) has been studied more or less in isolation from the broader socialist movement in Europe. The aim of this thesis is to show that although it undoubtedly possessed characteristics peculiar to Russia, the populist movement should be understood as part of the Europe-wide revolutionary movement. To accomplish this, the thesis is structured around chapters discussing individuals who were involved in both the Russian revolutionary movement and the European anarchist movement, with which populism shared many ideas, ideologies tactics and internal disputes. These individuals are Mikhail Bakunin, Zemfirii Ralli and Petr Kropotkin. Around these chapters are studies of groups or movements connected with those individuals in Russia or Europe. Central themes include consistency, or the social groups which the revolutionaries hoped to address; organisational forms adopted by anarchists and populists; tactics to be used to rouse their constituencies to action and to organise and achieve revolution; relations of the revolutionaries to the masses; the differing concepts of political and social/economic revolution; and the rise of terrorism in both movements.
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Wilson, Matthew. "Rules without rulers : the possibilities and limits of anarchism." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10722.
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Freedom is a fundamental concept for anarchism; but what does that mean, exactly? What sort of freedom do anarchists seek, and how do they hope to realise this freedom? Starting with the premise that such questions, though vital to the anarchist project, have mostly been ignored, this thesis argues that the basic libertarian impulse of anarchism is in need of a critical analysis. Such an analysis, however, highlights a number of problems with the anarchist demand for a world without domination, so anarchist understandings of ethics, and of power, are explored in search for answers. However, anarchist approaches to ethics and power prove to be equally problematic, and serious doubts are raised about the potential for anarchism to provide a world where freedom is absolute, and, conversely, where all forms of coercion are rejected. One possible response to this is to be found in the contemporary support for consensus-decision making, which many anarchists argue has the potential to resolve conflict; however, it is argued that far from offering a response to the concerns raised in previous chapters, the possibilities of consensus must be seen to be greatly reduced, once such concerns are properly taken into account. Unable to live up to its libertarian promises, anarchism may appear to have reached a dead-end. However, the thesis concludes by arguing that anarchism s prefigurative approach to politics, as well as its sustained critique of hierarchy, offer both radical and realisable possibilities for creating a world of much greater equality and freedom even if such freedom can never be absolute. In accepting the limits of anarchism, its possibilities can be seen more clearly.
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Crossan, John. "Social centres, anarchism and the struggle for Glasgow's Commons." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2015. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/6655/.
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This thesis charts the work of a group of people in their efforts to set up a social centre in Glasgow. A social centre is like our once prolific community centre but with an explicit political character and agenda. They are social and cultural hubs where people can take part in a variety of communal events (e.g. dancing, cooking, eating, game play or simply hanging around). They are also places that encourage political debate, organization and action. Crucially, users are encouraged to participate in the day-to-day running of the centres. Social centres have a rich history in European radical politics. While proponents of various political philosophies use social centres, they are most commonly associated with anarchism. Anarchism is a tradition of political thought and practice that aims to build a society based on mutual aid and mass democratic participation characterised by a rejection of all forms of human domination over other humans. In this work I explore a variety of political and cultural initiatives employed by anarchist-influenced activists in Glasgow as they struggle against the neoliberalization of the city. It is the intention of this thesis to highlight the totalizing impositions of neoliberal urban governance and anarchist-inspired alternatives to these impositions, which I argue, constitute a different way of knowing and engaging with the city. These alternatives are prefigured in the doing of social centre work.
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Nguema, Akwe Olivier. "Pour une anthropologie anarchiste des techniques du corps dans la sorcellerie sportive : le Mesing chez les Fang du Gabon." Thesis, Saint-Etienne, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013STET2178.
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Cette thèse porte sur une analyse diachronique du rapport entre l'anarchisme, les techniques du corps sorcellerie dans la pratique du Mesing et arts martiaux au Gabon. Cette étude porte exclusivement sur le groupe ethno linguistique fang du Gabon. Le but de ce travail est de démontrer le lien existant entre ses deux domaines d'étude. en effet, quels rapports les sports de combat et la sorcellerie des fangs du Gabon pourraient ils bien entretenir avec un projet politique né en Europe, au lendemain des lumières et au moment où cette même Europe se préparait, au nom des lumières justement (du progrès et de la raison), à imposer à l'ensemble de l'Afrique la morgue et la bassesse mercantile de sa domination. l'anarchisme est apparu au XIXe siècle, en Europe. et on perçoit mieux, avec le temps, en quoi, de par son lieu, son époque et sa nature, il a constitué, à l'échelle de l'ensemble des expérimentations humaines, une alternative radicale au monde où il naissait, l'affirmation et l'espérance d'une altérité à la fois intérieure et extérieure, dans les coursives de l'Europe et des amériques comme dans l'intensité des résistances à l'impérialisme et aux dominations des entreprises coloniales. ce travail s'efforce à montrer comment les fangs du Gabon et d'ailleurs, aux côtés de beaucoup d'autres et de multiple façon, mobilisaient tous leurs savoirs magiques et guerriers sous forme anarchique pour résister à la domination colonialeThis thesis focuses on a diachronic analysis of the relationship between anarchism, the techniques of body witchcraft in the practice of the Mesing and martial arts in Gabon. This study focuses exclusively on the fang ethno linguistic group of Gabon. The aim of this work is to demonstrate the link between his fields of study.Indeed, what combat sports reports and witchcraft of the Fang of Gabon could they keep with a political project born in Europe, in the wake of the enlightenment and the moment where this same Europe preparing,on behalf of the lights just (progress and reason), to impose on the whole of Africa the morgue and the mercantile baseness of his domination. Anarchism emerged in the 19th century in Europe. And there is better, over time, what, from his place, his time and his nature, he was across all the human experiments, a radical alternative to the world where he was born, the affirmation and the hope of an otherness, both indoor andoutdoor, in the corridors of Europe and the Americas as in the intensity of resistance to imperialism and domination of colonial enterprises. This work strives to show how the Fang of Gabon and elsewhere, along with many others and multiple way, mobilized all their knowledge magic and warriors in anarchic form to resist colonial rule
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Vasileva, Elizabeth N. "Immanence and anarchist ethics." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2018. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/36210.
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their rejection of classical anarchism, various postanarchist thinkers adopt a position of epistemological critique and reduce their metaphysics to a minimal conception of the self and broad, common knowledge statements about politics. Morality in the form of coercive rules or obedience to norms is rejected, whilst ethics in the form of guidelines or suggestions is taken to be desirable, and even necessary, for anarchist politics. The main argument of the thesis takes up the postanarchist critique of morality, taking seriously the concerns that essentialism, universals and representation are contestable and open to fallibility, and suggests that a further contradiction exists between anarchist principles and transcendent ethical systems. As long as postanarchist metaphysics appeal to transcendence, there is a possibility for anarchist ethics to become coercive. This work s original contribution to knowledge is the introduction of immanent metaphysics as a foundation for anarchist ethics. This is done primarily through the philosophy of Gilles Deleuze and his critique of transcendence. The argument begins by outlining Deleuze s metaphysics of difference which are to underpin the rest of the discussion on anarchist ethics. Following this, the thesis draws on the work of Deleuze and Guattari and others to explore the political and active aspects of immanent ethics. The final part sketches anarchist ethics in immanent modes of existence.
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Eltis, Sarah. "Anarchism, feminism and socialism in the plays of Oscar Wilde." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241287.
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Rothman, Hayyim. "Reason's Rebellion, or Anarchism Out of the Sources of Spinozism:." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107277.
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Thesis advisor: Jean Luc SolèreIn my dissertation, I aim (1) to render, from Spinoza’s philosophical system, a critique of the State form or, more broadly, of political coercion and (2) to supply, on the basis of the same, a positive account of the alternative. It is, in essence, my goal to derive anarchism out of the sources of Spinozism. My claim is that, in Spinoza’s work, there obtains a tension between force and freedom as models for political organization. While other interpreters have tended to synthesize these opposing tendencies in one manner or another, I endeavor to highlight their incompatibility and to show that, for Spinoza, they produce two distinct forms of political life. One, the passive foundation of political union, which grounds the State. Two, the active foundation of political union, which grounds the rational community. Having identified this theoretical breach, I proceed to examine the affective structure of each foundation as conceived by Spinoza. I find an inescapable contradiction in the first, which — contrary to the best intentions of the founders of State — tends not only to maintain citizens in a condition of perpetual minority, but progressively erodes their capacity for autonomy, thus inviting a parallel and equally progressive enhancement of coercive intervention. This result implies the moral necessity of revolution, the spinozian contours of which I examine in detail. In the second, which I consider in both affective and ontological terms, I discover the opposite movement. That is, a progressive escalation of reason together with its affective modalities that enhances the human capacity for political and social harmony, rendering political coercion obsolete
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Knowles, Rob. "Communitarian anarchism 1840-1914 : a neglected tradition in economic thought /." [St. Lucia, Qld.], 2002. http://www.library.uq.edu.au/pdfserve.php?image=thesisabs/absthe16855.pdf.
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Gabriel, Elun Tiercel. "Anarchism and the political culture of imperial Germany, 1870-1914 /." For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2003. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
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Turkeli, Sureyya. "What is anarchism? : a reflection on the canon and the constructive potential of its destruction." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10266.
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Contemporary debates in anarchism, particularly the conceptual debates sparked by the development of post-anarchism and those surrounding the emergence of the anti-globalization movement, have brought an old question back to the table: what is anarchism? This study analyzes the canonical representations of anarchism as a political movement and political philosophy in order to reflect on the ways in which that critical question, 'what is anarchism?' has been answered in mainstream literature. It examines the way that the story of anarchism has been told and through a critical review, it discusses an alternative approach. For this purpose, two seminal canon-building texts, Paul Eltzbacher's The Great Anarchists, and George Woodcock's Anarchism have been identified and their influence is discussed, together with the representations of anarchism in textbooks describing political ideologies. The analysis shows how assumptions, biases, and hidden ideological perspectives have been normalized and how they have created an official history of a political movement. In challenging the official account, this study highlights the exclusions and omissions (third world anarchists, women anarchists, queer anarchism and artistic anarchism) that have resulted in the making of the core. The question of how to tell the story of anarchist past carries us to the shores of postmodern history where theoreticians have been discussing the relationship between past and history and the politics of representation. The anarchism offered in this study demands an engagement with a network-like structure of information rather than a linear, axial structure. Consequently, this study aims to show several layers of problems in the existing dominant historical representation of one of the richest political ideologies, anarchism; and then to discuss ways of representing the past and especially the anarchist past, to seek an answer to a principal question: what is anarchism?
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Simões, Gustavo Ferreira. "O desconcerto anarquista de John Cage." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20153.
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Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq
In 1988, John Cage invented Anarchy, an experimental-writing book in which he praised the lives of anarchist women and men who had influence his anarchist ethicalaesthetical trajectory from mid-1940s to the 1990s. This influence was explicit until the last of his works, entitled “number pieces” (1987-1990), in which he presented what he called the “anarchical harmony”. During the 1940s, John Cage, by then an already famous artist after his “prepared piano”, started experiencing anarchism as a life practice in contact with artists and militants in the Black Mountain College and with The Living Theatre troupe in New York. In 1952, his piece 4’33” appeared as an anarchist-oriented direct action against the musical representations of sounds and in favour of the incorporation of noises excluded from the concert rooms. The following decades, living alongside artists and anarchists in the country side location of Stonypoint, Cage started publishing ‘how to improve the world (you only make matters worse), a diary kept from 1965 to 1982 in which he engaged with Henry David Thoreau’s writings, and antimilitary and ecological concerns. Although absent of almost all biographies and studies on Cage’s work, the artist experimented the anarchism in a fashion Edson Passetti calls “pathway heterotopies”. Beyond the book Anarchy and other explicit antiauthoritarian works, Cage lively experienced anarchy in the singular way he faced his existence, making out of the everyday life an invention in which he affirmed an otherwise path. According to Foucault, the cynical philosophers valued that notion to distinguish their scandalous lives from the other ones that reify regular values and conventions. This dissertation followed this path by establishing the reverberations between John Cage and the contemporary anarchist attitudes
Em 1988, John Cage inventou Anarchy, livro em que, a partir de escritos experimentais, valorizou as vidas de mulheres e homens anarquistas que marcaram seu percurso ético-estético libertário desde meados dos anos 1940 até a década de 1990, quando em seus últimos trabalhos, “number pieces” (1987-1992), apresentou o que denominou “harmonia anárquica”. Foi a partir da coexistência com artistas e militantes na Black Mountain College, no final da década de 1940, assim como em Nova York com o The Living Theatre (TLT), que o artista já conhecido por seu corajoso “piano preparado” passou a elaborar o anarquismo como prática de vida. “4’33” (1952), ação direta contra a representação musical dos sons e em favor da incorporação dos ruídos excluídos pelas salas de concerto, irrompeu empolgada por essa aproximação libertária. Nas décadas seguintes, vivendo ao lado de artistas e anarquistas, afastado da cidade, em Stonypoint, iniciou a publicação de how to improve the world (you only make matters worse) (1965-1982), diário mantido por mais de quinze anos e no qual apresentou a lida com os escritos de Henry David Thoreau, preocupações antimilitares e ecológicas. Apesar de quase ausente das biografias e estudos sobre o trabalho do artista, John Cage experimentou o anarquismo como o que Edson Passetti definiu heterotopias de percurso. Assim, para além de Anarchy e de obras nitidamente antiautoritárias, o artista realizou a anarquia na maneira própria de levar adiante a existência, fazendo da vida também uma invenção, afirmando um caminho outro, noção valorizada pelos filósofos cínicos, segundo Michel Foucault, para diferenciar o traço de vidas escandalosas daquelas que reiteram convenções e valores usuais. Foi este o caminho que esta tese acompanhou, estabelecendo reverberações de John Cage em atitudes anarquistas contemporâneas
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PINTO, IVAN LUIZ GONCALVES. "THE PROGRESS OF SCIENCE AND KARL PAUL FEYERABEND S EPISTEMOLOGICAL ANARCHISM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2007. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=9607@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROEsta dissertação apresenta um panorama da epistemologia contemporânea e mostra as idéias do filósofo Karl Paul Feyerabend em relação ao progresso da ciência. O nosso texto procura responder, principalmente, à seguinte questão: como um filósofo que vê a ciência como um empreendimento anárquico e sem fundamento pensa sobre o progresso científico? Para isso fazemos uma reconstrução histórica do ambiente cultural com o qual Feyerabend esteve envolvido e da sua carreira filosófica. Esta reconstrução procura mostrar as condições que produziram o Círculo de Viena que, por sua vez, influenciou muitos pensadores preocupados com as questões da ciência e seu progresso, como Popper, Kuhn, Lakatos e Laudan. Estes filósofos terão suas epistemologias brevemente analisadas, pois foram importantes na formação do pensamento feyerabendiano. Concluímos com uma defesa do anarquismo epistemológico, pois consideramos que a questão do progresso da ciência em Feyerabend deve ser entendida a partir das bases desta doutrina.
This dissertation gives a panorama of contemporary epistemology and present philosopher Karl Paul Feyerabend s ideas on the progress of science. We attempt to address mainly the following topic: what are the thoughts of a philosopher on scientific progress who sees science as an enterprise of anarchy and without a foundation? In our attempt at providing an answer, we make a historical reconstruction of the cultural atmosphere in which Feyerabend was involved and of his philosophical career. This reconstruction shows the conditions that produced the Vienna Circle, which influenced many thinkers at the time who were concerned with the subjects of science and progress, like Popper, Kuhn, Lakatos and Laudan. These philosophers will have their epistemologies briefly analyzed since they were important in the formation of Feyerabendian thought. We conclude with a defense of epistemological anarchism as we contend that the subject of science s progress in Feyerabend should be understood from the bases of this doctrine.
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Featherston, Daniel Rex. "Radical Law: Anarchism & Myth in the Poetry of Robert Duncan." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195774.
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Radical Law: Anarchism & Myth in the Poetry of Robert Duncan investigates the relationship between religious and political radicalism in the poetry and poetics of San Francisco Renaissance poet Robert Duncan (1919-1988). I argue that Duncan draws on a nexus of religious and political "heresies" (e.g., Gnosticism, anarchism) to create a complex ethical vision of individual freedom and communal interdependence, what the poet called a "symposium of the whole." As my argument demonstrates, Robert Duncan's mytho-anarchism serves as a critique of twentieth-century political ideology, as well as the cultural politics of such precursors and contemporaries as Walt Whitman, Ezra Pound, Charles Olson, and Denise Levertov.
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Scott, Mary A. "18th Century Anarchism and Its Effect on Modern Day Domestic Terrorism." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/239.
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Anarchism is a political and socioeconomic force that has driven violent methods of social and political change for centuries. Relating Anarchism to these violent acts demonstrates a deep-seeded link to terrorism. Anarchism is one of the main forces behind modern day terrorism due to its long history alongside the ever evolving term terrorism. By connecting these two concepts, domestic terror groups can be better analyzed and understood, and future attacks from within the United States may be prevented.
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Braga, Francisco Victor Pereira. "Pedro Augusto Motta: MilitÃncia LibertÃria e Verbo de Fogo." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2013. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=11087.
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CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel SuperiorO presente estudoÂse debruÃaÂsobre a trajetÃria militante do anarquista Pedro Augusto Motta, cuja vidaÂÃ marcada por significativa atuaÃÃo sociopolÃtica no Brasil das primeiras dÃcadas do sÃculo XX. Ao estudar as dimensÃes de sua vida militante, discute-se, de forma articulada, o movimento operÃrio, o anarquismo e a militÃncia libertÃria, particularmente nas cidades de Fortaleza e SÃo Paulo. Analisando a trajetÃria do personagem em diÃlogo com as experiÃncias militantes de seu tempo, no Ãmbito das prÃticas e sociabilidades anarquistas, em um perÃodo compreendido entre o ano de 1894 e 1927, o trabalho discute a circulaÃÃo das ideias novas, situando o tipÃgrafo Pedro Augusto Motta em relaÃÃo a uma geraÃÃo de jovens militantes e trabalhadores de ofÃcios vÃrios, em Fortaleza, bem como, sua adesÃo ao sindicalismo de resistÃncia, a escrita militante na imprensa libertÃria e a propaganda do anarquismo e do sindicalismo revolucionÃrio. Em destaque,Âa militÃncia do libertÃrio cearense em SÃo Paulo, onde se torna membro do grupo editor dâA Plebe e do Centro LibertÃrio Terra Livre. O estudo aborda tambÃm, no contexto de intensa repressÃo dos inÃcios dos anos 1920, a prisÃo e o desterro de Pedro Augusto Motta no campo de concentraÃÃo da ClevelÃndia do Norte, no Oiapoque.
The present research covers the militant trajectory of the anarchist Pedro Augusto Motta, whose life is marked by significant sociopolitical acting in Brazil during the first decades of the 20th century. On studying the dimensions of his militant life, it is discussed the labor movement, the anarchism and its militancy articulately, particularly in the cities Fortaleza and SÃo Paulo. Analyzing the trajectory of such a character and his dialogue with the militant experiences in his time, within the ambit of the anarchist practices and sociabilities over a span between 1894 and 1927, this work discusses the circulation of new ideas which situated the typographer Pedro Augusto Motta in relation to a generation of young militant and workers of various crafts, in Fortaleza, as well as his adherence to resistance syndicalism, militant writing on anarchist press and anarchist and revolutionary syndicalism propaganda. It also highlights his militancy in SÃo Paulo, where he became member of Centro LibertÃrio Terra Livre and part of the editor group of A Plebe newspaper. Considering the context of intense repression in the early twenties, the study also deals with the prison and deportation of Pedro Augusto Motta to a concentration camp in ClevelÃndia do Norte, Oyapoque, Amazon forest.
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McPherson, Deanne B. "A contrasting look at network formation models and their application to the minimum spanning tree." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Sep/09Sep%5FMcPherson.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Operations Research)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Alderson, David L. "September 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on November 5, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Network formation, graph generation, minimum spanning tree, price of anarchy. Includes bibliographical references (p. 43-45). Also available in print.
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Henderson, Ariel. "Symbols of resistance a study of anarchist space and identity in Philadelphia /." Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2004. http://thesis.haverford.edu/95/01/2004HendersonA.pdf.
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Wilson, Adrian Wolford Wendy. "Decentering anarchism governmentality and anti-authoritarian social movements in twentieth-century Spain /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1661.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Geography." Discipline: Geography; Department/School: Geography.
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Birrell, Ross John. "The theatre of destruction : anarchism, nihilism & the avant-garde, 1909-1945." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2002. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2912/.
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This thesis argues that theatricalization is an appropriate paradigm to employ in a political reassessment of the historical avant-garde moments of Futurism, Dada and Surrealism. Through an analysis of the performativity and theatricality of the manifestos and manifestations of these successive avant-garde, it is suggested that each avant-garde moment self-dramatizes a destructive character. An argument is then developed that the destructive character of the avant-garde demonstrates and displays a libertarian-barbarian dialectic which emerges from within the discourses of anarchism and nihilism, in particular from Michael Bakunin’s maxim: ‘the passion for destruction is a creative passion, too’. The destructive character of the avant-garde is manifest most clearly in the manifestos which announce and perform a desire for the destruction of the institution of art and the re-integration of art and life, as advanced by Peter Bürger. Identifying a parallel between the discourses of theatricalization and aestheticization in Symbolist drama, I argue that the paradigm of theatricalization necessitates a critical re-assessment of the polarity which Walter Benjamin advances, between the aestheticization of politics and the politicization of art. Further, it is suggested, we must also re-examine the polarity which Bürger asserts between Aestheticism and the avant-garde with respect to the question of autonomy in art. Thus, from Bakunin’s initial breakdown of the opposition between destruction/creation we embark upon a re-examination of the polarity between key terms of the avant-garde: libertarian/barbarian; incarnation/integration; aestheticization/politicization; theatricality/performativity. The theatricalization of avant-garde manifesto is then articulated in the context of Habermas’ study of the structural transformation of the public sphere from feudalism (theatricalization) to capitalism (literalization).
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GONCALVES, VIRGINIA MARIA FONTES. "FROM CRITICAL RATIONALISM TO PLURALISTIC ANARCHISM: A BREAKAWAY IN PAUL FEYERABENDS PHILOSOPHY." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2004. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=5407@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORPaul Karl Feyerabend é geralmente conhecido como o filósofo da ciência contrário à idéia de um método científico único, à racionalidade e à ciência enquanto conhecimento privilegiado. Defendendo o anarquismo epistemológico, Feyerabend afirmou que, em se tratando de regras metodológicas para a ciência, a única regra possível é tudo vale. Por entendermos que essa imagem é excessivamente simplificadora da epistemologia proposta por Feyerabend, pretendemos mostrar que este filósofo foi muito mais um ardoroso crítico da uniformidade e defensor da diversidade quanto às formas de conhecimento e visões de mundo, do que um opositor da ciência per se. Sob esse enfoque, a obra feyerabendiana ocupa uma posição diferenciada no debate sobre a racionalidade ou não da ciência, uma vez que sua abordagem vai além das propostas irracionalistas relativistas que afirmam a influência de fatores não racionais no desenvolvimento do conhecimento dito científico. Nesta pesquisa, daremos ênfase às teses feyerabendianas que trazem um alerta quanto à falta de crítica aos cânones científicos - Objetividade, Razão e Verdade - enquanto legitimadores da primazia da ciência sobre outras formas de conhecimento. Além disso, iremos discutir as conseqüências indesejáveis que a ausência dessa crítica traz, não apenas no âmbito da filosofia da ciência como também ao desenvolvimento desse conhecimento e, principalmente, à realização da individualidade, da liberdade e das potencialidades humanas.
Paul Karl Feyerabend is generally known as the philosopher of science against the idea of a unique scientific method, rationality and the view that science is a privileged form of knowledge. He proposed and defended epistemological anarchism and argued that, regarding scientific methodological rules, the only possible rule is anything goes. Since we consider this general image a simplification of Feyerabend´s epistemology, we intend to show that this philosopher was much more a critic of uniformity and a defender of diversity, when it comes to different forms of knowledge and worldviews, than an opponent of science per se. From this point of view, Feyerabend´s writings occupy a special standing in the rationality of science debate, since his approach goes beyond the irrationalist relativist positions that state the influence of irrational factors in the development of so called scientific knowledge. In this research, we shall emphasize those feyerabendian arguments that constitute an alert towards the lack of a critical attitude regarding scientific standards - Objectivity, Reason and Truth - as providers of a legitimate privilege of science in relation to other forms of knowledge. In addition, we shall also discuss the undesirable consequences of this lack of criticism not only within the philosophy of science but also for the development of scientific knowledge itself and, over all, for the accomplishment of individuality, of liberty and of the human potential.
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Pook, Robert. "Why Rawlsian Liberalism has Failed and How Proudhonian Anarchism is the Solution." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1304018146.
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Filler, Stephen. "Chaos from order anarchy and anarchism in modern Japanese fiction, 1900-1930 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5num=osu1087570452.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 230 p. Advisor: Richard Torrance, Department of East Asian Languages and Literatures. Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-230).
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Sota, Yuji. "Independence and interdependence in John Cage's adoption of Zen Buddhism and anarchism." Thesis, State University of New York at Buffalo, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3726001.
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The composer John Cage adopted Indian aesthetics, Zen philosophy, and anarchism to underpin his music and aesthetic. Although his interest in each ideology has been studied, the reason why he incorporated ones from disparate values remains unclear. Considering the trajectory of his intense quest for the theories that reinforced his music and aesthetic, elucidating the commonalities and differences among Indian aesthetics, Zen philosophy, and anarchism should reveal what he ultimately pursued. This dissertation explores comparative analyses of his interests in order to detect the notion of the coexistence of independence and interdependence.
Cage drew on Indian aesthetics first to dispel his doubt about his attitude relying on self-expression. The aesthetics denied expression of individual emotion, centering on the interdependence between a divine realm as an artistic source and art as its manifestation. Because Indian aesthetics contains no independent aspects, he turned to other philosophies. He next turned his attention to Zen. This philosophy is interested in discovering the independent, innate self not disturbed by delusion caused by self-centered thinking. That is, Zen believes that the purified self is directly connected with the world. The Zen tenet associates the interdependent nature with its teachings of salvation of others.
Under the tumultuous social circumstances in the 1960s, Cage was fascinated by anarchism. Buckminster Fuller advocated the world in which people could achieve comfortable life, not by national politics, but by the redistribution of wealth allowed by the improvement of technology. Such a society, he believed, could realize global welfare with its improved technology. Henry Thoreau’s social theory has been regarded as an alternative to Fuller’s. However, Thoreau’s orientation toward connections with others and the notion of welfare was very limited in comparison with his special emphasis on the independent self. It was with Emma Goldman’s anarchism that Cage eventually found the coexistence of individual freedom and supportive environment that allowed welfare for all human beings.
Cage engaged with these theories in order to discover independence and interdependence within his aesthetic. The pursuit centered on the concept of the self; more specifically a pure self that accepted the universe as it was and is. His exploration of the literature can be referred to, then, as the journey to self-identity. My dissertation is based on a close reading of primary sources, including the treatises by Indian aesthetician Ananda Coomaraswamy, Zen master Huang-Po, Zen scholar Daisetz Teitaro Suzuki, Fuller, Thoreau, and Goldman as well as Cage’s writings and interviews. Scholarship of religious studies and political theory, in addition to musicology, supports the interpretation of their various sources.
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Pfenninger, Christian. "Capillaries of force : constituent power, porous sovereignty, and the ethics of anarchism." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2017. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9zy29/capillaries-of-force-constituent-power-porous-sovereignty-and-the-ethics-of-anarchism.
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Despite the omnipresence of anarchy in IR, anarchist political thought is only partly mobilized by the discipline. IR has been paying a great deal of attention to anarchy, but it failed so far to consistently incorporate anarchism into its conceptual repertoire. Conversely, anarchist theorists have demonstrated only a limited interest in joining debates about international politics. This researchproject addresses the incomplete and partial mobilization of anarchist political philosophy in IR, and offers a more holistic approach to the discipline’s grand themes. Towards this particular end the thesis deploys a series of key-concepts central to classical anarchist thought, and inserts them into the context of contemporary IR-theory. The research departs from the hypothesis that an engagement of anarchism with IR must run through a mobilization of constituent power. Anarchist political theory is somewhat neglected by the discipline of IR. Yet, apart from the evident lack of anarchism in IR there exists another gap in the literature, namely the inconsistent application of constituent power to the study of global politics. While the thesis focuses chiefly on the anarchist contribution to IR-theory, it also argues that this double-lacuna must be addressed jointly. The project hence offers a critical narration of IR key-concepts along the lines of philosophical anarchism - a reading which is supported by the deployment of constituent power. Within this context the centrality of power to the study of IR is discussed, and the discipline’s underlying methodological assumptions are systematically evaluated. The project furthermore assesses anarchist philosophy against the backdrop of constituent force, and establishes a firm connection between the two traditions of political thought. The conceptual implications of an amalgamation of constituent power and anarchist political theory are eventually explored by means of an engagement with a series of IR’s grand themes, most notably ontology, sovereignty, agency, spatiality, and global ethics.
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Pates, Rebecca. "The limits of authority and property, or, How not to argue for anarchism /." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=67520.
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Anarchist theory assumes that non-hierarchically organised societies both possible and desirable. To show the former requires (1) empirical evidence and (2) a discussion of the theoretical preconditions of cooperation. To show the latter, it is necessary to show that the faults found with the state can be remedied within non-hierarchically ordered societies. One obvious condition for a successful anarchist theory is that the solutions to these separate tasks are mutually consistent. It is the aim of this thesis to show that the theories of Robert Paul Wolff and Robert Nozick are found wanting in this respect. Both their theories of agency rule out the possibility of non-coercive and stable cooperation, which is a necessary precondition for an anarchist society. I conclude with a brief discussion of Michael Taylor's communitarian proposal and defend it against the liberal.
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Duckett, Michael Robert. "Ecological direct action and the nature of anarchism : explorations from 1992 to 2005." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/237.
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In this thesis I study the radical environmental movement, of which I am part, by combining the analysis of texts and the textual record of discussions with my own extensive participant observation. More specifically, I look at the direct action undertaken by radical eco-activists and examine the relationship between this and the anarchist tradition. My research demonstrates, first, that anarchism is alive and well, albeit in a somewhat modified form from the `classical anarchism' of the 19th and early 20th centuries. In researching today's direct activists, therefore, I have also been examining the nature of anarchism itself. I show that anarchism is to be found most strongly in the dialogue that takes place between activists on the ground, engaged in practical struggles. It is from here, in the strategic debates, self-produced pamphlets, and open-ended discussions of radical environmentalists focussed on practical and immediate issues, that I draw much of my data and ideas. In pursuing this project, I present an understanding of anarchism as a pluralistic and dynamic discourse in which there is no single, correct line on each issue. Instead, the vigour of anarchism is revealed through the dissent and reflexive debate of its practitioners. This understanding of anarchism, while contrary to a static project of ideological mapping or comprehensive summary of a tradition, may be in keeping with both contemporary theory, and also the anarchist tradition itself. To pursue this understanding of anarchism, I elaborate an `anarchist methodology of research' which is both collective and subjective, ethically-bounded and reflexive. This draws on the experience of politically engaged researchers who have sought to draw lines of consistency between their ideals and the practice of research. The various forms of ecological direct action manifested in the UK between 1992 and 2005 provide the main source material for this thesis. I survey the practice and proclamations of anti-roads protesters, Earth First!, GM crop-trashers, peat saboteurs, Reclaim the Streets and others, particularly my own local group, `Tyneside Action for People and Planet'. Also considered are the explicitly anarchist organisations of the UK, and the direct action wings of related social movements. Comparison with these non-ecological movements serves to highlight influences, alternatives and criticisms across the cultures of anarchistic direct action, and contributes to the overall diversity of the anarchism studied.
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Purkiss, Richard. "Anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism in the city and province of Valencia, 1918-1936." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.543991.
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Quinn, Adam. "The Long Red Scare: Anarchism, Antiradicalism, and Ideological Exclusion in the Progressive Era." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2016. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/582.
Full textAbstract:
From 1919 to 1920 the United States carried out a massive campaign against radicals, arresting and deporting thousands of radical immigrants in a matter of months, raiding and shutting down anarchist printing shops, and preventing anarchists from sending both periodicals and personal communications through the mail. This period is widely known as the First Red Scare, and is framed as a reaction to recent anarchist terrorism, syndicalist unionizing, and the Bolshevik Revolution. Though the 1919-20 First Red Scare was certainly unprecedented in its scope, it was made possible through a longer campaign against radicals, throughout which the US government constructed legal, ideological, and institutional apparatuses to combat radicalism and terrorism. This project explores the longer conflict between the US government and anarchists, focusing on the period between 1900 and 1920. It argues that the government sought to suppress radicalism not just due to anarchist terrorism or class antagonism, but also due to a broader ideology of antiradicalism that framed anarchist counterculture and connected ideas like free love and internationalism as a threat to the nation-state and to traditional American values. In trying to suppress radical counterculture years before the First Red Scare, the US government built its capacity for federal policing. And, by tying the battle against anarchist terrorism to a broader project of suppressing any idea considered to be radical or nontraditional, the US government controlled the kinds of ideas and people allowed within American borders through force, demarcating political limits to American nationality and citizenship.